Columbia  (BnitJer^itj) 

THE  LIBRARIES 


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pmimmmir^  ..if  us.»  wswm  mAYm . 


mir  [F3®!Bmr   V/o  L]KE©1S]. 


7RTR  A'TP  TI.TRTR  eiR  e  A^'T^. 


^/'i^&j'/i^  3z/  /^^AVai^z^y^zi/y/ . 


L I V  E  S 

OF    THE 

PRESIDENTS  OF  THE  UNITED  STATIC 

WITH 

lU  0  G  11 A  r  H  I  C  A  L    NO T  I  C  E  S 

OF    THE 

SIGNERS  OF  THE  DEC:LAUATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE ; 

I   SKETCHES    OF    THE 

M8ST   REMAl!lvA]!l.E   KVB'TS   IN   THE   HISTORY   OF   THE   COUNTRY. 


Po;-jidc;al'3  Huiise,  ;u  Washin 


TO   WHICH   ARE    ADDED 


THE     DECLARATION      OF      INDEPENllENCE     AN]P>     C  ONSa^.lTUTION 
OF    THE    UNITED    STATES, 


BY    ROBERT     W.     LINCOLN. 


EMBELLISBSn  WITH 

A  PORTRAIT   OF   EACH   OF   TEE   PRESIBE.NTS, 

AND 

FORTV-FIVE.   ENGRAVLjNGS. 


BRATTLEBORO',    VT.: 

PUBLISHED    BY    G.    H.    SAHSBUI^Y. 

ia52. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1851,  hy 

G.    11.    SALISBURY, 

In  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  for  the  District  of  Vermont. 


21/\PK34O0VUO 


PREFACE. 


In  writing  the  Lives  of  the  Presidents  of  the  United  States,  it 
has  been  difficult  to  preserve  the  strict  impartiahty  w^hich  the 
nature  of  the  work  requires,  and  avoid  running  either  into  eulogy 
or  abuse.  The  circumstances  of  their  administration  are  so  recent, 
that  one  who  has  lived  through  the  greater  portion  of  them,  and 
entered  into  all  the  excited  feelings  of  party  strife,  can  hardly  be 
supposed  capable  of  divesting  himself  of  prejudices  and  passions, 
however  much  he  may  desire  to  be  an  honest  chronicler  of  the 
times.  We  can  only  say,  that  it  has  been  our  sincere  aim  and 
endeavor  to  see  near  events  with  the  eye  of  a  distant  spectator, 
and  to  anticipate  the  dispassionate  judgment  which  posterity  will 
pass  upon  the  great  men  who  have  administered  our  Government. 
The  affairs  of  the  last  twenty  years  are  hardly  yet  ripe  for  the 
biographer,  and  the  materials  for  their  history  are  scattered  in 
various  directions,  and  to  be  drawn  from  many  different  sources. 
That  all  those  sources  should  be  pure,  is  more  than  can  be  expect- 
ed ;  but  we  have  uniformly  endeavored  to  resort  only  to  those 
least  exposed  to  suspicion. 

For  the  materials  of  our  work,  we  owe  much  obligation  to  many 
distinguished  writers.  To  the  Lives  of  the  Signers  of  the  Declara- 
tion of  Independence,  by  a  gentleman  who  has  done  a  great  deal 
for  the  illustration  of  American  history,  we  have  been  much 
indebted  in  the  course  of  the  volume,  and  particularly  in  our 
summary  of  their  biographies.  To  the  eloquent  eulogist  of  Mr. 
Monroe,  to  Marshall,  Bancroft,  Ramsay,  Thacher,  Tudor,  Wirt, 
Lee,  Jefferson,  Irving,  Knapp,  the  author  of  a  Biographical  Sketch 
of  J.  Q.  Adams,  Goodrich,  Hinton,  the  editor  of  American  Anec- 
dotes, the  author  of  the  History  of  the  United  States,  published 


iv  PREFACE. 

in  Lardner's  Cyclopaedia,  to  Eaton,  Goodwin,  the  editors  of  the  Annuai 
Kegister  and  North  American  Keview,  and  many  others,  of  whose  labors 
we  have  had  occasion  to  avail  ourselves,  we  take  this  opportunity  of  notic- 
ing our  repeated  obligations.  It  is  idle,  in  a  work  of  this  description,  to 
pretend  to  originality,  and  unfair  not  to  acknowledge  the  sources  to  which 
we  have  been  indebted. 

We  hope  that  our  readers  will  find  in  this  work  all  that  has  been  prom- 
ised, and  indeed  more.  Of  its  imperfections,  no  one  can  be  more  aware 
than  ourself ;  but  of  its  impartiality  and  honesty  we  believe  that  no  one 
will  have  reason  to  doubt. 

R.  W.  LINCOLN. 

New- York,  July  20,  1S33. 


|^°  The  Publisher  deems  it  proper  to  state  that  the  sketches  of  Presi- 
dents Harrison,  Tyler,  Polk,  Taylor,  and  Fillmore  have  been  prepared  by 
other  hands,  and  verified  expressly  for  this  edition  by  a  careful  recourse  to 
the  best  authorities.  Several  errors,  which  escaped  notice  in  former  edi- 
tions, have  been  corrected,  the  descriptions  of  the  chief  cities  have  been 
entirely  rewritten,  much  new  matter  has  been  added  to  the  "  General 
View,"  and  the  whole  book  has  been  faithfully  "  posted  up "  to  the 
present  date. 

The  work  is  now  confidently  presented  to  the  public,  in  the  belief  that 
it  contains  more  really  valuable  historical  and  statistical  information  con- 
cerning the  United  States  than  can  elsewhere  be  found  in  a  single  volume, 
and  that  it  is  the  only  complete  and  reliable  biography  of  all  the  Presi- 
dents, from  Washington  to  Fillmore. 

Brattleboro',  Vt.,  August,  1851. 


CON  T  I :  NTS. 


[.IVF.S  OF  THK    PkESU>ENTS 1 

(leof^o   Washington ' 


Jot'.K  Ad.itiis 
ThoiiiiisJelVe 


JiiiTK.'s  !\f ;ulisoa ■* 

James  Mouroc 

John  Q,nincy  Adams —'' 

Andrew  Jackson •• " 

Martin  Van  Cure  i 

William   [lenrv  Harrii^on •  ^^ 


John 


3!l3 


James  K.  Tolk - - "^ll 

Zarhary  Taylor -42<J 

Millard  Fillmore - - -—449 

Lives  of  the  Signers 

Samuel  Adam.s * 

Josiah  Bartict ^ 

Carter  Braxton - '' 

Charles  CiirroH.: ^» 

Samuel   Chase ^^ 

Abraham  Clarke ^"^ 

George  Clymer ^"^ 

William  Kllery ^~ 

William  Floyd ^^ 

Benjamin  Franklin ^" 

Flbridge  Gerry "'* 

Buttoji  Gwinnett -    -' 

Lyman  Hall '6 

John  Hancock - .- • •*• 


Benjamin  Harrison. 


•29 


John  Hnrt - ^*J 

Joseph  Hewes - -  ^'''• 

Thomas  Hey  ward - "*' 

William  Honpar 34 

Stephen  Hopkins - 35 

Francis  Kopkinson "^" 

Samuel  Hnntington •*' 

Francis  Lightfoot  Lee '*''' 

Richard  Henry  Lee -    '*^ 

Francis  Lewis '*•' 


CONTKNTS.  » 

I'iiilip   Livin^jston 

Thomas  Lynch 

Thomas  M'Keau ■ 

Arthur  IMiddlelon 

Lewis  Morris '^^ 

lU)bcrt  Morris -- j^ 

John  Morton ^' 

Thomas  Nelson,  Jr 

William  Taca ^^ 

■Robert  Treat  Paini; •''•' 

r.r: 

John  Penn '* 

(ieorgeRead ^ 

CDBsar  Rodney '''^ 

'"7 
Gforfre  Ross " 

Benjamin  Rush 

Ldward  Rullcdge ^'^ 

Roger  Sherman "^ 

James  Smith ^^'^ 

Richard  Stockton ^'-^ 


Thomas  Stone. 


G4 


William  Whipple ^"^ 


tviiiiaiii    tviiiuUns - ......-.-.-• ....- 

James  Wilson 


Jolm  Witlierspoon ' 

Oliver  Wolcott '^ 

George  Wythe ''"- 

Eari.y  History  ok  America '■* 

Early  Adventures  in  North  Anierica 9-> 

Settlement  ofthe  Southern  States 1^1 

North  and   South  Carolina i^'' 

Settlement  ofthe  Nortliern  States 11" 

French  W\rs '"-  ' 

Anlcuotes  or  the  REvui.urios 14-5 

DESCllIinlON    OV    THE    ClIIEF    CiTIES   IX    TilE    UxiTED    StATES 1  •>! 

General  View  of  the  United  States — —  lOo 

List  of  Administuations-- ••- - - - .182 


LIVES  OF  THE  PRESIDENTS. 


GEORGE    WASHINGTON. 

There  is  no  individunl  whose  life  is  more  completely  identified  with 
ihe  history  of  his  country,  than  is  tliat  of  George  Washington.  Notwith- 
standing the  order,  dignity,  and  beauty  of  his  private  character,  there  are 
many  whose  private  life  would  furnish  much  more  interesting  subjects  to 
the  pen  of  a  biographer.  The  interest  of  his  life  depends  upon  more  im- 
Dortant  circumstances  than  personal  adventure,  or  romantic  incident.  It 
rests  upon  his  connexion  with  tlie  great  events,  which  led  to  the  indepen- 
dence of  his  country,  and  which,  in  their  still  spreading  and  accumulating 
effects,  may  break  up  the  institutions  of  tyranny  all  over  the  globe. 

George  Washington  was  born  at  Bridge's  Creek,  in  Westmoreland 
county,  Virginia,  on  the  twenty-second  of  February,  1732.  He  was  the 
son  of  Auo-ustine  Washington,  a  descendant  of  one  of  the  earliest  settlers 
of  the  first  English  colony  in  America,  who  died  when  his  son  George  was 
about  ten  years  of  age.  The  education  of  the  orphan  devolved  upon  his 
mother,  who  devoted  herself  to  the  task  with  a  zeal  and  industry,  for 
which  she  afi:ervvards  reaped  an  ample  reward.  The  means  of  education 
at  that  period  were  of  course  very  limited,  and  a  grammatical  knowledge 
of  the  Eno-lish  language,  mathematics,  history,  natural  and  moral  philoso- 
phy, formed  the  cour.se  of  his  youthful  studies.  Of  this  education,  mathe- 
matics formed  by  fiir  the  most  important  part.  This  was  of  great  advan- 
tage to  liim  in  early  life,  in  qualifying  him  for  the  office  of  practical  sur- 
veyor, and  in  later  years  in  its  connexion  with  military  science.  At 
the  age  of  fifteen,  he  was  desirous  to  enter  into  active  life,  and  obtained 
the  birth  of  a  midshipman  in  the  British  navy  ;  but  the  anxiety  of  an  af- 
fectionate mother  dissuaded   him  from  the  adoption  of  this  course  of  life. 

Of  the  early  youth  of  Washington,  no  authentic  anecdotes  have  been 
preserved.  lie  has  been  described  by  his  contemporaries  as  grave,  silent, 
and  tiioughtfid  ;  diligent  in  his  business  ;  correct  in  his  deportment,  nnd 
strictly  honorable  in  all  his  conduct.  His  patrimony  was  small,  but  ma- 
naged with  prudent  industry.  Of  the  estimation  in  which  he  was  held, 
even  when  quite  young,  we  may  judge,  from  his  being  appointed  one  of 
the  adjutants  general  of  Virginia,  at  the  age  of  nineteen.  When  hardly 
twenty-one,  he  was  employed  by  the  government  of  his  native  colony  in  an 
enterprise  of  very  considerable  importance. 


2  WASHINGTON 

The  Frencli  were  the  first  European  discoverers  of  the  Mississippi,  and 
claimed  all  those  extensive  regions  whose  waters  emptied  into  that  river 
They  had  just  formed  a  plan  of  connecting  their  possessions  in  America, 
by  the  union  of  Louisiana  with  Canada.  In  pursuance  of  this  design,  a 
line  of  military  posts  from  the  lakes  to  the  Ohio  had  been  commenced  in 
the  yent  <  vi  This  territory  was  situated  within  the  boundaries  of  Vir- 
ginia, ana  ne  Jovernor  of  that  province  deemed  it  his  duty  to  remonstrate 
against  encroachments,  which  he  considered  in  violation  of  previous 
treaties.  He  determined  to  send  an  agent  to  the  French  commandant  on 
the  Ohio,  to  convey  his  views  upon  this  important  and  delicate  subject 
For  this  purpose  Mr.  Washington  was  the  person  selected. 

In  discharge  of  this  trust,  he  set  out  about  the  middle  of  November, 
from  Wills'  Creek,  then  an  extreme  frontier  settlement,  and  pjrsued  his 
course  over  an  unexplored  tract  of  morasses  and  forests,  over  rivers  of  diffi 
cult  passage,  and  among  tribes  of  hostile  Indians.  Reaching  the  Moaion- 
gahela  on  the  twenty-second,  he  there  learnerl  that  the  French  general  was 
dead,  and  that  the  greater  part  of  the  army  had  retired  into  winter  quarters. 
lie  spent  a  few  days  among  the  Indians,  and  very  wisely  secured  the  ser- 
vices of  some  of  their  chiefs,  who  guided  him  to  the  fort  at  French  Creek, 
where  he  found  the  commanding  officer  on  the  Ohio.  Delivering  his  let- 
ters, in  three  or  four  days  he  received  an  official  reply,  and  immediately  set 
out  on  his  return.  Finding  the  snow  deep,  and  his  horses  weakened  with 
fatigue,  he  determined  to  pursue  his  way  on  foot.  He  took  his  necessary 
papers,  a  gun  and  a  pack,  and  wrapping  himself  in  his  watch-coat,  set  out 
with  a  single  companion.  On  the  day  following,  they  fell  in  with  a  party 
of  French  Indians,  one  of  whom  fired  upon  them.     They  took  this  Indian 


WASHINGTON  'J 

prisoner,  and  kept  liiin  until  nine  o'clock  in  the  evening,  wIk-h  tlioy  re- 
leased him,  and  walked  without  stopping  all  the  rest  of  the  night,  in  order 
to  be  out  ot"the  reach  of'j)ursuit. 

As  the  answer  of  the  Frencii  coniiiiandant  indicated  no  disposition  to 
withdraw  from  the  disputed  te,rritory,  the  Assemhly  of  Virginia  determin- 
ed to  maintain  by  force  the  rights  of  the  British  crown.  A  regiment  was 
immediately  raised  of  three  hundred  men.  The  command  of  this  body 
WIS  given  to  Mr.  Fry,  and  Washington  was  appointed  lieutenant  cdionel. 
De^-irolls  to  engage  in  active  service,  and  take  as  early  measures  as  possi- 
ble in  defence  of  the  colony,  Washington  obtained  permission  to  march  in 
advance  of  the  other  troops,  to  Great  Meadows.  On  reaching  this  place, 
he  learned  from  the  friendly  Indians  that  a  party  of  the  French  were  en- 
camped in  a  valley  a  few  miles  to  tlie  M'est.  The  night  was  dark  and 
rainy,  and  entirely  concealed  the  movements  of  the  troops.  They  sur- 
rounded the  French  camp,  and  took  it  completely  by  surprise.  The  com- 
manding olTicer  was  killed,  one  person  escaped,  and  all  the  rest  immedi- 
aU'ly  surrendered. 

Soon  after  this  affair.  Colonel  Fry  died,  and  the  conuuand  of  the  regiment 
devolved  upon  Washington,  who  speedily  collected  forces  at  Great  Mea- 
dows, to  the  number  of  four  huiulred  men.  A  small  stockade  was  erected, 
called  Fort  Necessity,  in  which  a  few  soldiers  were  stationed  to  guard  the 
horses  and  provisions,  while  the  main  body  moved  forward  to  dislodge  tlie 
French  from  Fort  Du  Quesne.  They  had  not  proceeded  more  than  thir- 
teen miles,  when  they  were  informed  by  friendly  Indians,  "that  the 
French,  as  numerous  as  pigeons  in  the  woods,  were  advancing  in  an 
hostile  manner  towards  the  English  settlements,  and  also,  that  Fort  Du 
Q.uesne  had  been  recently  and  strongly  reinforced."  In  this  critical  situ- 
ation it  was  resolved  to  retreat  to  the  Great  Meadows,  and  every  exertion 
was  made  to  render  Fort  Necessity  tenable.  Before  the  completion  of  the 
works  erecting  for  that  [)urpose,  the  fort  was  attacked  by  a  considerable 
force.  The  assa-ilants  were  protected  by  trees  and  high  grass.  The 
Americans  received  them  witli  great  intrepidity,  and  Washington  distin- 
guished himself  by  his  coolness  and  ad(h-ess.  Tlie  engagement  continued 
from  ten  in  the  morning  until  dark,  when  the  French  general  demanded 
a  parley,  and  offered  terms  of  capitulation.  These  were  refused,  but  in 
the  course  of  the  night  other  proposals  were  accepted.  The  fort  was  sur- 
rendered on  condition  that  the  garris-on  should  march  out  with  the  honors 
of  war,  should  be  permitted  to  retain  their  arms  and  baggage,  and  to  pro- 
ceed without  molestation  into  the  inhabited  parts  of  Virginia.  A  pultlic 
vote  of  thanks  was  given  to  Washington  and  the  officers  under  his  com- 
nvuid,  for  their  conduct  in  this  affair  ;  and  three  hundred  pistoles  were 
distributed  among  the  soldiers. 

Tiie  controversy  in  respect  to  the  Ohio  lands,  which  commenced  in 
Virginia,  was  taken  up  with  much  zeal  in  Great  Britain,  and  two  regiments 
were  sent  to  America  to  support  the  pretensions  of  his  Britannic  majesty. 
'J'hey  arrived  early  in  1755,  under  the  command  of  General  Braddock,  who 
iiivited  Wasiiington  to  serve  the  campaign  as  a  volunteer  aid-de-caiitp. 
This  invitation  lie  at  once  accepted,  and  joined  the  regiment  on  its  march 
'«  Fort  Cumberland.     Here  the  army  was  detained  tilfthe  twelfth  of  .luue, 

9 


4  WASHINGTON 

waiting  for  wagons,  horses  and  provisions.  Soon  after  resuming  their 
march,  Washington  was  seized  with  a  violent  fever,  but  refusing  to  re- 
main behind  the  army,  was  conveyed  with  them  in  a  covered  wagon. 

The  object  of  the  campaign  was  the  capture  of  Fort  Du  Quesne. 
Washington  advised  the  general  to  leave  his  heavy  artillery  and  baggage 
behind,  and  to  press  forward  with  a  chosen  body  of  troops  as  expeditiously 
as  possible.  This  advice  was  adopted,  and  twelve  hundred  men  were  se- 
lected, to  be  commanded  by  General  Braddock  in  person,  and  to  advance 
with  the  utmost  despatch.  This  corps  inunediately  commenced  itf 
march,  but  did  not  move  with  the  celerity  that  had  been  expected.  "  I 
found,"  said  Washington,  in  a  letter  to  his  brother,  "  that  instead  of  push- 
ing on  with  vigor,  without  regarding  a  little  rough  road,  they  were  halting 
to  level  every  mole  hill,  and  to  erect  bridges  over  every  brook."  They 
were  four  days  in  passing  over  the  first  nineteen  miles  from  the  Little 
Meadows.  Here  the  sickness  of  Washington  made  it  impossible  for  him 
to  proceed  on  the  march.  General  Braddock  ordered  him  to  stay  behind 
with  a  sTfiall  guard,  till  the  arrival  of  Colonel  Dunbar,  with  the  rear  di- 
vision of  the  army.  As  soon  as  his  strength  would  permit,  he  rejoined  the 
general,  and  immediately  entered  on  the  duty  of  his  office. 

The  next  day  was  an  eventful  one  in  our  early  history.  It  was  the  ninth 
of  July.  General  Braddock  had  crossed  the  Monongahela,  and  was  pressing 
forward,  with  no  apprehension  of  danger,  to  Fort  Du  Q,uesne.  He  was 
already  within  a  few  miles  of  his  destination,  marching  on  an  open  road 
thick  set  with  grass,  when  on  a  sudden  a  heavy  and  well  directed  fire  was 
opened  upon  his  troops  by  an  invisible  enemy,  consisting  of  the  French 
and  Indians.  From  their  sheltered  retreats  they  were  able  to  take  a  safe 
and  steady  aim,  and  the  officers  of  the  British  troops  were  slain  in  great 
numbers.  In  a  short  time  Washington  was  the  only  aid-de-camp  left 
alive  and  unwounded.  He  was  obliged  consequently  to  carry  all  of  the 
general's  orders,  to  every  part  of  the  battle-field  in  person.    In  performing 


5%^^: 


WASHINGTON.  5 

this  duty,  he  had  two  horses  killed  under  him,  and  four  balls  passed 
throuiTJi  liis  coat.  "  I  expected  every  moment,"  says  an  eyewitness,  "  to 
see  him  fall.  Nothintr  hut  the  superintending  care  of  Providence  could 
have  saved  him  from  the  fate  of  all  around  him." 

Durinji;  the  whole  course  of  the  battle  Braddock  displayed  the  utmost 
intrepidity  and  firmness.  He  encouraged  his  men  to  keep  their  ground ; 
but  valor  was  useless,  and  he  saw  his  army  falling  around  him  like  grass 
under  the  scytlie,  without  being  able  to  render  them  any  assistance.  Un- 
acquainted with  the  Indian  mode  of  fighting,  his  efforts  to  form  his  broken 
troops  only  exposed  them  more  surely  to  the  galling  fire  of  the  enemy. 
The  action  continued  for  three  hours,  in  the  course  of  which  the  general 
had  three  horses  killed  under  him,  and  received  himself  a  mortal  wound. 
Ilis  troops  immediately  fled  in  great  confusion.  It  was  impossible  to  rally 
them,  until  they  had  crossed  the  Monongahela,  and  placed  a  river  between 
themselves  and  their  enemy.  The  Indians  were  too  much  occupied  with 
the  plunder,  to  think  of  continuing  the  pursuit.  Braddock  was  carried  to 
the  camp  of  Dunbar,  where  in  a  few  days  he  died. 

On  this  occasion  the  British  officers  behaved  with  adniirable  bravery, 
but  the  common  soldiers  broke  into  confusion  in  spite  of  every  effort  to 
rally  them,  and  fled  like  sheep  before  hounds.  The  three  Virginia  com- 
panies, on  the  contrary,  conducted  with  great  spirit,  and  fought  with  such 
disregard  of  danger,  that  there  were  scarcely  thirty  men  left  alive  from 
their  whole  number.  This  defeat  did  not  injure  the  reputation  of  Wash- 
ington. His  countrymen  praised  his  conduct,  and  it  was  well  understood 
that  the  disasters  of  the  day  originated  in  a  neglect  of  his  advice. 

Intelligence  of  the  defeat  of  Braddock,  and  of  the  withdrawal  of  the 
regular  forces  from  Virginia,  arrived  while  the  Assembly  of  that  colony 
were  still  in  session.  It  was  at  once  resolved  to  raise  a  regiment  of  sixteen 
companies  to  protect  the  frontier  settlements.  The  command  of  this  was 
given  to  Washington,  with  authority  to  name  the  field  officers. 

In  executing  the  duties  of  his  office,  W^ashington  visited  the  frontiers, 
and  made  the  best  disposition  of  the  few  soldiers  he  found  in  the  various 
posts.  On  his  way  to  Williamsburg,  he  was  overtaken  by  an  express, 
with  information  that  tlie  back  settlements  had  been  broken  up  by  the 
French  and  Indians,  who  were  burning  their  houses,  devastating  their 
crops,  murdering  and  leading  into  captivity  the  men,  women  and  children. 
The  few  troops  stationed  on  the  frontiers  were  unable  to  render  them  any 
assistance,  but  retired  for  their  own  safety  to  the  stockade  forts.  Alarm 
and  confusion  prevailed  on  all  sides.  Before  any  sufficient  force  could  be 
collected  to  repel  the  assailants,  they  had  retreated  beyond  the  Alleghany 
mountains,  and  were  out  of  the  reach  of  punishment.  Irru[)tions  of  this 
kind  were  repeatedly  made  into  the  frontier  settlements  during  the  years 
1756,  17.57,  and  1758.  The  distresses  of  the  inhabitants  were  extreme. 
In  the  forts  they  suffered  from  hunger,  and  were  often  besieged  and  mur- 
dered. In  their  farms  and  villages  they  lay  down  every  night  with  the 
fear  of  a  cruel  death,  or  a  more  cruel  bondage,  continually  before  them. 

The  people  looked  to  Washington  for  the  protection  he  was  unable  to 
give.  The  difficulty  of  raising  a  large  number  of  men,  and  the  inability 
of  a  small  number  to  protect  the  extensive   frontiers  of  Virginia,  were 


t>  WASHINGTON. 

continual  fources  of  anxiety  and  distress.  Tlie  savages  made  no  distinc- 
tions in  their  warfare.  They  slew  the  women  and  children,  the  aged 
and  the  helpless,  as  well  as  the  men  whom  they  found  in  arms.  Wash- 
ington, in  a  letter  written  during  this  period  to  the  governor,  observed — 
"The  supplicating  tears  of  the  women  and  moving  petitions  of  the  men, 
melt  me  with  such  deadly  sorrow,  that  I  solemnly  declare,  if  I  know  my 
own  mind,  I  could  offer  myself  a  willing  sacrifice  to  the  butchering  enemy, 
provided  that  would  contribute  to  the  people's  ease."  He  was  indefati- 
gable in  representing  to  the  governor  the  wretched  condition  of  the  inha- 
bitants, and  the  great  defects  of  the  existing  mode  of  defence.  He  ad- 
vised the  reduction  of  Fort  Du  Quesne,  the  lurking-place  and  strong  hold 
of  these  predatory  bands,  as  the  only  means  of  effectually  restoring  secu 
rity  to  the  frontier  settlements.  In  case  this  measure  was  not  adopted,  he 
advised  that  twenty-two  forts,  extending  in  a  line  of  three  hundred  and 
sixty  miles,  should  be  erected  and  garrisoned  by  two  thousand  men,  in 
constant  pay  and  service.  In  the  autumn  of  175S,  to  the  great  joy  of 
Wasliington,  an  expedition  was  fitted  out  against  Fort  Du  Quesne;  but  on 
reaching  the  post,  they  found  that  the  garrison  had  deserted  it  and  re- 
treated down  the  Ohio.  A  treaty  of  peace  was  soon  after  concluded 
with  the  Indian  tribes.  Fort  Du  Quesne  received  the  name  of  Fort  Pitt, 
was  repaired  and  garrisoned  M-ith  two  hundred  men  from  Washington's 
regiment.  Henceforward  it  was  a  source  of  as  much  advantage  to  the 
English  settlements,  as  it  had  before  been  of  detriment.  The  remains 
of  '.liis  fort  presented  the  following  appearance  in  the  year  1S31. 


The  great  object  of  his  wishes  having  been  thus  happily  accomplished, 
Washington  resigned  his  commission,  and  thus  ended  his  career  as  a 
provincial  officer.     Soon  after  this  resignation,  he  married  Mrs.  Martha 


WASHINGTON.  i 

Custi%  a  young  and  beautiful  lady,  of  great  acconi])lisliments,  and  an 
amial)l'e  character.  Retiring  to  the  estate  at  Mount  Vernon,  which  he 
had  acquired  a  few  years  before  by  the  death  of  his  elder  brother,  he 
devoted  himself  assiduously  to  the  business  of  agriculture  He  became 
one  of  the  greatest  landholders  in  North  America.  His  Mount  Vernon 
estate  alone  consisted  of  nine  thousand  acres,  and  his  domestic  and 
farming  establishments  \vo:re  composed  of  nearly  a  thousand  persons. 

From  the  close  of  the  frontier  war  to  the  conunencement  of  the  revolu- 
tion, Washington  acted  as  judge  of  a  county  court,  and  as  a  member  of  the 
House  of  Burgesses  of  his  native  province.  In  this  body  he  was  never 
distinguished  as  a  speaker,  yet  he  secured  tlie  esteem  and  confidence  of 
all  wlio  knew  him,  by  the  firmness  and  propriety  of  his  conduct,  and  the 
uniform  good  sense  of  his  counsels.  While  in  this  situation,  he  took  an 
active  part  in  opposition  to  the  principle  of  the  British  parliament,  to  tax 
the  American  colonics.  He  was  elected  a  representative  to  the  first 
Congress,  which  mefeat  Philadelphia,  in  1774,  and  was  the  active  mem- 
ber of  all  the  committees  on  military  affairs.  When  the  commencement 
of  hostilities  made  it  necessary  to  appoint  a  commander-in-chief  of  the 
American  forces,  George  Washington  was  unanimously  elected  to  the 
ofilce.  On  receiving  from  the  President  of  Congress  official  notice  of 
this  appointment,  he° thus  addressed  him:  "Mr.  President,  although! 
am  truly  sensible  of  the  high  honor  done  me  in  this  appointment,  yet  1 
feel  great  distress  from  a  consciousness  that  my  abilities  and  military 
experience  may  not  be  equal  to  the  extensive  and  important  trust.  How- 
ever, as  the  Congress  desire  it,  I  will  enter  upon  the  momen:ous  duty, 
and  exert  every  power  I  possess  in  their  service,  and  for  support  of  the 
glorious  cause.  I  beg  they  will  accept  my  most  cordial  thanks,  for  this 
distinguished  testimony  of  their  approbation. 

"  But,  lest  some  unlucky  event  should  happen,  unfavorable  to  my 
reputation,  I  beg  it  may  be  remembered  by  every  gentleman  in  the  room, 
that  I  this  day  declare,  with  the  utmost  sincerity,  I  do  not  think  myself 
equal  to  the  command  I  am  honored  with. 

"  As  to  pay.  Sir,  I  beg  leave  to  assure  the  Congress  that  as  no  pecunia- 
ry consideration  could  have  tempted  me  to  accept  this  arduous  employ- 
ment, at  the  expense  of  my  domestic  ease  and  happiness,  I  do  not  wish 
to  make  any  profit  from  it.  I  will  keep  an  exact  account  of  my  expenses; 
tliose  I  doubt  not  they  will  discharge,  and  that  is  all  I  desire." 

A  special  commission  was  made  out  for  him,  and  at  the  same  time  an 
unanimous  resolution  was  adopted  by  Congress,  "  that  they  would  main- 
tain and  assist  him,  and  adhere  to  him  with  their  lives  and  fortunes,  for 
the  maintenance  and  preservation  of  American  liberty  " 

He  prepared  to  enter  immediately  on  tlie  duties  of  his  high  station. 
Having  passed  a  few  days  in  New-York,  and  making  some  arrangement 
with  General  Schuyler  who  commanded  there,  he  proceeded  to  Cambridge, 
which  was  the  headquarters  of  the  American  army.  On  his  way  thither, 
he  received  from  individuals  and  public  bodies,  the  most  flattering  atten- 
tion and  the  strongest  promises  of  support  and  assistance.  A  committee 
of  tiie  Massachusetts  Congress  met  him  at  Springfield,  about  one  hun- 
dred miles  from  Boston,  and  conducted  him  to  the  army 


8  WASHINGTON. 

Immediately  after  his  arrival,  the  Cong  "ess  presented  him  an  address, 
in  which  they  expressed  their  approbation  of  his  appointment,  and  the 
great  respect  and  affection  they  entertainec  for  him.  His  reply  was  well 
calculated  to  increase  these  sentiments.  I'e  returned  the  warmest  ac- 
knowledgments of  their  kindness,  and  pnmised  ever  to  retain  it  in 
grateful  remembrance.  In  the  course  of  this  reply,  he  observed,  "In 
exchanging  the  enjoyments  of  domestic  life  Ibr  the  duties  of  my  present 
honorable,  but  arduous  situation,  I  only  emulate  the  virtue  and  public 
spirit  of  the  whole  province  of  Massachusetts,  which,  with  a  firmness  and 
patriotism  without  example,  has  sacrificed  all  the  comforts  of  social  and 
political  life,  in  support  of  the  rights  of  mankind,  and  the  welfare  of  our 
common  country.  My  highest  ambition  is  to  be  the  happy  instrument 
of  vindicating  these  rights,  and  to  see  this  devoted  province  again  restor- 
ed to  peace,  liberty  and  safety." 

On  reaching  the  camp,  the  first  movements  of  the  commander-in-chief 
were  directed  to  an  examination  of  the  strength  tand  situation  of  his 
forces.  They  amounted  to  about  fourteen  thousand  and  five  hundred 
men;  occupying  several  posts  in  an  extent  of  about  twelve  miles.  Some 
were  stationed  at  Roxbury,  some  at  Cambridge,  and  some  on  Winter  and 
Prospect  Hills  in  front  of  Bunker's  Hill.  A  few  companies  were  posted 
in  the  towns  about  Boston  Bay,  which  were  most  exposed  to  attacks  from 
British  armed  vessels.  The  troops  were  not  sufficiently  numerous  to 
defend  so  large  an  extent  of  country,  but  it  was  difficult  to  make  a  more 
compact  arrangement.  The  British  army  were  posted  in  three  divisions. 
The  main  body,  under  General  Howe,  was  intrenching  itself  on  Bunker'? 
Hill,  in  Charlestown.  Another  division  was  stationed  on  Copp's  Hill 
and  the  third  was  strongly  entrenched  and  fortified  on  Roxbury  Neck 
There  were  three  floating  batteries  in  Mystic  river,  and  a  small  body 
of  infantry  and  light  horse  stationed  in  Boston. 

The  American  army  was  very  badly  provided  with  the  necessaries 
of  war.  Of  military  stores,  they  were  almost  entirely  destitute.  All 
the  powder  in  New-England  would  not  have  furnished  nine  rounds 
to  each  soldier.  In  this  condition,  the  army  remained  for  a  fortnight. 
There  was  no  discipline  among  the  troops,  owing  to  their  being  enlisted 
only  for  short  periods.  The  appointment  of  general  officers  by  Congress 
gave  great  dissatisfiiction,  and  induced  several  of  those  who  thought 
themselves  injured,  to  quit  the  service.  To  remedy  all  these  evils,  to 
form  an  uniform  mass  of  discordant  materials,  and  subject  men  strivuig 
for  independence  to  the  rigid  discipline  of  a  camp,  required  patience, 
firmness,  and  a  spirit  of  conciliation. 

General  Gage  had  received  a  small  reinforcement  from  New- York,  so 
that  the  whole  number  of  the  British  army  now  amounted  to  about  eight 
thousand  men.  Their  plans  were  principally  directed  to  self-defence.  With 
little  interruption,  both  armies  were  employed  in  strengthening  their  re- 
spective fortifications.  But  (ew  skirmishes  took  place,  and  those  without 
much  bloodshea.  This  state  of  things  did  not  satisfy  the  mind  of  Wash- 
ington. He  was  eager  for  some  active  measures  to  destroy  the  British 
army  in  Boston,  before  it  should  receive  additional  reinforcements;  and 
before  the  resources  of  the  colonies  should  be  entirely  exhausted. 


WASHINGTON.  9 

The  situation  of  the  enemy  was  frequently  reconnoitered,  and  every 
eil^jrt  made  to  ascertain  their  strength.  To  carry  (heir  works  by  storm 
was  a  dangerous  project,  hut  it  appeared  to  Washington  practicable,  and 
he  determined  to  suggest  it  to  his  general  officers.  A  council  of  war  was 
called,  and  the  measure  proposed.  It  was  decided  that  the  attempt  ought 
not  to  be  at  that  time  made.  The  original  |)lan  of  continuing  the  block- 
ade appeared  the  most  advisable,  and  Washington  acquiesced  in  the 
decision  of  the  council. 

The  scarcity  of  fresh  provisions  in  Boston,  induced  the  enemy  to  send 
small  parties  to  forage  along  the  shores  of  the  continent,  under  the  pro- 
tection of  their  armed  vessels.  The  defence  of  tiieir  property  imposed 
such  a  heavy  burden  upon  the  seaboard  towns,  that  the  governors  of 
several  colonies  applied  to  Washington  to  send  detachments  to  their 
assistance.  Repeated  applications  of  this  nature  were  very  embarrass- 
ing, till  Congress  passed  a  resolution  "  that  the  army  before  Boston  was 
designed  only  to  oj^ose  the  enemy  in  that  place,  and  ought  not  to  be 
weakened  by  detachments  for  the  security  of  other  parts  of  the  country." 

In  the  course  of  the  autumn,  gradual  approaches  were  made  towards 
the  British  posts.  The  army  was  also  reinforeed  by  the  arrival  of  more 
than  fourteen  hundred  riflemen,  from  Pennsylvania  and  Maryland. 
Through  the  season,  the  most  active  exertions  of  the  commander-in- 
chief  were  directed  to  procuring  arms  and  ammunition  for  his  troops.  A 
voyage  was  made  to  Africa,  and  every  pound  of  gunpowder  for  sale  in 
the  British  factories  along  the  coast,  was  obtained  by  the  exchange  of 
New-England  rum.  A  British  ordnance  ship,  completely  hden  with 
military  stores,  was  captured  by  a  privateer  under  the  command  of  Cap- 
tain Manly.  On  the  fifth  of  September,  a  committee  of  Congress  was 
appointed  to  visit  the  camp  at  Cambridge,  and  confer  with  the  chief 
magistrates  of  the  northern  colonies,  and  the  Council  of  Massachusetts, 
on  the  continuance  and  regulation  of  the  continental  army.  The  resull 
of  their  conference  was,  that  the  new  army  should  consist  of  twenty  thou 
sand  three  hundred  seventy-two  men,  to  serve  till  the  last  day  of  Decem- 
ber, 1776.  This  short  term  of  enlistment  proved  a  very  serious  and 
almost  a  fatal  evil. 

In  the  execution  of  this  resolve,  Washington  called  upon  the  soldiers 
and  officers  to  make  their  election,  whether  to  retire  or  remain  with  the 
army.  Great  difficulties  occurred  in  eflTecting  the  re-enlistment.  Many 
were  unwilling  to  continue  in  the  army  on  any  terms;  some  required 
leave  of  absence  to  visit  their  families,  and  others  were  in  doubt,  and 
uncertain  what  course  to  pursue.  In  his  general  orders,  Washington 
appealed  directly  to  the  pride  and  patriotism  of  both  officers  and  men 
"The  times,"  he  observed  in  the  orders  of  October  twentieth,  "  and  the 
importance  of  the  great  cause  we  are  engaged  in,  allow  no  room  for  hesi- 
tation and  delay.  When  life,  liberty  and  property  are  at  stake  ;  when  our 
country  is  in  danger  of  being  a  melancholy  scene  of  bloodshed  and  deso- 
lation; wlien  our  towns  are  laid  in  ashes,  innocent  women  and  children 
driven  from  their  peaceful  habitations,  exposed  to  the  rigors  of  an  incle- 
ment season,  to  depend,  perhaps,  on  the  hand  of  charity  for  support;  when 
calamities  like  these  are  staring  us  in  the  face,  and  a  brutal,  savage  enemy 


10  WASHINGTON. 

threateiis  us,  and  every  thing  we  hold  dear,  with  destruction  from  foreign 
troops,  it  little  becomes  the  character  of  a  soldier  to  shrink  from  danger, 
and  condition  for  new  terms.  It  is  the  general's  intention  to  indulge 
both  officers  and  soldiers,  who  compose  the  new  army,  with  furloughs  for 
a  reasonable  time ;  but  this  must  be  done  in  such  a  manner  as  not  to 
injure  the  service,  or  weaken  the  army  too  much  at  once." 

The  new  regiment  did  not  fill  so  rapidly  as  had  been  expected.  The 
old  troops,  whose  term  of  service  had  expired,  were  eager  to  return 
home;  the  new  troops  were  slow  in  coming  in.  From  this  circumstance, 
the  lines  were  often  in  a  defenceless  state.  "  It  is  not,"  says  General 
Washingtbn,  in  a  communication  to  Congress,  "  in  the  pages  of  history 
lo  furnish  a  case  like  ours.  To  maintain  a  post  within  musket  shot 
of  the  enemy,  for  six  months  together,  without  ammunition,  and  at  the 
same  lime  to  disband  one  army  and  recruit  another,  within  that  dis- 
tance of  twenty  odd  British  regiments,  is  more,  probably,  than  ever  was 
attempted." 

About  the  middle  of  February,  1776,  the  waters  about  Boston  had 
become  sufficiently  frozen  to  bear  the  troops.  Washington  was  now 
desirous  to  execute  his  plan  of  attacking  the  enemy.  A  council  of  war 
was  again  called,  and  was  again  almost  unanimous  against  the  measure. 
It  was  therefore  reluctantly  abandoned.  The  regular  force  engaged  for 
the  year,  now  amoiinted  to  more  than  fourteen  thousand  men,  and  the 
militia  to  about  six  thousand.  With  these  troops,  Washington  determin- 
ed to  take  possession  of  the  heights  of  Dorchester  ;  a  step  which  he 
thought  must  certainly  bring  on  a  general  action.  To  favor  the  execu- 
tion of  this  plan,  a  heavy  bombardment  on  the  town,  and  lines  of  the 
enemy,  was  commenced,  on  the  evening  of  the  second  of  March,  and  con- 
tinued on  the  two  succeeding  nights.  On  the  night  of  the  fourth,  a 
detachment,  under  the  command  of  General  Thomas,  crossed  the  neck 
from  Roxbury,  and  took  possession  of  the  heights.  The  ground  was 
deeply  frozen,  and  it  was  with  great  labor  that  the  party  were  able, 
during  the  night,  to  raise  works  which  nearly  covered  them  from  the 
shot  of  the  enemy. 

The  British  were  very  much  surprised  at  the  first  view  of  these  works, 
and  immediately  commenced  a  tremendous  cannonade  from  their  ship- 
ping in  the  harbor,  and  their  forts  in  Boston.  This  scene  has  been  very 
vividly  described  by  Dr.  Thacher.  "Cannon  shot  are  continually  rolling 
and  rebounding  over  the  hill  ;  and  it  is  astonishing  to  observe  how  little 
our  soldiers  are  terrified  by  them.  During  the  forenoon,  we  were  in 
momentary  expectation  of  witnessing  an  awful  scone  ;  nothing  less  than 
the  carnage  of  Breed's  hill  battle  was  expected.  The  royal  troops  are 
perceived  to  be  in  inotion,  as  if  embarking  to  pass  the  harbor,  and  land 
on  Dorchester  shore,  to  attack  our  works.  The  hills  and  elevations  in 
this  vicinity  are  covered  with  spectators  to  witness  deeds  of  horror  in  the 
expected  conflict.  His  Excellency,  General  Washington,  is  present,  ani- 
mating and  encouraging  the  soldiers,  and  they,  in  their  turn,  manifest 
their  joy,  and  express  a  warm  desire  for  the  approach  of  the  enemy  : 
each  man  knows  his  place,  and  is  resolute  to  execute  his  duty."  General 
IIow\,  determined  to  attack  the  heights,  and  ordered  three  thousand  men 


WASHINGTON.  11 

on  this  service.  Those  wore  eml).irke(l,  and  fell  down  to  the  Castle  with 
the  intention  of  proccedinir  up  the  river  to  the  attack,  hut  were  disper'^'-n 
hy  a  tremendous  storm.  Before  they  could  be  in  readiness  to  proceed,  the 
American  works  were  in  such  a  state  of  security  as  to  discourage  any 
attempt  aLjainst  them. 

The  British  now  resolved  to  evacuate  Boston  as  soon  as  possible.  A 
paper  signed  by  four  of  the  selectmen  was  sent  out  with  a  flag  of  truce, 
containing  a  proposition,  which  purported  to  come  from  General  Ilowe, 
that  the  town  should  be  left  uninjured  if  tiie  troops  were  allowed  to  em- 
bark witliout  molestation.  This  letter  was' directed  to  the  commander-in- 
chief,  but  did  not  bear  the  signature  of  General  Ilowe.  Washington 
therefore  declined  taking  any  notice  of  it,  but  at  the  same  time  he  "  inti- 
mated his  good  wishes  for  the  security  of  the  town."  On  the  seventeenth, 
the  royal  army  commenced  their  embarkation  on  board  of  the  transports. 
They  were  suffered  to  depart  without  annoyance. 

Immediately  after  their  departure,  Washington  wdered  a  part  of  his 
army  to  New- York,  to  defend  that  town  against  the  expected  invasion 
cf  the  enemy.  On  entering  Boston,  the  comiiaander-in-chief  was  wel- 
comed on  all  sides  with  the  warmest  gratulations.  Congress  passed  a 
vote  of  thanks,  to  express  the  public  approbation  of  his  conduct ;  and 
ordered  the  striking  of  a  medal,  with  suitable  devices,  to  perpetuate  the 
remembrance  of  the  event.  The  town  had  received  much  less  injury 
than  was  at  first  anticipated.  During  the  siege,  the  Old  South  Church, 
a  brick  building  near  the  centre  of  tlie  town,  had  been  converted  into  a 
riding  school  for  Burgoyne's  dragoons.  The  pulpit  and  pews  were  re- 
moved, and  the  floor  covered  with  earth,  to  make  it  suitable  for  exercising 
their  horses  upon.  A  beautiful  pew,  ornamented  with  silk  and  carved 
work,  was  broken  up,  and  its  pieces  taken  for  a  fence  to  a  hog-stye.  The 
North  Church  was  torn  down,  and  consumed  for  fuel. 

After  providing  for  the  security  of  Boston,  Washington  marched  with 
the  main  army  to  New- York,  and  made  every  preparation  for  the  defence 
of  this  very  important  position.  In  these  labors,  the  American  army 
was  incessantly  occupied,  until  Lord  and  General  Howe  arrived  at  Sandy 
Hook  with  their  naval  and  land  forces.  Before  the  commencement  of 
hostilities,  an  attempt  was  made  at  negociation.  General  Howe  sent  a 
letter  by  a  flag,  directed  to  "  George  Washington,  Esq."  This  the 
general  refused  to  receive,  as  it  did  not  recognise  the  public  character 
with  which  he  had  been  invested  by  Congress.  His  conduct  on  this 
occasion  met  with  the  approbation  of  this  body,  and  they  resolved,  "  that 
he  had  acted  with  the  dignity  becoming  his  character."  The  British 
general  was  very  anxious  to  obtain  an  interview  with  the  commander-in- 
chief,  but  was  unwilling  to  adopt  his  military  address.  He  accordingly 
sent  Colonel  Patterson  to  the  American  headquarters,  with  a  letter  to 
''  George  Washington,  &c.  &c.  &lc."  The  general  still  declined  receiv- 
ing it.  He  said  it  was  true,  the  etceteras  implied  every  thing  ;  they  also 
nnplied  any  tiling:  and  a  letter  directed  to  a  public  character  should  have 
an  address  descriptive  of  that  character. 

Colonel  Patterson  then  said  that  General  Howe  would  not  urge  his 
delicacy  any  further  ;  repeating  his  assertion  that  not  the  slightest  disre- 
3 


12  WASHIJNGTUIN. 

spect  was  intended  in  the  form  of  the  address.  Some  conversation  ensuea 
in  respect  to  the  treatment  of  prisoners ;  when  the  colonel  observed  that 
Lord  and  General  Howe  had  been  appointed  commissioners  by  the  king, 
and  were  very  desirous  of  arranging  the  difficulties  that  had  so  unfortu- 
nately arisen.  General  Washington  observed  that  he  was  vested  with  no 
power  of  treating  upon  the  subject.  He  had  read  the  act  of  parliament, 
and  found  Lord  and  General  Howe  only  authorized  to  grant  pardons. 
The  Americans,  having  committed  no  fault,  desired  no  pardon  ;  they 
were  only  defending  their  rights.  Colonel  Patterson  seemed  confused, 
and  said  this  would  open  a  wide  field  for  argument.  After  some  few 
remarks,  he  was  invited  to  a  small  collation,  and  introduced  to  the  general 
oflicers.  With  many  polite  expressions  at  taking  leave,  he  observetl — 
"  Has  your  Excellency  no  commands  to  my  Lord  or  General  Howe?" 
"  None,  Sir,"  replied  Washington,  "  but  my  particular  compliments  to 
both  of  them," 

On  the  arrival  of  General  Howe  at  Staten  Island,  the  American  army 
did  not  exceed  ten  thousand  men,  but  before  the  end  of  August  they 
amounted  to  twenty-seven  thousand.  This  force  was  distributed  so  judi- 
ciously, that  the  enemy  were  doubtful  in  what  quarter  to  commence  their 
operations.  Every  probable  point  of  debarkation  was  guarded.  From  the 
arrival  of  the  army,  the  Americans  were  in  daily  expectation  of  being  at- 
tacked, and  Washington  was  actively  engaged  in  preparing  their  minds 
for  action.  In  general  orders  he  called  upon  the  officers  to  be  deliberate, 
and  upon  the  soldiers  to  be  firm,  courageous  and  obedient.  He  directed 
tiiat  any  soldier  who  deserted  his  ranks  in  time  of  battle  should  be  im- 
mediately shot  down.  "  The  tmie,"  he  observed,  "  is  now  at  hand,  which 
must  probably  determine  whether  Americans  are  to  be  freemen  or  slaves  ; 
whether  they  are  to  have  any  pfoi>erty  they  can  call  their  own  ;  whether 
their  houses  and  farms  are  to  be  pillaged  and  destroyed,  and  themselves 
consigned  to  a  state  of  wretchedness,  from  which  no  human  efforts  will 
deliver  them.  The  fate  of  unborn  millions  will  now  depend,  under  God, 
on  the  courage  and  conduct  of  this  army.  Our  cruel  and  unrelenting 
enemy  leaves  us  only  the  choice  of  a  brave  resistance,  or  the  most  abject 
submission.  We  have  to  resolve  to  conquer  or  die.  Our  own,  our  coun- 
try's honor,  call  upon  us  for  a  vigorous  and  manly  exertion  ;  and  if  we 
now  shamefully  fail,  we  shall  become  infameus  to  the  whole  world.  Let 
us  then  rely  on  the  goodness  of  our  cause,  and  on  the  aid  of  the  Supreme 
Bei'ig.  in  whose  hands  victory  is,  to  animate  and  encourage  us  to  great 
ami  noble  actions.  The  eyes  of  all  our  countrymen  are  now  upon  us,  and 
we  shall  have  their  blessings  and  praises,  if  happily  we  are  the  instruments 
of  saving  them  from  the  tyranny  meditated  against  them.  Let  us  therefore 
animate  and  encourage  each  other,  and  show  the  whole  world,  that  a 
freeman,  contending  lor  liberty  on  his  own  ground,  is  superior  to  any 
slavish  mercenary  on  earth." 

On  the  twenty-seventh  of  August,  the  enemy  attacked  the  American 
forces  under  the  command  of  General  Sullivan,  on  Long  Island  Tne 
variety  of  ground  and  the  number  of  different  parties  engaged  on  both 
sides,  occasioned  a  succession  of  small  engagements,  pursuits,  and 
slaughters,  which  lasted  for  many  hours.     The  Americans  were  defeased 


WASHINGTON.  13 

in  cvory  quarter.  Thry  sufTcred  exccoflino'Iy  from  the  want  of  disriplinft, 
and  the  means  of  ready  transmission  of  intelligence.  Tlie  troops  retired 
within  their  line,  discoura<Ted  and  fatigued,  with  a  victorious  army  ir 
front,  and  a  powerful  fleet  ahout  to  enter  East  river,  for  the  purpose  of 
cutting  ofT  their  retreat.  Wasliington  immediately  determined  (o  evacuate 
the  island  with  all  his  forces.  For  this  purpose,  he  crossed  over  to  the 
island  on  the  night  of  the  twenty-ninth,  to  conduct  the  retreat  in  person. 

It  so  happened,  that,  ahout  two  o'clock  in  the  morning,  a  heavy  fog 
enveloped  the  whole  of  Long  Island.  Under  this  cover,  an  army  of  nine 
thousand  men,  with  their  baggage,  provision,  horses,  and  military  stores, 
crossed  a  river  more  than  a  mile  wide,  and  landed  at  New-York  with  no 
material  loss.  It  was  done  in  such  silence,  that  the  enemy,  who  were  so 
near  that  they  were  heard  at  work  with  their  pickaxes,  knew  nothing 
about  the  matter,  till  the  clearing  up  of  the  fog.  In  conducting  this 
ditficuit  movement,  Washington  was  incessantly  active.  For  forty-eight 
hours  he  did  not  close  his  eyes,  and  much  of  that  time  he  was  on  horse- 
back. Notwithstanding  the  entreaties  of  his  officers,  he  remained  among 
the  last  upon  the  shore,  refusing  to  embark  till  he  saw  his  troops  safely  on 
board  the  transports. 

The  unfavorable  issue  of  this  engagement  led  to  the  most  alarming 
consequences.  Hitherto  the  soldiers  had  possessed  such  confidence  in 
themselves  and  their  officers,  from  being  engaged  in  the  cause  of  their 
country  and  liberty,  that  it  outweighed  all  their  apprehensions  from  the 
skill  and  discipline  of  the  enemy.  But  on  this  occasion  they  found  them- 
selves encompassed  with  difficulties  and  dangers,  from  which  their  valor 
could  not  extricate  them.  They  exaggerated  the  adroitness  and  military  dis- 
cipline of  the  enemy,  and  in  every  movement  were  apprehensive  of  some 
new  surprise  or  skilful  stratagem.  "  Our  situation,"  said  Washington  in 
his  letter  to  Congress,  "  is  truly  distressing.  The  check  our  detachment 
received  on  the  twenty-seventh  ultimo  has  dispirited  too  great  a  propor- 
tion of  our  troops,  and  filled  iheir  minds  with  apprehension  and  despair. 
The  militia,  instead  of  calling  forth  their  utmost  efforts  to  a  brave  and 
manly  opposition,  in  order  to  repair  our  losses,  are  dismayed,  intractable, 
and  impatient  to  return." 

Washington  had  recourse  to  entreaty,  to  persuasion,  and  to  promises,  to 
arrest  the  progress  of  these  evils.  In  his  communication  to  Congress,  he 
urged  the  necessity  of  making  enlistments  for  a  longer  period.  The  de- 
fence of  the  public  liberties  was  to  be  entrusted  only  to  a  permanent  army, 
regularly  disciplined.  It  required  time  to  reduce  men  who  had  been  sub- 
ject to  no  control,  to  the  requisite  military  strictness.  In  a  few  days  after 
this  remonstrance.  Congress  resolved  to  raise  eighty-eight  battalions  to 
serve  during  the  war.  It  was  important,  therefore,  to  wear  away  the  pre- 
sent campaign  with  as  little  loss  as  possible,  in  order  to  take  the  field  in 
the  ensuing  year  with  a  well  organized  army.  The  evacuation  of  New- 
York  was  accordingly  determined  on,  as  soon  as  events  might  make  it 
necessary  for  the  preservation  of  the  troops. 

While  Washington  was  taking  measures  to  preserve  his  troops  and 
stores  by  evacuating  the  city,  the  British  commander  was  pursuing  his 
plan  of  bringing  about  a  general  action.     On  the  fourteenth  of  September, 


14  WASHINGTON. 

General  Clinton  Innded  with  four  thousand  men,  three  mites  above  New 
York.  This  landing  was  effected  under  cover  of  five  men  of  war.  \\  oiks 
had  been  thrown  up  at  tliis  place  by  tlie  Americans,  and  tliey  were  ca{)a- 
ble  of  defence;  but  the  troops  posted  there,  on  the  firing  ofthe  ."-fnp;^,  im- 
mediately abandoned  them.  Two  brigades  were  detacheil  from  tiie  main 
body  to  support  them.  Washington  rode  promptly  to  the  scene  f)f  action, 
and  to  his  great  mortification  found  the  whole  retreat  ng.  While  attempt- 
ing to  rally  them  and  with  some  success,  they  again  broke  and  retreate<] 
in  great  confusion,  on  the  appearance  of  u  very  small  body  of  the  enemy. 
At  this  shameful  conduct,  "VVashington  entirely  lost  his  self-command.  lie 
thought  ofthe  ruin,  which  this  miserable  cowardice  might  bring  upon  the 
cause  in  which  his  whole  soul  was  engaged.  In  despair  he  turned  his 
horse's  head  towards  the  enemy,  with  the  intention  of  seeking  an  honora- 
ble death  ;  and  it  was  only  by  the  friendly  violence  of  his  aids  that  he  was 
compelled  to  retire,  and   his  life  saved  for  his  country. 

The  issue  of  this  day  hastened  the  evacuation  of  New- York.  This  was 
effected  with  the  loss  of  very  few  men,  though  all  the  heavy  artillery,  the 
tents,  and  most  of  the  military  stores,  were  left  behind.  The  British  gene- 
ral inmiediately  stationed  a  detachment  in  the  city,  and  posted  his  main 
army  in  front  of  the  American  lines,  in  encampments  across  York  Island. 
The  flanks  of  the  army  from  front  to  rear  were  protected  by  the  shippuig. 
The  strongest  post  of  the  Americans  was  at  Kingsbridge,  and  this  post 
secured  their  communication  with  the  country.  A  detachment  was  also 
posted  on  the  heights  of  Ilaerlem,  within  a  mile  and  a  half  of  the  enemy. 
This  disposition  of  the  two  armies  would  naturally  lead  to  frequent  skir- 
mishes, and  it  was  on  this  account  very  desirable,  as  it  might  accustom 
the  undisciplined  troops  to  military  service. 

On  the  very  day  after  the  retreat  from  New-Y^ork,  a  body  of  the  enemy 
appeared  in  the  open  plain  between  the  two  camps.  The  general  detach- 
ed some  troops,  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Knowlton  and  1\I ajor 
Leitch,  to  attack  them.  After  leading  their  men  into  action,  in  the  most 
soldierlike  manner,  both  these  officers  were  brought  mortally  wounded 
from  the  field.  Their  troops  bravely  continued  the  attack,  and  drove  the 
enelny,  though  superior  in  numbers,  from  their  position.  The  success  of 
this  skirmish  had  a  great  influence  upon  the  army.  In  his  general 
orders,  Washhigton  applauded  the  courage  of  the  officers  and  men  on  this 
occasion,  and  contra,sted  it  with  the  covvardly  conduct  of  the  troops  the 
day  before.  He  called  upon  the  whole  army  to  remember  and  imitate 
this  brave  example.  He  gave  out  on  the  next  day  "  Leitch,"  for  the 
parole.  In  filling  the  vacancy  occasioned  by  the  death  ofthe  colonel,  he 
observed  that  "  the  officer  succeeded  the  gallant  and  brave  Colonel 
Knowlton,  who  would  have  been  an  honor  to  any  country,  and  who  had 
fallen  gloriously  fighting  at  his  post."  This  was  the  method  which  he 
adopted  to  animate  the  spirits  of  the  army.  General  Howe  continued  to 
prosecute  his  scheme  for  cutting  off  Washington's  communication  with 
the  eastern  states,  and  compelling  him  to  a  general  engagement.  Failing 
however  in  this  design,  he  adopted  a  new  plan  of  operations,  and  directed 
his  attention  to  the  invasion  of  New-Jersey.  Washington  penetrated  his 
design,  crossed  the  North  river,  and  wrote  to  the  governor  of  New-Jersey 


WASHINGTON.  15 

iirrrinjj  him  to  y)iit  the  inilifia  of  that  state  in  a  coriditioii  to  defend  it 
About  this  time  Fort  Wasliinjjton  was  taken  by  storm,  and  the  srarrison, 
coiisistins;  of  more  than  two  thousand  men,  surrendered  themselves  pri- 
soners of  war.  The  loss  on  this  occasion  was  very  heavy.  Tents  and 
military  stores  were  taken  by  the  enemy,  which  could  not  be  replaced. 
The  conquest  of  Fort  Wasliington  made  the  immediate  evacuation  of 
Fort  Lee,  on  tlie  opposite  Jersey  shore,  a  necessary  measure.  This  was 
effected  with  little  loss  of  men,  but  with  creat  loss  of  baujiage  and  artillery. 

When  General  Ilo.ve  passed  into  New-Jersey,  Washington  posted  his 
.nrmv  alonrr  tlie  Hackensack  ;  and  as  the  British  forces  advanced,  he  retreat- 
ed towards  the  Delaware.  It  often  happened,  tliat  the  front  guard  of  one 
army  entered  a  village,  as  (he  rear  guard  of  the  other  was  quitting  it  at 
the  opposite  end.  Whenever  it  could  be  done  with  prudence,  Washington 
took  a  stand  and  made  a  show  of  resistance  ;  sometimes  advancing  a  small 
detachment  as  if  to  engage  the  enemy.  At  Brunswick,  Lord  and  General 
Howe  issued  a  proclamation  as  commissioners,  commanding  all  persons  in 
arms  against  the  king  to  return  peaceably  to  their  homes,  and  offering  a 
full  pardon  to  all  who  would  subscribe  a  submission  to  the  royal  authority. 
This  was  the  darkest  period  of  the  wliole  war.  The  American  army  were 
reduf^pld  in  numbers,  worn  out  with  fatigue,  disheartened  by  defeat,  bare- 
foot without  tents  or  clothing,  and  tlying  before  a  numerous  and  disc-i- 
I  lined  body  of  well  armed  and  well  provided  troops.  A  general  spirit  of 
despondency  prevailed  through  New-Jersey,  and  most  of  the  families  of 
fortune  and  influence  were  inclined  to  return  to  their  allegiance  to  the 
king.  A  few,  however,  maintained  their  political  integrity,  and  nearly  a 
thousand  of  the  militia  of  the  state  bravely  kept  the  field.  In  the  worst 
of  times  Congress  remained  unshaken,  roused  only  to  new  and  more  vigo- 
rous exertions  by  the  public  danger. 

\  retreat  beyond  the  Delaware  became  necessary,  and  this  was  effected 
or  the  eighth  of  December.  The  boats  on  the  Jersey  shore  were  all  se- 
cured, the  bridges  broken  down,  and  parties  stationed  in  such  a  manner 
as  to  guard  the  different  fording  places  over  which  it  was  possible  for  the 
enemy  to  pass.  General  Howe,  after  an  unsuccessful  attempt  to  obtain 
boats  "to  pass  the  river,  posted  his  army  in  New-Jersey  ;  intending  to  wait 
till  the  ice  should  furnish  him  with  a  passage  to  Philadelphia.  During 
this  retreat,  when  affairs  were  taking  their  most  gloomy  aspect,  Wasliing- 
ton observed  to  Coi.  Reed,  passing  his  hand  over  his  throat  :  "  My  neck 
does  not  feel  as  if  it  were  made  for  a  halter  ;  we  must  retire  to  Augusta 
county,  in  VirgiTiia,  and  if  overpowered,  we  must  pass  the  Alleghany 
mountains." 

On  the  thirteenth  of  this  month,  a  disaster  of  much  importance  happen- 
ed in  the  capture  of  Major  General  Lee.  While  marching  at  the  head 
of  his  division  to  join  tlie  main  army,  he  very  imprudently  took  up  his 
lodgings  for  the  nisht  at  a  house  three  or  four  miles  distant  from  his  troops. 
In  this  situation  he  was  made  prisoner,  and  conveyed  to  New- York. 

Such  was  now  the  gloomy  state  of  affairs,  that  the  whole  country  took 
the  alarm  ;  and  strong  apprehensions  were  entertained  that  the  continental 
Army  would  he  entirely  broken  up.  The  term  of  service  of  many  of  the 
Troops  had  nearly  expired,  and  no  sufficient  number  of  recruits  arrived  to 


16  WASHINGTON 

supply  their  piaces.  Under  all  these  circumstances  of  doubt  and  distress, 
Washington  was  undismayed.  He  remained  firm,  self-possessed,  and 
serene,  omitting  notliing  that  could  animate  his  own  soldiers  or  embarrass 
the  enemy.  Laying  before  Congress  the  sfate  of  the  army,  he  pointed 
out  the  impolicy  of  short  enlistments,  and  urged  the  establishment  of  corps 
of  cavalry,  artillerists,  and  engineers.  "  We  find,"  he  observed,  "that 
the  enemy  are  daily  gathering  strength  from  the  disaffected.  This 
strength,  like  a  snow-ball  by  rolling,  will  increase,  unless  some  means 
can  be  devised  to  check,  effectually,  the  progress  of  the  enemy's  arms. 
Rlilitia  may  possibly  do  it  for  a  little  while  ;  but  in  a  little  while,  also,  the 
militia  of  these  states,  which  have  frequently  been  called  upon,  will  not 
turn  out  at  call ;  or  if  they  do,  it  will  be  with  so  much  reluctance  and 
sloth,  as  to  amount  to  the  same  thing." 

He  also  hinted  at  the  propriety  of  enlarging  his  own  powers,  so  as  to 
enable  him,  in  urgent  cases,  to  act  without  application  to  Congress,  and 
thus  execute  important  measures  in  the  most  effectual  manner.  "  I  have 
no  lust,"  he  added,  "  after  power,  but  wish  with  as  much  fervency  as  any 
man  upon  the  wide  extended  continent  for  an  opportunity  of  turning  the 
sword  into  the  ploughshare.  But  my  feelings  as  an  officer,  and  a  man, 
have  been  such  as  to  force  me  to  say,  that  no  person  ever  had  a  greatei 
choice  of  difficulties  to  contend  with  than  I  have." 

The  American  forces  now  amounted  to  about  seven  thousand  men  ; 
though  during  their  retreat  through  the  Jerseys  they  seldom  amounted  to 
half  that  number.  The  two  armies  were  separated  by  the  Delaware.  In 
the  security  of  conquest,  the  British  had  cantoned  their  troops  in  a  very 
loose  and  uncovered  manner,  being  in  daily  expectation  to  pass  over  into 
Pennsylvania  by  means  of  the  ice,  which  is  generally  formed  about  that 
time.  On  receiving  information  of  the  number  of  the  different  canton- 
ments, Washington  exclaimed,  "  Now  is  the  time  to  clip  their  wings, 
when  they  are  so  spread."  He  formed  the  bold  design  of  re-crossing  the 
Delaware,  and  attacking  the  British  posts  on  its  eastern  banks. 

In  the  evening  of  Christmas  day,  he  made  arrangements  to  pass  over  in 
three  divisions  ;  two  of  these  parties  failed  in  tlieir  attempt  from  the  quan- 
tity of  ice  by  which  their  passage  was  obstructed.  The  main  body,  of 
about  two  thousand  four  hundred  men,  began  to  cross  very  early  in  the 
evening,  during  a  severe  storm  of  snow  and  rain.  Having  landed  on  the 
lersey  shore,  they  had  still  a  march  of  nine  miles  before  they  reached  the 
village  of  Trenton,  where  a  party  of  about  fifteen  hundred  Hessians  and 
British  light  horse  was  stationed.  Tliis  party  was  taken  altogether  by 
.surprise.  A  smart  firing  ensued,  but  in  a  few  minutes  the  enemy,  finding 
themselves  surrounded,  threw  down  their  arms  and  surrendered.  -Colonel 
Flahl,  the  conunanding  officer,  was  mortally  wounded  ;  and  of  the  other 
officers  and  soldiers  nine  hundred  and  forty-eight  were  taken  prisoners. 
Of  the  Au>erican  troops,  two  privates  were  killed,  an  officer  and  five  or 
six  privates  wounded,  and  two  frozen  to  death.  On  the  same  day.  General 
Washington  recrossed  the  Delaware  witli  his  prisoners,  six  pieces  of  ar- 
tillery, a  thousand  stand  of  arms,  and  some  military  stores.  These  being 
secured,  and  his  men  having  enjoyed  two  or  three  days  of  rest,  he  returned, 
and  took  possession  of  Trenton.     On  the  next  day  Lord  Cornwallis  move(l 


WASHINGTON.  17 

forward  with  a  numerous  force,  and  reached  Trenton  about  four  o'clock 
in  the  afternoon.  General  Washington  drew  up  his  army  behind  a  creek 
which  runs  tlirough  the  town,  and  in  this  position  waited  for  the  move- 
ments of  the  enemy.  After  having  attempted  to  cross  this  creek,  and 
findiiif  the  passes  guarded,  the  British  general  halted  his  troops,  and  de- 
termined to  defer  the  attack  till  the  following  morning.  The  situation  of 
the  Auierican  troops  was  critical.  Washington  called  a  council  of  his 
officers,  and  laid  before  them  the  different  plans  that  they  might  adopt. 
A  retreat  across  the  Delaware  was  impracticable,  on  account  of  the  ice. 
A  defeat,  if  they  risked  an  engagement,  would  be  entire  destruction.  It 
was  determined  to  quit  their  present  position,  and  get  in  (he  rear  of  the 
Dritish  army  at  Princeton. 

On  the  next  morning,  Lord  Cornwallis  discovered  tliat  his  enemy  had 
disn[)pcared.  Soon  after  dark,  Washington  had  given  orders  for  the  re- 
moval of  the  baggage  to  Burlington.  Guards  were  stationed  to  perform 
the  usual  rounds,  and  to  keep  the  watch  fires  burning  throughout  the 
night.  At  one  o'clock,  the  army  silently  left  the  camp,  and  gained  the 
rear  of  the  enemy.  They  reached  Princeton  early  in  the  morning,  and 
would  have  completely  surprised  the  British,  if  they  had  not  been  met  by 
an  advance  of  three  regiments,  which  were  on  their  way  to  join  thd  niaui 
army.  '  The  centre  of  the  American  troops  was  severely  charged  by  this 
party,  and  gave  way  in  disorder.  In  his  effort  to  rally  them.  General 
Mercer  was  mortally  wounded.  At  this  moment,  Washington  advanced 
at  the  head  of  his  troops,  and  plunged  into  the  hottest  fire  of  the  enemy. 
He  was  bravely  supported  by  his  men,  and  the  British  were  obliged  to 
retreat.  One  party  of  them  fled  to  the  colleges,  but  after  a  few  discharges 
from  the  American  fieldpieces,  they  came  out  and  surrendered  them- 
selves. More  than  an  hundred  of  the  British  Avere  left  dead  upon  the 
battle  ground,  and  three  hundred  were  made  prisoners. 

These  victories  led  to  the  most  miportant  consequences.  Philadelphia 
was  saved  for  the  winter  ;  Jersey  was  recovered  ;  and  the  depressed  spirits 
of  the  Americans  were  again  revived.  The  character  of  the  commander- 
in-chief  rose  still  higher  in  public  estimation ;  and  the  soldiers  began  to 
entertain  confidence  in  themselves  and  each  other.  After  the  campaign 
had  been  thus  carried  into  the  month  of  January,  Washington  retired  into 
winter  quarters  at  Morristown.  His  forces  were  small  in  comparison 
with  those  of  the  enemy,  but  public  report  had  much  exaggerated  their 
number,  and  tliis  deception  was  carefully  continued.  The  remainder  of 
the  season  passed  over  in  a  war  of  skirmishes,  which  generally  terminated 
in  favor  of  the  Americans.  Arranging  the  army  in  spring  gave  the 
connnander-in-chief  inconceivable  trouble.  A  difficulty  arose  in  as- 
sembling the  troops  from  the  different  states  in  which  they  had  been 
enlisted.  The  state  regulations,  in  respect  to  pay  and  bounty,  were 
different,  and  occasioned  petty  and  vexatious  jealousies  among  the  troops. 
Each  state,  that  conceived  itself  exposed  to  invasion,  was  desirous  of 
retaining  a  part  of  its  force  for  its  own  security.  All  these  embarrass- 
ments, however,  were  finally  removed  by  the  authority  and  great  personal 
influence  of  Washington. 

'J'lie   treatment  of  American  prisoners,    !)y  the  British  officers,  was  a 


IS  WASHINGTON. 

source  of  yrcai  vexation  and  difficulty.  The)f  were  viewed  as  rebels,  and 
conlined  in  prisons  with  common  felons.  General  Waslnngton  had  written 
to  General  Gage  on  this  subject  early  in  the  war.  In  tliis  letter  he  de- 
clared the  intention  to  regulate  his  conduct  towards  prisoners  in  his  own 
hands,  by  the  treatment  which  those  should  receive  in  the  power  of  the 
British  general.  To  this  communication  an  insolent  reply  was  received, 
ni  which  General  Gage  retorted  the  charge,  and  stated,  as  a  mark  of 
British  clemency,  that  the  cord  was  not  applied  to  their  prisoners.  Gene- 
ral Washington  rejoined  in  a  manner  worthy  of  his  character,  with  a 
communication  which,  he  observed,  was  "  to  close  their  correspondence, 
perhaps  forever."  In  conclusion  he  remarked,  "  if  your  officers,  our  pri- 
soners, receive  from  me  a  treatment  different  from  what  I  wished  to  show 
them,  they  and  you  will  remember  the  occasion  of  it."  Accordingly,  all 
the  British  officers  in  his  power  were  put  into  close  jail,  and  the  soldiers 
were  confined  in  places  of  security.  When  Ilowe  succeeded  to  the  com- 
mand, the  treatment  of  prisoners  became  more  humane  on  both  sides. 

Tlie  capture  of  General  Lee  opened  new  sources  of  irritation  on  this 
subject.  As  he  had  formerly  been  a  British  officer,  General  Howe 
pretended  to  consider  him  as  a  traitor,  and  at  first  refused  to  consider  him 
as  a  subject  of  exchange.  Congress  directed  the  commander-in-chief  to 
propose  to  exchange  six  fieldofficers  for  General  Lee;  and  in  case  of 
the  rejection  of  this  proposal,  they  resolved  that  these  officers  should  be 
closely  confined  and  receive  in  every  respect  the  treatment  that  General 
Lee  did.  This  plan  of  retaliation  Washington  considered  unjust  and 
impolitic,  and  he  was  reluctant  to  execute  it.  He  remonstrated  against  it, 
and  Congress  eventually  adopted  the  measures  he  recommended. 

In  the  approach  of  active  operations.  Congress  determined  to  form  an 
encampment  on  the  western  side  of  Philadelphia.  W^ashington  had  made 
his  arrangements  for  the  campaign,  with  the  expectation  that  the  British 
would  attempt  to  obtain  possession  of  Philadelphia,  or  the  Highlands  on 
the  Hudson.  To  prevent  this,  the  northern  troops  were  divided  between 
Ticonderoga  and  Peekskill ;  while  those  from  the  south  were  posted  at 
Middlebrook,  near  the  Haritan.  This  position  was  fortified  by  intrench- 
ments.  The  force  of  the  Americans,  collected  at  this  strong  encampment, 
was  nominally  between  nine  and  ten  thousand  men  ;  but  the  effective 
force  was  about  six  thousand.  A  large  portion  of  these  consisted  of  ravv 
recruits,  and  a  considerable  number  of  those  enlisted  in  the  southern 
states  were  foreigners.  To  encourage  their  desertion.  General  Howe 
offered  a  bounty  to  every  soldier  who  would  come  over  to  his  army  ;  and, 
to  counteract  this  measure,  Washington  recommended  Congress  to  grant 
full  pardon  to  all  Americans  who  would  relinquish  the  British  service. 

On  the  part  of  the  British,  the  campaign  opened  early  in  June.  Their 
forces  advanced  toward  Philadelphia  as  far  as  Somerset  County  in  New- 
Jersey,  but  they  soon  fell  back  to  New-Brunswick.  The  whole  of  this 
month  was  wasted  in  alternate  advance  and  retreat,  without  any  deter- 
minate action.  Apprehensive  that  Sir  William  Howe  would  ultimately 
move  up  tlie  North  river,  and  that  his  moveinents  southwardly  were 
merely  feints,  Washington  detached  a  brigade  to  reinforce  the  northern 
division  of  his  army.     Further  advices  favored  the  idea  that  a  junction  of 


WASHINGTON.  19 

tlie  royal  armies  near  Albany  was  intended  ;  but  still  the  whole  afTair  was 
embarrassed,  and  made  doubtful  by  the  future  movements. 

Abinit  tlie  middle  of  August,  certain  accounts  were  received  that  the 
Britisii  had  taken  possession  of  the  Chesapeake,  and  landed  as  near  Phila- 
delphia as  was  practicable.  As  soon  as  this  was  known,  Washinirton 
ordered  the  divisions  of  his  army  to  unite  in  the  neighborhood  of  Phila- 
delphia, and  the  militia  of  the  surrounding  states  to  take  the  field.  He 
had  previously  written  very  pressing  letters  to  the  governors  of  the  eastern 
states  to  strengthen  the  northern  army  opposed  to  Burgoyne ;  and  even 
detached  some  of  the  best  of  his  own  forces  on  that  important  service. 
T'he  effective  American  army  did  not  exceed  eleven  thousand  men. 
With  these  troops  Washington  marclied  through  Philadelphia,  that  the 
sight  of  them  migiit  make  an  impression  on  tlie  minds  of  the  wavering 
and  disaffected. 

The  two  armies  approached  each  other  on  the  third  of  September.  As 
the  British  troops  advanced.  Sir  William  Howe  endeavored  to  gain  the 
right  wing  of  the  American  army.  General  Washington  continued  to 
fall  back,  until  he  crossed  the  Brandyvvine  river.  He  here  posted  his 
troops  on  the  high  ground,  near  Chadd's  Ford.  The  light  corps,  under 
General  Maxwell,  was  advanced  in  front,  and  placed  on  the  hills  south 
of  the  river,  in  order  to  assail  the  enemy  if  they  should  approach  in  that 
direction.  Troops  were  also  posted  at  a  ford  two  miles  below,  and  at 
several  passes  some  miles  above.  The  opinion  of  Congress,  and  the 
general  wish  of  the  country,  made  it  necessary  for  Washington  to  risk 
a  general  action  at  this  place. 

On  tiie  morning  of  the  eleventh,  the  British  army  advanced  in  two 
columns  to  the  attack.  One  column  took  the  direct  road  to  Chadd's 
Ford,  and  soon  forced  Maxwell's  corps  to  cross  the  river,  with  very  little 
loss  on  either  side.  General  Knyphausen,  the  commander  of  this  body, 
continued  to  parade  on  the  heights,  to  reconnoitre  the  American  army, 
and  was  apparently  preparing  to  attempt  the  passage  of  the  river. 

The  other  coluaui,  led  by  Lord  Cornwallis,  moved  up  on  the  west  side 
of  the  Brandy  wine,  making  a  circuit  of  about  seventeen  mile-;.  On  com- 
ing within  view  of  the  American  troops,  it  instantly  formed  the  line  of 
battle,  and  at  about  half  after  four  the  action  began.  It  was  continued 
with  great  spirit  for  some  time.  The  American  right  first  fell  into  dis- 
order and  gave  way.  They  attempted  to  rally,  but  on  being  vigorously 
charged  by  the  enemy,  again  broke.  The  flight  now  becime  common. 
General  Washington,  who  had  hastened  towards  the  scene  of  action  as 
soon  as  the  firing  commenced,  only  arrived  in  season  to  cover  the  retreat. 

When  the  right  wing  was  engaged  with  Lord  Cornwallis,  the  works  at 
Chadd's  Ford  had  been  assaulted  and  carried  by  General  Knyphausen. 
The  whole  army  retreated  that  night  to  Chester,  and  on  the  next  day,  to 
Philadelphia.  The  Americans  lost'  in  this  battle  about  nine  hundred 
men;  three  hundred  of  whom  were  slain,  and  the  rest  wounded  and  taken 
prisoners.  Tliis  defeat  occasioned  no  dejection  either  among  the  citi- 
zens, or  in  the  army.  Measures  were  immediately  taken  to  procure 
reinforcements.  Fifteen  hundred  men  were  marched  from  Peekskill, 
and  large  detachments  of  militia  ordered  into  the  field.  It  was  determin- 
4 


20  WASHINGTON. 

ed  to  risk  a  second  engagement,  for  the  security  of  Philadelphia.     The 
enemy  sought  it,  and  Washington  was  willing  to  meet  it. 

The  commander-in-chief  was  empowered  to  impress  all  horses,  v,  agons, 
and  provisions,  requisite  for  the  use  of  the  army.  Perceiving  that  the 
enemy  were  moving  into  the  Lancaster  road,  towards  the  city,  Washing- 
ton took  possession  of  ground  on  the  left  of  the  British,  and  about  twenty- 
three  miles  from  Philadelphia.  On  the  next  morning,  the  approach  of 
the  British  was  announced.  He  immediately  put  his  troops  in  motion, 
and  a  skirmish  had  already  commenced,  when  a  violent  rain  storm  oblig- 
ed them  to  separate.  The  retreat  of  the  Americans  was  now  unavoida- 
ble. Their  gun  locks  and  cartridge  boxes  were  badly  made,  and  tl,ie 
storm  rendered  most  of  the  arms  unfit  for  use.  The  exposure  of  the 
army  was  still  greater,  from  their  being  entirely  destitute  of  bayonets. 

Washington  continued  his  retreat  through  the  day,  and  most  of  the 
night,  amidst  a  very  cold  storm,  and  through  very  bad  roads.  On  a  full 
discovery  of  the  damage  that  had  been  done  the  ammunition  and  arms, 
the  general  ascended  the  Schuylkill,  and  crossed  it  at  Warwick  Furnace, 
that  the  army  might  refit  their  muskets  and  replenish  their  cartridge 
boxes.  He  still  resolved  to  risk  a  general  engagement.  Recrossing  the 
Schuylkill  at  Parker's  Ferry,  he  encamped  on  the  east  side,  posting  de- 
tachments at  the  different  fords  at  which  the  enemy  might  attempt  to 
force  a  passage.  Instead  of  urging  an  action,  the  British  moved  rapidly 
on  their  march  towards  Reading.  To  save  the  military  stores  which  had 
been  deposited  in  that  place,  Washington  took  a  new  position,  and  left 
the  enemy  in  undisturbed  possession  of  the  road  which  led  to  the  city. 
Sir  William  Howe  availed  himself  of  this  advantage,  and  on  the  twenty- 
sixth  of  the  month  entered  Philadelphia  in  triumph. 

Washington  had  taken  seasonable  measures  to  remove  the  public 
stores  from  the  city,  and  to  secure  the  most  necessary  articles  for  the  use 
of  the  army.  Though  failing  in  his  plan  to  save  Philadelphia,  he  retain- 
ed the  undiminished  confidence  of  the  people,  and  of  Congress.  Instead 
of  now  going  into  winter  quarters,  he  approached  and  encamped  near 
the  enemy. 

Four  regiments  of  grenadiers  were  posted  in  Philadelphia,  and  the 
other  corps  of  the  British  army  were  cantoned  at  Germantown.  The 
first  object  of  Sir  William  Howe  was  to  effect  an  open  communication 
through  the  Delaware  with  the  British  fleet.  General  Washington  was 
desirous  to  cut  off  this  source  of  supplies,  and  erected  forts  on  both  banks 
of  this  river,  near  its  junction  with  the  Schuylkill,  and  about  seven  miles 
below  Philadelphia.  In  the  channel  between  the  forts,  large  pieces  of 
timber  strongly  framed  together  and  pointed  with  iron,  were  sunk  in  two 
ranges,  to  obstruct  the  passage  of  the  ships.  These  works  were  covered 
by  floating  batteries  and  armed  ships. 

A  considerable  number  of  British  troops  having  been  despatched  to 
destroy  these  works,  it  was  thought  a  favorable  time  to  attack  their  main 
body.  The  American  forces  now  amounted  to  about  eight  thousand 
regular  troops  and  three  thousand  militia.  The  plan  formed  was,  to 
attack  the  enemy  in  front  and  rear  at  the  same  time ;  and,  on  the  fourth 
of  October,  the  army  was  moved  near  the  scene  of  action.     The  line  of 


WASHINGTON.  21 

the  British  encampment  crossed  Germantown  at  riglit  angles.  At  sun- 
rise, on  the  next  morning,  the  attack  was  commenced.  The  American 
troops  were  at  first  successfiil.  They  routed  the  enemy  at  two  different 
quarters,  and  took  a  number  of  prisoners.  But  the  morning  was  extreme- 
ly foirgy,  and  the  Americans  were  unable  to  take  advantage  of  theii 
success.  They  could  not  perceive  the  situation  of  the  enemy,  nor  under- 
stand their  own  situation.  The  field  was  hastily  abandoned,  and  Wash- 
ington was  obliged  to  resign  a  victory  of  which  he  had  thought  himself 
secure.  The  loss  of  the  Americans,  including  the  wounded,  and  four 
hundred  prisoners,  was  about  eleven  hundred.  A  retreat  was  made 
twenty  miles  to  Perkioming,  with  the  loss  of  a  single  piece  of  artillery. 

The  plan  of  the  battle  of  Germantown  was  judicious,  and  its  com- 
mencement well  conducted  ;  unavoidable  circumstances  prevented  a 
fortunate  issue.  Congress  voted  their  unanimous  thanks  "to  General 
Washington,  for  his  wise  and  well  concerted  attack,  and  to  the  officers 
and  soldiers  of  the  army,  for  the  brave  exertions  on  that  occasion." 
From  the  time  that  the  British  obtained  possession  of  the  city,  every  aid 
was  given  to  the  forts  constructed  on  the  Delaware,  to  close  the  naviga- 
tion of  that  river.  Troops  were  sent  out,  to  prevent  the  farmer  from 
carrying  provisions  to  the  market,  and  to  cut  off  the  foraging  parties. 
The  British  soon  afi;er  broke  up  their  encampment  at  Germantown,  con- 
centrated all  their  forces  at  Philadelphia,  and  directed  their  attention 
principally  to  opening  the  navigation  of  the  Delaware.  This  opera- 
tion employed  them  about  six  weeks,  and  after  a  great  display  of  valor  on 
both  sides,  was  successfully  accomplished. 

In  this  state  of  public  affairs,  a  long  and  very  singular  letter  was  ad- 
dressed to  Washington,  by  the  Rev.  Jacob  Duche,  late  chaplain  of  Con- 
gress, and  a  clergyman  of  rank  and  character.  The  purport  of  this 
communication  was,  to  persuade  him  that  farther  resistance  to  Great 
Britain  was  hopeless,  and  would  only  increase  the  calamities  of  their 
common  country;  and  to  urge  him  to  make  the  most  favorable  terms, 
and  give  up  the  contest.  Such  a  letter,  from  a  man  of  eminence,  worth, 
and  patriotism,  corresponding  also  with  the  views  of  very  many  respecta- 
ble citizens,  would  have  produced  considerable  effect  on  a  mind  less 
firm  and  resolute  than  that  of  Washington.  He  took  no  further  notice 
of  the  letter,  than  merely  to  send  a  verbal  message  to  the  writer,  "that 
if  the  contents  of  his  letter  had  been  known,  it  should  have  been  return- 
ed unopened." 

While  Sir  William  Howe  was  successful  in  all  his  enterprises  in  Penn- 
sylvania, the  intelligence  arrived  that  General  Burgoyne  and  his  whole 
army  had  surrendered  prisoners  of  war.  A' portion  of  the  northern  array 
soon  after  joined  Washington,  and  with  this  reinforcement  he  took  a  posi- 
tion at  and  near  White  Marsh.  Sir  William  Howe  marched  out  of  Phila- 
delphia, with  tlie  expectation  of  bringing  on  a  general  engagement.  On 
tlie  next  morning  he  took  a  position  upon  Chesnut  Hill,  about  three  miles 
in  front  of  the  Americans,  and  spent  several  days  in  reconnoitering  their 
camp.  He  changed  his  ground,  and  made  every  appearance  of  an  inten- 
tion to  commence  an  attack.  Several  severe  skirmishes  took  place,  and  a 
general  action  was  hourly  expected.     But  Sir  William  Howe  was  too  well 


'22  WASHINGTON. 

-\ 

aware  of  the  advantage  of  the  enemy's  position,  and   returned  to  Phila 
delphia  without  coming  to  an  engagement. 

Three  days  after  the  retreat  of  the  British  army,  Washington  made  pre- 
parations to  retire  into  w'nter  quarters.  He  expressed  in  his  general 
orders  strong  approbation  o."  the  conduct  of  his  troops.  Presenting  them 
with  a  favorable  view  of  their  country's  situation,  he  exhorted  them  to 
bear  with  firmness  the  sufferings  to  which  they  must  be  exposed  in  the  po- 
sition they  were  about  to  occupy.  Valley  Forge,  about  twenty-five  miles 
back  of  Philadelphia,  was  fixed  upon  for  winter  quarters.     This  position 


^ 


^•"'■'   '   ' 


was  preferred  to  distant  and  more  comfortable  villages,  as  it  was  calculated 
lo  give  the  most  extensive  security  to  the  country.  The  American  tt  ^ny 
might  have  been  tracked,  by  the  blood  of  their  bare  feet,  from  Whue 
Marsh  to  their  new  position.  They  were  badly  clothed  and' badly  pro- 
vided with  food.  Many  were  obliged  to  go  almost  naked,  suffering  at  the 
same  time  from  famine.  In  this  situation  the  men  behaved  with  great  for- 
titude. They  felled  trees,  and  built  log  huts,  which  were  covered  with 
straw  and  earth,  and  afforded  but  very  poor  shelter  from  the  severity  of 
the  season. 

Washington  was  now  obliged  to  pursue  a  course,  which  he  adopted  with 
the  greatest  reluctance.  The  army  suffered  exceedingly  from  hunger.  It 
was  necessary  that  they  should  be  allowed  to  satisfy  their  wants  by  force. 
In  obedience  to  the  commands  of  Congress,  the  general  issued  a  procla- 
mation, calling  on  "  the  farmers,  within  seventy  miles  of  headquarters, 
to  thresh  out  one  half  of  their  grain  by  the  first  of  February,  and  the  resi- 
due by  the  first  of  March,  under  the  penalty  of  having  the  whole  seized 
as  straw." 

While  these  transactions  had  been  going  on  in  the  middle  states,  the 
northern  campaign  had  terminated  in  the  capture  of  the  army  of  General 
Burgoyne.  This  event  had  very  highly  raised  the  reputation  of  General 
Gates,  the  commander  in  that  department.  The  different  issue  of  affairs 
under   General  Washington,    afforded  the  ignorant  and  discontented  an 


WASHINGTON.  23 

occasion  to  murmur  and  complain.  Several  members  of  Congress,  and  a 
few  general  ofliccrs  of  the  army,  were  engaged  in  a  j)]an  to  supplant  him 
m  iii-s  office,  and  raise  General  Gates  to  the  chief  cojnmand. 

In  the  prosecution  of  this  scheme,  every  effort  was  made  to  injure  the 
character  of  General  Wasliington.  The  conspiracy  did  not  escape  his 
notice  ;  but  love  of  country  was  superior  to  every  consideration.  He  re- 
pressed his  indignation,  to  prevent  an  appearance  of  disunion  and  dissen- 
sion, that  might  ruin  the  cause  in  which  he  was  engaged.  His  private 
letters  at  this  period  exhibit  the  state  of  bis  feelings,  and  the  honorable 
motives  which  directed  his  conduct. 

In  a  communication  to  the  President  of  Congress,  Mr.  Laurens,  he  ob- 
serves upon  tliis  subject: — "  My  enemies  lake  an  ungenerous  advantage 
of  me.  They  know  tlie  delicacy  of  my  situation,  and  that  motives  of  po- 
licy deprive  me  of  the  defence  I  might  otiierwise  make  against  their  in- 
sidious attacks.  They  know  I  cannot  combat  their  insinuations,  however 
injurious,  without  disclosing  secrets  it  is  of  the  utmost  moment  to  conceal. 
But  why  should  I  expect  to  be  exempt  from  censure,  the  unfailing  lot  of 
an  elevated  station.  Merit  and  talents  wliich  I  cannot  pretend  to  rival, 
have  ever  been  subject  to  it.  My  heart  tells  me  it  has  been  my  unremitted 
aim  to  do  the  best  which  circumstances  would  permit;  yet  I  may  have 
been  very  often  mistaken  in  my  judgment  of  the  means,  and  may,  in  many 
instances,  deserve  the  imputation  of  error. 

About  this  time  it  was  rumored  that  Washington  had  determined  to 
resign  his  command.  On  this  occasion  he  wrote  to  a  gentleman  in  New- 
England  as  follows  :  "  I  can  assure  you  that  no  person  ever  heard  me  drop 
an  expression  that  had  a  tendency  to  resignation.  The  same  principles 
that  led  me  to  embark  in  the  opposition  to  the  arbitrary  claims  of  Great 
Britain,  operate  with  additional  force  at  this  day  ;  nor  is  it  my  desire  to 
withdraw  my  services  while  they  are  considered  of  importance  in  the  pre- 
sent contest :  but  to  report  a  design  of  this  kind,  is  among  the  acts  which 
tliose  who  are  endeavoring  to  effect  a  change,  are  practising  to  bring  it 
to  pass.  I  have  said,  and  I  still  do  say,  that  there  is  not  an  officer  in  the 
service  of  the  United  States,  that  would  return  to  the  sweets  of  domestic 
life  with  more  heart-felt  joy  than  I  should.  But  I  would  have  this  decla- 
ration accompanied  by  these  sentiments,  that  while  the  public  are  satis- 
fied with  my  endeavors,  I  mean  not  to  shrink  from  the  cause.  But  the 
moment  her  voice,  not  that  of  faction,  calls  upon  me  to  resign,  I  shall  do 
it  with  as  much  pleasure  as  ever  the  wearied  traveller  retired  to  rest." 

Washington  now  devoted  himself  to  preparations  for  an  active  cam- 
paign in  1778.  He  labored  to  convince  Congress  of  the  necessity  of  en- 
listing a  regular  army,  at  least  equal  to  that  of  the  enemy.  Congress 
deputed  a  committee  from  their  body  to  reside  in  the  camp,  and  act 
in  concert  with  the  commander-in-chief,  in  reforming  the  condition 
of  the  forces.  This  committee  repaired  to  Valley  Forge  in  January, 
1778.  Washington  laid  before  them  a  minute  view  of  the  army,  in  which 
he  minutely  pointed  out  what  he  deemed  necessary  for  the  correction  of 
abuses,  and  for  the  advancement  of  the  service.  He  recommended,  "  as 
essentially  necessary,  that,  in  addition  to  present  compensation,  provision 
should  be  made  by  half  pay,  and  a  pensionary  establishment,  for  the  future 


24  WASHINGTON. 

support  of  the  officers,  so  as  to  render  their  commissions  valuable."  He 
pointed  out  "  the  insufficiency  of  their  pay  (especially  in  its  present  state 
of  depreciation)  for  their  decent  subsistence  ;  the  sacrifices  they  had  al- 
ready made,  and  the  unreasonableness  of  expecting  that  they  would  con- 
tinue patiently  to  bear  such  an  over  proportion  of  the  common  calamities 
growing  out  of  the  necessary  war,  in  which  all  were  equally  interested  ; 
the  manv  resignations  that  had  already  taken  place,  and  the  probability 
that  more  would  follow,  to  the  great  injury  of  the  service ;  the  impossi- 
bility of  keeping  uj)  a  strict  discipline  among  officers  whose  commissions, 
in'a  pecuniary  view,  were  so  far  from  being  worth  holding,  that  they  were 
the  means  of  impoverishing  them."  These  and  other  weighty  considera- 
tions were  accompanied  by  a  declaration  from  Washington,  "  that  he 
neither  could  nor  would  receive  the  smallest  benefit  from  the  proposed 
establishment,  and  that  he  had  no  other  inducement  in  urging  it,  but  a 
full  conviction  of  its  utility  and  propriety." 

Congress  acted  upon  the  proposed  reforms  with  a  general  concurrence 
of  sentiment,  but  before  the  army  could  receive  the  benefit  of  them,  their 
distresses  had  reached  the  most  alarming  height.  Of  seventeen  thousand 
men  m  the  camp,  but  five  thousand  were  able  to  discharge  effective  duty. 
Several  times  during  the  winter,  they  experienced  little  less  than  famine; 
and  a  total  dissolution  of  the  army  was  often  threatened  in  consequence. 
"  It  was  on  this  occasion,"  observes  i>r.  Thacher,  "  that  a  foreigner  of 
distinction  said  to  a  friend  of  mine,  that  he  despaired  of  our  independence; 
for  while  walking  with  General  Washington  along  the  soldiers'  huts,  he 
heard  from  many  voices  echoing  through  the  open  crevices  between  the 
logs,  '  no  pay,  no  clothes,  no  provisions,  vo  rum,'  and  when  a  miserable 
being  was  seen  Hitting  from  one  hut  to  another,  his  nakedness  was  only 
covered  by  a  dirty  blaukcl.  It  will  be  difficult  to  form  a  just  conception 
of  the  emotions  of  grief  and  sorrow,  which  must  have  harrowed  up  the 
soul  of  our  illustrious  patriot  and  philanthropist.  In  this  darke'ning  hour 
of  adversity,  any  man  who  possesses  less  firmness  than  Washington,  would 
despair  of  our  independence." 

It  was  at  this  period  that  the  British  government  were  disposed  to  make 
conciliatory  proposals.  The  first  certain  intelligence  of  these  offers  was 
received  by  Washington  in  a  letter  from  the  British  governor  of  New- 
York,  enclosing  the  proposals,  and  recommending  "  that  they  should  be 
circulated  by  General  Washington  among  the  officers  and  privates  of  his 
army."  These  proposals  were  immediately  forwarded  to  Congress,  and 
on  the  day  after  their  rejection  an  order  was  adopted,  in  which  it  was 
urged  upon  the  different  states  to  pardon,  under  certain  limitations,  such 
of  their  misguided  citizens  as  had  levied  war  against  the  United  States. 
This  resolution  was  transmitted  to  the  British  Governor,  with  a  request, 
by  way  of  retort,  that  he  would  circulate  it  among  the  Americans  in  the 
British  army.  The  proposals  of  the  Britisii  government  had  been  made 
in  consequence  of  a  treaty  which  had  just  been  concluded  between  France 
and  the  United  States. 

Sir  William  Howe  had  resigned  the  command  of  the  British  army,  and 
was  succeeded  by  Sir  Henry  Clinton.  This  officer  received  immediate 
orders  to  evacuate  Philadelphia.     Washington  was  uncertain  what  course 


WASHINGTON.  25 

he  would  probably  pursue.  Dccidinir  on  a  innrcli  to  New- York,  tlic 
British  general  crossed  tiie  Delavviiro  aI)out  the  middle  of  June.  When 
this  was  known,  a  council  of  war  was  immediately  called  in  the  Ameri- 
can camp.  There  was  a  great  difference  of  opinions.  Since  the  recent 
alliance  with  France,  independence  was  considered  secure,  unless  the 
army  should  be  defeated.  Under  such  circumstances  a  general  eno-age- 
ment  was  not  to  be  hazarded,  without  a  fair  prospect  of  success.  This 
was  the  opinion  of  a  majority  of  the  general  officers.  Washington,  how- 
ever, was  very  desirous  to  risk  an  action. 

When  Sir  Henry  Clinton  had  advanced  to  Allentown,  instead  of  pur- 
suing the  direct  course  to  Staten  Island,  he  drew  towards  the  sea  coast. 
On  learning  that  he  was  marching  in  this  direction,  towards  Monmouth 
court-house,  Washington  sent  Brigadier  Wayne  with  a  thousand  men  to 
reinforce  his  advanced  troops.  The  command  of  this  body  was  offered 
to  General  Lee,  who  in  the  exchange  of  prisoners  had  been  restored  to 
the  army.  This  officer  was  opposed  to  any  engagement  with  the  enemy 
at  that  time,  and  declined  the  service.  It  was  accordingly  given  to  the 
Marquis  de  La  Fayette. 

The  whole  army  followed  at  a  proper  distance  for  supporting  the  ad- 
vanced corps,  and  reached  Cranberry  the  next  morning.  Washington 
increased  his  advanced  corps  with  two  brigades,  and  sent  General  Lee, 
who  was  now  desirous  of  assuming  the  command,  to  take  charge  of  the 
whole,  and  followed  with  the  main  army  to  give  it  support.  On  the  next 
mo'-ning,  orders  were  sent  to  Lee  to  move  forward  and  attack  the  enemy, 
unlt>i;s  there  should  be  very  strong  objections  to  the  measure.  When 
Wasiiington  had  marched  about  five  miles  to  support  the  advance  corps, 
he  fou.ad  it  retreating,  by  Lee's  orders,  and  without  having  offered  any 
opposit.on.  He  immediately  rode  up  to  Lee  and  requested  an  explana- 
tion ;  the  reply  was  unsuitable  and  insolent.  Orders  were  then  given  to 
form  on  a  piece  of  ground  which  seemed  to  offer  advantages  as  a  position 
to  check  the  enemy.  Lee  was  asked  if  he  would  command  on  that 
ground  ;  he  consented,  and  replied  "  your  orders  shall  be  obeyed,  and  I 
will  not  be  the  first  to  leave  the  field." 

Wa.shington  returned  to  the  main  army,  which  was  soon  formed  for 
action.  After  several  unsuccessful  movements  of  the  British  troops,  they 
retired  and  took  the  ground  that  had  been  before  occupied  by  Genera! 
Lee.  Washington  determined  to  attack  them,  and  ordered  two  detach- 
ments to  move  round,  upon  their  right  and  left  sides.  They  did  not  ar- 
rive at  their  ground  in  season  to  commence  the  attack  that  night.  They 
remained  in  that  position  till  morning.  General  Washington  reposing  on 
his  clouk  under  a  tree  in  the  midst  of  his  troops.  Bef(  re  dawn,  the  British 
moved  away  in  great  silence.  Nothing  was  known  of  their  march  till  the 
next  day.  They  left  beliind  four  (Officers,  and  forty  privates,  so  severely 
wounded  that  it  was  not  safe  to  remove  them.  Including  prisoners,  the 
whole  loss  of  the  British  army  was  about  three  hundred  and  fifty.  They 
pursued  their  march  to  Sandy  Hook  without  farther  interruption  and 
without  any  loss  of  baggage.  The  Americans  lost  about  two  hundred 
and  fifty  men.  Declining  pursuit  of  the  royal  troops,  they  retired  to  the 
borders  of  the  North  river. 


2t>  WASHINGTOiN. 

Shortly  after  the  action,  Congress  resolved  on  a  vote  of  thanks  to  Gene- 
ral Washington,  for  the  activity  with  wliich  he  marched  from  the  camp  al 
Valley  Forge  in  pursuit  of  the  enemy  ;  for  his  distinguished  exertions  in 
forming  the  line  of  battle  ;  and  for  his  great  good  conduct  in  leading  on 
the  attack,  and. gaining  the  important  victory  of  Monmouth.  General 
Lee  followed  up  his  passionate  language  on  the  day  of  the  battle,  by  writ- 
ing two  violent  letters  to  Washington,  which  occasioned  his  being  arrested 
and  brought  to  trial.  After  a  protracted  hearing  before  a  comt-martial, 
of  which  Lord  Stirling  was  president,  Lee  was  found  guilty,  and  sentenced 
to  be  suspended  from  any  command  in  the  armies  of  the  United  States  for 
the  term  of  one  year. 

Soon  after  the  battle  of  Monmouth,  the  American  army  took  post  at 
the  White  Plains,  and  remained  there  and  in  the  vicinity  till  autumn  was 
far  advanced,  and  then  retired  to  Middlebrook,  in  New  Jersey.  During 
this  period,  nothing  occurred  of  greater  importance  than  an  occasional 
skirmish.  The  French  fleet  arrived  too  late  to  attack  the  British  in  the 
Delaware.  It  was  determined,  therefore,  that  a  joint  expedition,  with  the 
sea  and  land  forces,  should  be  made  against  the  British  posts  in  Rhode 
Island.  General  Sullivan  was  appointed  to  the  conduct  of  the  American 
troops  ;  Count  D'Estaing  commanded  the  French  fleet.  The  preparations 
for  commencing  the  attack  had  been  nearly  completed,  when  a  British 
fleet  appeared  in  sight.  The  French  commander  immediately  put  out  to 
sea,  to  come  to  an  engagement.  A  violent  storm  arose,  and  injured  both 
fleets  to  such  an  extent,  that  it  was  necessary  for  the  one  to  sail  for 
Boston,  and  the  other  to  New-York,  to  refit. 

General  Sullivan  had  commenced  the  siege,  in  the  expectation  of  being 
shortly  seconded  by  the  French  fleet.  The  determination  of  D'Estaing 
to  return  to  Boston  excited  general  alarm.  It  left  the  harbors  of  Rhode 
Island  open  for  reinforcements  to  the  British,  from  their  headquarters  in 
New- York.  The  very  safety  of  the  American  army  was  endangered  by 
it.  Every  effort  was  made  to  induce  the  French  commander  to  change 
his  intentions,  but  without  effect.  This  affair  produced  a  great  deal  of 
discontent  and  irritation,  among  the  American  officers,  and  was  likely  to 
lead  to  very  serious  difficulties.  With  his  usual  prudence  and  good 
judgment,  General  Washington  exerted  his  influence  to  quiet  the 
wounded  feelings  of  both  parties.  He  was  powerfully  assisted  in  this 
attempt,  by  the  Marquis  de  La  Fayette,  who  was  very  much  beloved  by 
the  Americans  as  well  as  the  French,  and  gladly  rendered  his  services  to 
bring  about  a  reconciliation.  Washington  wrote  on  the  subject  to  the 
several  general  officers  of  his  army,  and  took  the  first  opportunity  of 
recommencing  his  correspondence  with  Count  D'Estaing.  His  letter 
took  no  notice  of  the  angry  dispute  that  had  occurred,  and  good  humor 
and  cordial  good-will  were  speedily  restored. 

With  the  battle  of  Monmouth,  active  operations  closed  in  the  middle 
states.  On  the  approach  of  winter,  the  American  army  went  into 
quarters  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  Highlands.  Being  better  clothed 
and  better  fed  than  in  the  preceding  winter,  their  situation  was  greatly 
ameliorated.  At  the  close  of  1778,  except  the  possession  of  New- York 
by  the  British,  the  local  situation   of  the   hostile  armies  did  not  much 


WASHINGTON  27 

difTor  from  tliat  of  the  conimcncpinent  of  the  campaign  of  177().  "  Ii  is 
not  a  little  pleasing,"  observed  Washington  i.l  a  letter  to  a  friend,  "  nor 
less  wonderful  to  contemplate,  that  after  two  years'  mandjuvring,  and 
undergoing  the  strangest  vicissitudes,  both  armies  are  brought  back  to 
the  very  point  they  set  out  from,  and  the  olfending  party  in  the  beginning 
is  now  reduced  to  the  use  of  the  pickaxe  and  the  spade  for  defence.  The 
hand  of  Providence  has  been  so  conspicuous  in  all  this,  that  he  must  be 
worse  than  an  infidel  that  lacks  faith,  and  more  than  wicked  that  has  not 
gratitude  to  acknowledge  his  obligations." 

In  the  last  months  of  the  year  1778,  when  the  active  operations  of  the 
campaign  were  over.  Congress  decided  on  a  magnificent  plan  for  the 
concjuest  of  Canada.  Tliis  plan  was  to  be  carried  into  effect  by  the  joint 
operations  of  distinct  detachments  of  Americans,  acting  in  different 
points,  and  co-operating  with  a  French  fleet  and  army  on  the  river  St. 
Lawrence.  The  scheme  was  not  communicated  to  Washington,  till  it 
had  been  adopted  by  Congress.  He  was  then  consulted,  and  requested 
to  write  to  Dr.  Franklin,  then  minister  at  Paris,  to  interest  him  in 
securing  the  proposed  co-operation  of  France.  Doubtful  of  the  success 
of  the  operation,  even  with  the  assistance  of  the  French,  Washington 
was  urgent  to  obtain  its  rejection.  Congress  persisted  in  the  measure, 
and  a  committee  of  their  body  was  chosen  to  confer  with  the  general  on 
this  business,  and  on  the  state  of  the  army.  His  objections  were  then 
found  to  be  insurmountable,  and  the  expedition  was  laid  aside. 

The  alliance  with  France  had  seemed  to  many  to  secure  our 
independence.  It  was  supposed  that  Great  Britain  would  despair  of  final 
success,  and  relinquish  farther  pr©.9ecution  of  the  war.  Washington  was 
very  busy  in  opposing  the  progress  of  this  dangerous  delusion.  In  his 
correspondence  with  members  of  Congress,  and  influential  men  throughout 
the  state,  he  represented  the  fallacy  of  this  opinion,  and  the  impolicy  of 
indulging  it.  He  was  anxious  that  early  and  vigorous  measures  should 
be  taken  for  the  next  campaign.  Yet  it  was  not  till  the  twenty-third  of 
January,  1779,  that  Congress  passed  resolutions  for  re-enlisting  the  army; 
and  not  till  the  ninth  of  March,  that  the  states  were  called  upon  to  furnish 
their  proportion  of  the  general  forces.  This  state  of  affairs  greatly  alarmed 
Washington,  and  his  apprehensions  at  the  time  may  be  gathered  from  the 
following  extract  of  a  letter  to  one  of  his  confidential  friends. 

"  To  me  it  appears  no  unju.st  simile,  to  compare  the  affairs  of  this  great 
continent  to  the  mechanism  of  a  clock,  each  state  representing  some  one 
or  other  of  the  small  parts  of  it,  which  they  are  endeavoring  to  put  in  fine 
order,  without  considering  ^how  useless  and  unavailing  their  labor  is, 
unless  the  great  wheel,  or  spring,  which  is  to  set  the  whole  in  motion,  is 
also  well  attended  to  and  kept  in  good  order.  I  al  ude  to  no  particular 
state,  nor  do  I  mean  to  cast  reflections  upon  any  one  of  them,  nor  ought 
I,  as  it  may  be  said,  to  do  so  upon  their  representatives;  but  as  it  is  a  fact 
too  notorious  to  be  concealed,  that  Congress  is  rent  by  party ;  that  much 
business  of  a  trifling  nature  and  personal  concernment  withdraws  their 
attention  from  matters  of  great  national  moment,  at  this  critical  period  ; 
when  it  is  also  known  that  idleness  and  dissipation  take  place  of  close 
attention  and  application ;  no  man  who  wishes  well  to  the  liberties  of  his 
5 


28  VVA8HINGTON. 

country,  and  desires  to  see  its  rights  established,  can  avoid  crying  cut- 
Where  are  our  men  of  abilities?  Why  do  they  not  come  forth  to  save 
their  country  ?  Let  this  voice,  my  dear  sir,  call  upon  you,  Jefferson,  and 
others.  Do  not,  from  a  mistaken  opinion  that  we  are  to  sit  down  under 
our  own  vine  and  our  own  figtree,  let  our  hitherto  noble  struggle  end  in 
ignominy.  Believe  me,  when  I  tell  you,  there  is  danger  of  it.  I  have 
pretty  good  reasons  for  thinking  that  the  administration,  a  little  while  ago, 
had  resolved  to  give  the  matter  up,  and  negotiate  a  peace  with  us  upon 
almost  any  terms  ;  but  I  shall  be  much  mistaken,  if  they  do  not  now,  from 
the  present  state  of  our  currency,  dissensions,  and  other  circumstances, 
push  matters  to  the  utmost  extremity.  Nothing,  I  am  sure,  will  prevent 
it,  but  the  interruption  of  Spain,  and  their  disappointed  hope  from 
Prussia." 

The  depreciation  of  the  paper  currency  had,  so  reduced  the  pay 
of  the  American  officers,  as  to  render  it  inadequate  to  their  support. 
This  led  to  serious  troubles  and  discontents.  Early  in  May,  the  Jersey 
b-rigade  was  ordered  to  march  by  regiments  to  join  the  western  army. 
In  answer  to  this  order,  a  letter  was  received  from  General  Maxwell, 
stating  that  the  officers  of  the  first  regiment  had  addressed  a  remonstrance 
to  the  legislature  of  the  state,  in  which  they  professed  a  determination  to 
resign  their  commissions,  unless  that  body  immediately  attended  to  their 
pay  and  support.  General  Washington  knew  the  sufferings  to  which  the 
army  had  been  exposed,  and  the  virtue  and  firmness  with  which  they  had 
supported  them.  He  knew  the  truth  and  justice  of  the  complaints  now 
made  by  the  Jersey  regiment ;  but  saw  and  felt  the  evils  that  would  result 
from  the  measures  they  had  adopted.  Relying  on  their  patriotism  and 
personal  attachment  to  himself,  he  immediately  wrote  to  General  Maxwell 
a  letter  to  be  communicated  to  the  officers. 

In  this  address,  he  adopted  the  language  of  a  friend  as  well  as  of  an  of- 
ficer. He  acknowledged  the  inconvenience  and  distress  to  which  the 
army  were  exposed ;  and  expressed  the  hope  that  they  had  done  him  the 
justice  to  believe,  that  he  had  been  incessant  in  endeavors  to  procure  them 
relief.  The  limited  resources  of  the  government  were  mentioned,  and 
their  embarrassment  in  procuring  money.  He  then  alluded  to  the  pro- 
gress of  the  cause,  the  probability  of  soon  attaining  the  object  of  their 
struggles,  and  the  meanness  of  a  shameful  desertion,  and  forgetfulness  of 
what  was  due  to  their  country.  "  Did  I  suppose  it  possible,"  he  observed, 
"  this  could  be  the  case,  even  in  a  single  regiment  of  the  army,  I  should  be 
mortified  and  chagrined  beyond  expression.  I  should  feel  it  as  a  wound 
given  to  my  own  honor,  which  I  consider  as' embarked  with  that  of  the 
army  at  large.  But  this  I  believe  to  be  impossible.  Any  corps  that  was 
about  to  set  an  example  of  the  kind,  would  weigh  well  the  consequences  ; 
and  no  officer  of  connnon  discernment  and  sensibility  would  hazard  them. 
If  they  should  stand  alone  in  it,  independent  of  other  consequences,  what 
would  be  their  feelings,  on  reflecting  that  they  had  held  themselves  out  to 
the  world  in  a  point  of  light  inferior  to  the  rest  of  the  army.  Or  if  their 
example  should  be  followed,  and  become  general,  how  could  they  console 
themselves  for  having  been  the  foremost  in  bringing  ruin  and  disgrace 
upon  theit  country.     They  would  remember,  that  the  army  would  share  a 


WASHINGTON.  29 

double  portion  of  the  general  infamy  and  distress,  and  that  the  character 
of  an  American  officer  would  become  as  despicable  as  it  is  now  glorious." 

The  officers  did  not  expressly  recede  from  their  claims,  but  they  were 
prevailed  upon  by  the  representations  of  the  letter  to  continue  in  service. 
In  an  address  to  General  Washington,  they  expressed  regret  that  any  act 
of  theirs  should  have  given  him  pain,  and  proceeded  to  justify  the  measures 
they  had  taken.  They  stated  that  their  repeated  memorials  to  the  legislature 
had  been  neglected,  and  that  they  had  lost  all  confidence  in  that  body. 
"  Few  of  us,"  they  said,  "have  private  fortunes  ;  many  have  families  who 
already  are  suffering  every  thing  that  can  be  received  from  an  ungrateful 
country.  Are  we,  then,  to  suffer  all  the  inconveniences,  fatigues,  and 
dangers  of  a  military  life,  while  our  wives  and  our  children  are  perishing 
for  want  of  common  necessaries  at  home  ;  and  that  without  the  most 
distant  prospect  of  reward,  for  our  pay  is  now  only  nominal '?  We  are 
sensible  that  your  Excellency  cannot  wish  or  desire  this  from  us. 

"  We  beg  leave  to  assure  your  Excellency,  that  we  have  the  highest 
sense  of  your  ability  and  virtues  ;  that  executing  your  orders  has  ever 
given  us  pleasure ;  that  we  love  the  service,  and  we  love  our  country  ; 
but  when  that  country  is  so  lost  to  virtue  and  to  justice  as  to  forget  to 
support  its  servants,  it  then  becomes  their  duty  to  retire  from  its  service." 

Washington,  with  his  usual  prudence,  resolved  to  take  no  further  notice 
of  this  address,  than  to  notify  the  officers  through  General  Maxwell,  that, 
as  long  as  they  continued  to  do  their  duty,  he  should  only  regret  the  step 
they  had  taken,  and  hope  that  they  themselves  would  perceive  its  impro- 
priety. The  occasion  was  a  favorable  one  for  the  commander-in-chief,  to 
urge  upon  Congress  the  necessity  of  making  suitable  provision  in  behalf 
of  his  officers.  "  The  distresses  in  some  corps,"  he  observed,  "  are  so 
great,  either  where  they  were  not  until  lately  attached  to  any  particular 
state,  or  where  the  state  has  been  less  provident,  that  officers  have  solicited 
even  to  be  supplied  with  the  clothing  destined  for  the  common  soldiers, 
coarse  and  unsuitable  as  it  was.  I  had  not  power  to  comply  with  the 
request.  The  patience  of  men,  animated  by  a  sense  of  duty  and  honor, 
will  support  them  to  a  certain  point,  beyond  which  it  will  not  go.  I  doubt 
not  Congress  will  be  sensible  of  the  danger  of  an  extreme  in  this  respect, 
and  will  pardon  my  anxiety  to  obviate  it."  The  legislature  of  New-Jersey 
were  alarmed,  and  at  length  induced  to  notice  the  situation  of  their 
soldiers  ;  the  remonstrance  was  withdrawn,  and  the  officers  continued  to 
perform  their  duty  as  usual. 

The  American  army,  in  these  years,  was  destitute,  not  only  of  food, 
but  of  clothing.  The  seasons  of  1779  and  1780,  were  unfruitful ;  the 
labors  of  the  farmers  had  been  interrupted  by  the  calls  of  war ;  paper 
money  was  no  equivalent,  in  its  present  value,  for  the  produce  of  the  soil, 
and,  consequently,  no  provisions  could  be  obtained  but  by  measures 
of  compulsion.  The  soldiers  were  demanding  food,  the  inhabitants  de- 
manded protection,  and,  distracted  by  the  wrongs  of  the  one,  and  the 
wants  of  the  other,  Washington  was  in  a  state  of  the  deepest  embarrass- 
ment and  anxiety.  At  length,  even  force  began  to  fail  ;  the  neighboring 
country  was  drained  of  all  its  produce,  and  absolute  famine  appeared  to 
threaten  the  army.     In  this  situation,  the  conduct  of  the  commander-io- 


'30  WASHINGTON. 

chief  was  of  the  most  prudent,  wise,  and  conciliating  character  ;  and  i« 
was  indeed  a  crisis  which  called  for  all  his  address,  popularity,  and  firm- 
ness, to  carry  him  through  it.  He  succeeded  in  keeping  the  army  to- 
gether, and  in  retaining,  not  onfy  their  approbation,  but  that  of  his 
fellow  citizens. 

The  effective  force  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  in  1779,.  strongly  fortified 
in  New- York  and  Rhode  Island,  amounted  to  about  sixteen  thousand 
five  hundred  men  ;  that  of  the  Americans  did  not  exceed  thirteen  thou- 
sand. The  British  were  supported  by  a  powerful  fl'eet,  which  enabled 
them  to  move  with  expedition  and  facility,  and  when  on  the  Hudson,  to 
concentrate  their  forces  on  either  side  of  it.  West  Point  was  the  chief 
post  of  the  Americans,,  on  this  river ;  and  the  preservation  of  this  place 
and  its  dependencies,  was  an  object  of  primary  importance.  For  this 
purpose,  Washington  concentrated  his  forces  here,,  and  all  the  efforts  of 
the  British  to  allure  him  from  this  position  by  attacking  and  burning  the 
towns  on  the  coast  of  Connecticut,  proved  unavailing.  The  American 
army  limited  its  operations  to  securing  the  passes  of  the  North  river,  and 
protecting  the  country  as  far  as  was  consistent  with  this  important  object. 
While  the  British  devastations  were  going  on,  Washington  planned  an 
expedition  against  Stony  Point,  a  bold  hill,  projecting  into  the  Hudson, 
on  the  top  of  vvhicb  a  fort  had  been  erected  and  garrisoned  by  six  hun- 
dred men.  The  enterprise  was  entrusted  to  General  Wayne,  and  was 
completely  successful.  It  was  soon  followed  by  the  surprise  of  the  British 
garrison  at  Paules  Hook,  concluded  on  the  eighteenth  of  August,  by 
Major  Henry  Lee.  With  three  hundred  soldiers,  he  entered  the  fort 
about  three  o'clock  in  the  morning,  and,  with  very  inconsiderable  loss, 
carried  away  one  hundred  and  fifty-nine  prisoners. 

It  was  thought  desirable  to  avoid  all  hazardous  movements,  from  the 
expected  arrival  of  a  French  fleet,  with  which  the  army  might  success- 
fully co-operate.  This  fleet,  under  Count  D'Estaing,  reached  the  vicinity 
of  Georgia,  with  a  body  of  troops,  and,  in  conjunction  with  the  southern 
army,  under  General  Lincoln,  made  an  attack  on  the  British  post  at 
Savannah.  The  united  forces  were  led  to  the  lines  of  the  enemy  with 
great  valor  and  firmness,  but  afl;er  standing  a  very  severe  fire  for  about 
an  hour,  they  were  repulsed  with  loss. 

The  campaign  terminated  in  the  northern  states  without  any  decisive 
eflbrts  on  either  side.  The  British  attempts  upon  the  posts  in  the  High- 
lands had  been  defeated.  The  Indians  had  been  reduced  to  peace  by 
an  expedition  sent  against  them,  under  the  command  of  General  Sulli- 
van. Wu>ter  quarters  for  the  American  army  were  chosen  at  Morris- 
town.  On  their  march  to  this  place,  and  after  their  arrival,  they  suffered 
exceedingly.  The  snow  was  two  feet  deep,  and  the  soldiers  were  desti- 
tute, both  of  tents  and  blankets,  some  of  them  barefooted  and  almost 
naked.  At  night,  their  only  defence  against  the  weather,  was  in  piles 
of  brushwood.  After  reaching  the  place  that  had  been  chosen  for  winter 
quarters,  they  found  it  very  difficult  to  pitch  their  tents  in  the  frozen 
ground.  They  built  up  large  fires,  but  could  hardly  keep  from  freezing 
Besides  the  sufferings  from  cold,  they  were  without  necessary  food.  For 
seven  or  eight  days  together,  they  had  no  other  provision  than  miserable 
fresh  beef,  without  bread,  salt,  or  vegetables. 


WASHINGTON.  li\ 

The  weafhor  in  January,  1780,  was  romarkablj  coid  and  severe.  On 
the  third  of  the  month,  there  was  a  most  violent  snow  storm.  Several 
of  the  niar<iuees  were  blown  down  over  the  officers'  heads,  and  some  of 
the  soldiers  were  actually  buried  under  the  snow  in  their  tents.  The 
officers  of  the  army  had  a  sufficient  supply  of  straw,  over  which  they 
could  spread  their  blankets,  and,  with  their  clothes  and  larsje  fires,  keep 
themselves  from  extreme  suffering.  But  the  common  soldiers  on  duty, 
during  all  the  violence  of  the  storm,  and  at  night,  with  but  a  single  blan- 
ket, were  exposed  to  great  distress.  They  were  so  enfeebled  by  cold  and 
hunger,  as  to  be  unable  to  labor  in  the  erection  of  their  log  huts.  The 
sufferings  of  the  soldiers,  from  the  unusual  seventy  of  the  winter,  and 
the  privation  of  food,  were  extremely  severe;  but  though  desertions  were 
frequent,  not  a  single  mutiny  was  excited.  Notwithstanding  the  situa- 
tion of  his  army,  Washington  was  active  in  seeking  opportunities  for  a 
favorable  attack ;  and  planned  an  expedition  against  the  British  works 
on  Slaten  Island.  A  detachment  of  twenty-five  hundred  men,  under 
the  command  of  Lord  Stirling,  was  despatched  on  this  service. 

The  party  passed  over  from  Elizabethtown,  at  night,  on  the  ice.  The 
British  troops,  however,  had  received  intelligence  of  their  design,  and 
withdrawn  into  their  fortifications.  All  the  benefit  of  the  expedition  con- 
sisted in  procuring  a  quantity  of  blankets  and  military  stores,  with  a  few 
casks  of  wine  and  spirits.  The  snow  was  three  or  four  feet  deep,  and 
the  troops  remained  on  the  island  twenty-four  hours  without  covering  ; 
about  five  Imndred  of  them  were  slightly  frozen,  aiid  six  were  killed ; 
the  retreat  was  effected  with  no  other  loss. 

Soon  after  this  event,  Washington  received  intelligence  of  the  loss 
of  Charleston,  and  the  surrender  of  that  detachment  of  the  southern 
army,  under  General  Lincoln.  When  the  news  of  this  disaster  reached 
the  northern  states,  the  American  army  was  in  the  greatest  distress. 
The  othcers  had  been  for  some  time  dissatisfied  with  their  situation ; 
they  had  been  exposed  to  great  distress,  and  had  made  great  sacrifices, 
for  small  wages,  paid  with  no  punctuality.  The  paper  money  had  dimi- 
nished so  much  in  value,  that  it  was  difficult  to  procure  supplies  with  it, 
even  at  the  reduced  rates.  Forty  dollars  in  these  bills  were  worth  less 
than  one  dollar  in  silver.  A  number  of  officers  were  compelled,  by 
necessity,  to  give  up  their  commissions.  General  Washington  was  im- 
wearied  in  his  efforts  to  procure  from  Congress  a  more  generous  provi- 
sion for  them,  and  at  length  succeeded. 

The  disaffection  of  the  troops  at  length  broke  out  into  actual  mutiny. 
Two  of  the  Connecticut  regiments  paraded  under  arms,  announcing  their 
intention  of  returning  home,  or  obtaining  a  subsistence  by  their  arms. 
By  the  prudent  and  spirited  conduct  of  their  officers,  however,  the 
ringleaders  were  secured,  and  the  regiments  brought  back  to  their  uuty. 

Soon  after  the  surrender  of  the  southern  army,  the  coirujQanding  ofiicer 
of  the  enemy,  in  New- York,  thought  to  take  advantage  of  the  discontent 
and  distress  prevailing  among  the  northern  troops.  General  Knyphausen 
crossed  over  from  Staten  Lsland  with  about  five  thousand  men.  Orders 
were  immediately  given  in  the  American  camps,  to  be  in  readiness  to 
march  at  a  moment's  notice.     The  enemy  advanced  to  Springfield,  and 


32  WASHINGTON 

set  fire  to  the  village ;  burning  the  church,  and  twenty  or  thirty  dwelling 
houses.  They  then  made  a  rapid  retreat  to  Staten  Island.  The  object 
of  this  expedition  was  supposed  to  have  been  the  destruction  of  the  stores 
at  Morristown.  The  first  months  in  the  year  were  spent  in  these  desul- 
tory operations.  No  disposition  to  give  up  the  contest,  was  produced  in 
the  north,  by  the  disasters  in  the  south  ;  but  the  weakness  of  the  govern- 
ment, and  the  depreciation  of  the  paper  currency,  deprived  Washington 
of  all  power  to  act  on  the  offensive. 

When  affairs  were  in  this  condition,  the  Marquis  de  La  Fayette  arrived 
from  France,  with  the  assurance  that  the  French  army  and  fleet  might 
soon  be  expected  upon  our  coast.  This  roused  the  Americans  from  their 
lethargy,  and  Washington  was  very  active  in  his  extensive  correspond- 
ence through  the  states,  to  stimulate  the  public  mind  to  the  exertions  the 
crisis  demanded.  The  resolutions  of  Congress  were  slowly  executed, 
and  from  the  want  of  their  efficient  assistance,  the  operations  of  Wash- 
ington were  very  much  embarrassed.  Some  relief  was  obtained  from 
private  sources,  and  the  citizens  of  Philadelphia  formed  an  association 
to  procure  a  supply  of  necessaries  for  the  suffering  soldiers.  In  a  few 
days,  the  sum  of  three  hundred  thousand  dollars  was  subscribed,  for  this 
purpose,  and  converted  into  a  bank,  from  which  great  advantages  were 
derived.  The  ladies  of  that  city,  also  made  large  donations  for  the  im- 
mediate relief  of  the  soldiers  ;  but  large  as  all  these  supplies  were,  they 
fell  far  short  of  the  wants  of  the  army. 

On  the  tenth  of  July,  the  expected  allies  arrived  on  the  coast  of  Rhode 
Island.  Their  fleet  consisted  of  seven  sail  of  the  line,  five  frigates,  and 
five  smaller  vessels  ;  their  army  amounted  to  six  thousand  men.  So 
tardy  had  been  the  arrangements  for  raising  the  American  army,  that 
their  force  at  this  time  did  not  amount  to  one  thousand  men.  Trusting, 
however,  that  the  promised  support  would  be  forwarded  with  all  possible 
despatch,  Washington  sent  proposals  to  the  French  commander  for  com- 
mencing the  siege  of  New- York.  "  Pressed  on  all  sides,"  he  observed 
in  a  letter  to  Congress,  "  by  a  choice  of  difficulties,  in  a  moment  which 
required  decision,  I  have  adopted  that  line  of  conduct,  which  comported 
with  the  dignity  and  faith  of  Congress,  the  reputation  of  these  states,  and 
the  honor  of  our  arms.  I  have  sent  on  definitive  proposals  of  co-opera- 
tion to  the  French  general  and  admiral.  Neither  the  period  of  the 
season,  nor  a  regard  to  decency  would  permit  delay.  The  die  is  cast ; 
and  it  remains  with  the  states,  either  to  fulfil  their  engagements,  preserve 
their  credit,  and  support  their  independence,  or  to  involve  us  in  disgrace 
and  defeat.  *  *  *  If  we  fail  for  want  of  proper  exertions  in  any  of  the 
governments,  I  trust  the  responsibility  will  fall  where  it  ought,  and  that 
I  shall  stand  justified  to  Congress,  my  country,  and  the  world." 

The  fifih  of  August  was  fixed  upon,  as  tlie  day  when  the  united  armies 
were  to  commence  operations.  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  who  had  returned 
the  preceding  month,  with  his  victorious  troops  from  Charleston,  had 
embarked  about  eiglit  thousand  men,  with  the  apparent  intention  of 
attacking  the  French  force  at  Rhode  Island.  Washington  put  his  army 
in  motion,  and  crossed  the  Hudson,  to  besiege  New- York  during  his 
absence.      The   enemy  were   alarmed   at  the   danger  of  this  city,  and 


WASHINGTON  33 

returned  to  defend  it.  The  American  army  recrosscd  the  Hudson  to 
the  Jersey  shore.  .This  passage  was  made  in  boats  and  floats,  and  occu- 
pied three  days  and  nights.  The  designs  on  New-York  were  only  sus- 
pended, not  entirely  abandoned;  and  VVashington  had  a  personal  inter- 
view on  this  subject,  with  the  French  commander,  at  Hartford.  But  the 
arrival  of  Admiral  Rodney,  with  eleven  ships  of  the  line,  upon  tlie 
American  coast,  disarranged  the  plans  of  the  allies,  and  no  expedition 
of  the  kind  could  be  undertaken  during  the  present  campaign. 

At  this  time,  Washington  wrote  thus  in  a  letter  to  a  friend :  "We  are 
now  drawing  to  a  close  an  inactive  campaign,  the  beginning  of  which 
appeared  pregnapt  with  events  of  a  very  favorable  complexion.  I  hoped, 
but  I  hoped  in  vain,  that  a  prospect  was  opening,  which  would  enable  me 
to  fix  a  period  to  my  military  pursuits,  and  restore  me  to  domestic  life. 
The  favorable  disposition  of  Spain ;  the  promised  succor  from  France ; 
the  combined  force  in  the  West  Indies  ;  the  declaration  of  Russia, 
(acceded  to  by  other  powers  of  Europe,  humiliating  the  naval  pride 
and  power  of  Great  Britain,-)  the  superiority  of  France  and  Spain  by 
sea,  in  Europe ;  the  Irish  claims,  and  EngJish  disturbances,  formed 
in  the  aggregate,  an  opinion  in  my  breast,  (which  is  not  very  suscep- 
tible of  peaceful  dreams,)  that  the  hour  of  deliverance  was  not  far 
distant :  for  that,  however  unv/illing  Great  Britain  might  be  to  yield 
the  point,  it  wouid  not  be  in  her  power  to  continue  the  contest.  But 
alas !  these  prospects,  flatteriag  as  they  were,  have  proved  delusory  ; 
and  I  see  nothing  before  us  but  accumulating  distress.  We  have  been 
half  our  time  without  provisions,  and  are  likely  to  continue  so.  We  have 
no  magazines,  nor  money  to  form  them.  We  have  lived  upon  expedients 
until  we  can  live  no  longer.  In  a  word,  the  history  of  the  war  is  a 
history  of  false  hopes  and  temporary  devices,  instead  of  system  and 
economy.  It  is  in  vain,  however,  to  look  back,  nor  is  it  our  business  to 
do  so.  Our  case  is  not  desperate,  if  virtue  exists  in  the  people,  and  there 
is  wisdom  among  our  rulers.  But,  to  suppose  that  this  great  revolution 
can  be  accomplished  by  a  temporary  army ;  that  this  army  will  be  sub- 
sisted by  state  supplies;  and  that  taxation  alone  is  adequate  to  our  wants, 
is,  in  my  opinion,  absurd." 

At  a  period  when  the  resources  of  the  country  were  almost  exhausted, 
and  countless  troubles  and  embarrassments  surrounded  Washington, 
treason  entered  the  camp  of  the  Americans,  and  had  nearly  strangled 
their  infant  liberties.  Benedict  Arnold  had  been  regarded  from  the 
commencement  of  the  American  war,  as  a  brave  and  patriotic  officer. 
He  had  foaght  in  several  battles,  with  great  valor  and  gallantry,  and  ac- 
quired the  entire  confidence  of  his  countrymen.  His  services  had  been 
rewarded  by  promotion,  to  the  rank  of  major  general.  At  his  own  re- 
quest and  solicitation,  he  was  entrusted  with  the  command  of  West 
Point.  Partly  from  motives  of  avarice,  and  partly  from  feelings  of  re- 
venge, for  some  public  censures,  he  had  received  from  the  government, 
he  determined  to  deliver  tJiis  post  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  He 
entered  into  a  secret  correspondence  with  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  and  actual- 
ly agreed  to  put  him  in  possession  of  the  garrison.  The  British  general 
readily  consented  to  the  treachery,  and  selected  Major  John  Andre,  his 


34  WASHINGTON. 

adjutant  general   and     aid-de-camp,   to  have  a  personal   interview  with 
Arnold,  and  arrange  the  plan  for  the  surrender  of  the  post. 

A  British  sloop  of  war,  called  the  Vulture,  sailed  up  the  North  river, 
and  anchored  about  twelve  miles  below  West  Point.  On  board  of  this 
vessel  was  Major  Andre,  under  the  assumed  name  of  John  Anderson. 
The  parties  could  now  communicate  with  each  other,  without  exciting 
suspicions  of  any  treasonable  designs.  But  a  personal  interview  became 
at  length  necessary,  and  the  place  chosen  for  this  purpose  was  the  beach, 
near  the  house  of  Mr.  Joshua  Smith,  who  had  long  been  suspected  of 
favoring  the  British  cause.  Arnold  now  sent  a  boat  to  bring  Andre  on 
shore.  This  was  unexpected  to  the  British  officer,  but  he  was  unwilling  . 
that  the  enterprise  should  fail,  through  any  fault  upon  his  part.  Putting 
on  a  grey  surtout,  to  hide  his  uniform,  he  accompanied  the  messenger 
of  Arnold  to  the  shore.  After  conversing  some  time  at  the  water's  edge, 
they  went  to  the  house  of  Smith  for  greater  security.  Andre  remained 
concealed  here  till  the  following  night,  when  he  became  anxious  to  return 
on  board  the  Vulture,  and  went  alone  to  the  beach,  where  he  expected 
to  find  a  boat  to  convey  him  to  this  vessel.  During  his  visit  to  the  shore,  ' 
however,  the  Vulture  had  been  driven  from  her  station,  and  had  removed 
.some  miles  farther  down  the  river.  AVhen  Andre  proposed  to  the  boat- 
men to  carry  him  back  to  the  vessel,  they  told  him  that  it  was  too  far,  and 
refused  to  go.  It  being  impossible  to  procure  a  boat  and  men  for  the 
purpose,  it  was  resolved  that  Andre  should  return  to  Nevv-York  by  land. 
For  this  dangerous  attempt,  he  laid  aside  his  uniform  altogether,  and 
put  on  another  dress.  Arnold  furnished  him  with  a  horse,  and  accom- 
panied by  Smith,  he  set  out  upon  his  journey.  Each  of  them  had  a 
passport  from  Arnold  —  "to  go  to  the  lines  on  White  Plains,  or  lower,  if 
the  bearer  thought  proper;  he  being  on  public  business." 

By  means  of  these  passports,  they  got  beyond  all  the  American 
outposts  and  guards,  without  being  suspected.  They  lodged  together 
on  the  night  of  their  departure  at  Crompond.  They  arrived  without 
interruption,  a  little  beyond  Pine's  Bridge,  a  village  situated  on  the 
Croton.  They  had  not  yet  crossed  the  lines,  though  they  were  in  sight 
of  the  ground  occuj)ied  by  the  British  troops.  Smith  here  looked  round, 
and  seeing  no  one,  and  no  sign  of  danger,  he  said  to  Andre  — "  You  are 
safe  —  good  by,"  and  retook  the  road  by  which  they  had  come.  Andre 
put  spurs  to  his  horse,  and  supposing  himself  out  of  danger,  rode  forward 
at  full  speed  to  deliver  the  favorable  result  of  his  mission.  He  had  pro-" 
ceeded  about  a  dozen  miles  with  the  same  good  fortune.  He  was  about 
entering  Tarrytown,  the  border  village  that  separated  him  from  the  royal 
army,  when  a  man  sprung  suddenly  from  a  thicket,  and  exclaimed, 
"where  are  you  bound  1"  This  man  was  armed  with  a  gun,  and  was 
immediately  joined  by  two  armed  companions.  They  were  not  in  uni- 
form, and  Andre  supposed  at  once  they  must  be  of  his  own  party.  In- 
stead of  producing  his  passport,  he  asked  them  in  his  turn,  where  they 
belonged!  They  replied,  "to  below,"  alluding  to  New- York.  "And  so 
do  I,"  said  Andre,  "I  am  a  British  officer,  on  urgent  business,  and  must 
not  be  detained."  "  You  belong  to  our  enemies,"  was  the  reply,  "  and 
we  arrest  you." 


WASHINGTON.  35 

Andre  was  surprised  at  this  uncxpocteil  lanpiiinnjp,  presented  liis  pass- 
port, but  this  piper  only  served  to  render  his  case  more  suspicious,  when 
considered  in  connexion  with  his  confessions.  He  ofTered  tlieni  gohl,  his 
liorse,  nnd  promised  lartje  rew;irds,  and  permanent  provision  from  the 
English  irovernment,  if  they  wouW  let  him  escape.  They  refused  all  his 
ofl'ers,  and  proceedinrr  to  search  him,  tliey  found  in  his  boots,  in  the 
handwritiuir  of  Arnold,  exact  returns  of  the  state  of  the  forces,  ordnance, 
and  defences  of  West  Point,  with  many  other  important  papers.  No 
'.oilier  in  douI)t,  they  carried  him  at  once  before  ('olonel  Jameson,  who 
conunanded  the  outposts.  Andre  retained  his  self-possession,  and  still 
passing  under  his  assumed  name,  requested  permission  to  write  to  Ar- 
nold, to  inform  him  that  his  messenger  was  detained.  Jameson  thought 
it  more  simple  to  order  him  to  be  conducted  to  Arnold,  and  was  already 
on  his  way  for  that  purpose,  when  the  suspicious  circum.stances  of  tlie 
case  induced  him  to  change  his  mind  ;  and  sending  in  all  haste  after  the 
pretended  Anderson,  had  him  conveyed  under  guard  to  Old  Salem.  He 
despatched  at  the  same  time  an  express  to  Washington,  containing  an 
accotnit  of  the  affair,  with  the  draughts  and  other  papers  taken  from  the 
prisoner.  But  the  conunander-in-ciiief,  who  set  out  on  the  same  day,  the 
twenty-third  of  September,  to  return  to  his  army,  had  pursued  a  different 
route  from  that  by  which  he  went  to  Hartford,  and  the  messenger  was 
compelled  to  retrace  his  steps  without  having  seen  him.  This  delay 
proved  the  salvation  of  Arnold. 

Jameson  began  to  regard  his  suspicions  of  Arnold  as  unjust  and  un- 
worthy, and  wrote  hiin  that  Anderson,  the  bearer  of  his  passport,  had 
been  arrested.  Arnold  was  busy  with  his  arrangements  for  the  reception 
of  the  enemy,  when  he  received  the  letter  from  Jameson.  Those  who 
were  present  at  the  tune,  afterwards  recollected  that  he  was  very  much 
dismayed  and  agitated.  Recovering  himself  quickly,  he  said  in  a  loud 
voice  that  he  would  write  an  answer,  and  withdrew  to  reflect  upon  the 
course  which  it  was  best  for  him  to  pursue.  The  entrance  of  two  Ame- 
rican officers  interrupted  his  reflections.  They  were  sent  by  the  com- 
mander-in-chief, and  informed  Arnold  that  he  had  arrived  within  a  few 
leagues  of  West  Point,  and  was  to  have  set  out  a  few  hours  after  them, 
to  complete  his  journey.  The  traitor  had  now  no  safety  but  in  immedi- 
ate flight.  Concealing  his  emotions,  he  told  the  two  oflicers  that  he 
wished  to  go  and  meet  the  general  alone,  and  begged  them  not  to  follow 
him.  He  then  entered  the  apartment  of  his  wife,  exclaiming — "  All  is 
discovered  ;  Andre  is  a  prisoner ;  the  commander-in-chief  will  know  eve- 
ry tiling.     Burn  all  my  papers — I  fly  to  New-York." 

Leaviug  his  wife,  without  waiting  for  a  reply,  he  mounted  the  horse  of 
one  of  the  two  oflicers,  and  rushed  towards  the  Hudson.  Here  he  had 
taken  care  to  have  always  ready  a  barge  well  manned.  He  threw  him- 
self into  it,  and  ordered  the  boatmen  to  make  for  the  English  sloop  with 
all  i)Ossible  despatch.  The  barge,  bearing  a  flag  of  truce,  was  in  sight 
when  Washington  arrived.  The  oflicers  related  to  him  what  had  hap- 
pened. Arnold  had  absconded,  and  no  one  knew  how  to  account  for  it. 
The  counuander-in-chief  instantly  repaired  to  the  fort  of  West  Point,  but 
be  could  learn  nothing  there.  He  returned  to  the  house  of  General  Ar- 
6 


36  WASHINGTON. 

nold,  where  tho  messenger  of  Jameson  presented  himself,  and  delivered 
the  packet  with  which  he  was  charged.  Washington  seemed  for  a  few 
moments  overwhehned  by  the  enormity  of  the  crime.  Those  who  were 
near  him  waited  silently,  but  impatiently,  for  the  result.  He  at  length 
said — "  I  thought  that  an  officer  of  courage  and  ability,  who  had  often 
shed  his  blood  for  his  country,  was  entitled  to  confidence,  and  I  gave  him 
mine.  I  am  convinced  now,  and  for  the  rest  of  my  life,  that  we  should 
never  trust  those  who  are  wanting  in  probity,  whatever  abilities  they  may 
possess. — Arnold  has  betrayed  us."  Major  Andre  was  conducted  to  West 
Point,  and  afterwards  to  headquarters  at  Tappan.  A  court-martial  was 
here  instituted,  and  this  unfortunate  officer  was  condemned  to  death. 
General  Washington  was  now  called  upon  to  discharge  a  duty  from  which 
he  revolted,  and  it  is  said  that  his  hand  could  hardly  command  his  pen, 
when  signing  the  warrant  for  the  execution.  But  the  laws  and  usages  of 
war  required  that  Andre  should  die,  and  he  accordingly  perished  on  the 
scaffold. 

The  treason  of  Arnold,  the  capture  of  Andre,  together  with  private 
intelligence  received  from  New-York,  induced  General  Washington  to 
believe  that  other  officers  in  his  army  were  connected  with  the  late  con- 
spiracy. This  belief  gave  him  great  uneasiness.  The  moment  he  reached 
the  army,  then  encamped  at  Tappan,  under  the  command  of  Major  Gene- 
ral Greene,  he  sent  to  request  an  interview  with  Major  Lee.  This  officer 
immediately  repaired  to  headquarters,  and  found  the  general  in  his 
marquee  alone,  busily  engaged  in  writing.  As  soon  as  Lee  entered,  he 
was  requested  to  lake  a  seat,  and  a  bundle  of  papers,  lying  on  the  table, 
was  given  to  him  for  perusal.  In  these  much  information  was  detailed, 
tendmg  to  prove  that  Arnold  was  not  alone  m  treachery,  but  that  the 
poison  had  spread,  and  that  a  Major  General,  whose  name  was  not 
concealed,  was  certainly  as  guilty  as  Arnold  himself  This  officer  had 
enjoyed,  without  interruption,  the  complete  confidence  of  the  commander- 
in-chief.  The  only  reason  for  suspicion  rested  on  the  intelligence  deriv- 
ed from  papers  before  him.  Major  Lee  immediately  suggested  that  the 
whole  was  a  contrivance  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  to  destroy  the  necessary 
confidence  between  the  commander  and  his  officers.  This  suggestion 
had  occurred  to  the  mind  of  Washington  ;  but  he  was  still  anxious  and 
distrustful.  Deeply  agitated,  as  was  plainly  shown  by  his  tone  and 
countenance,  the  general  proceeded  :  "  I  have  sent  for  you,  in  the  expec- 
tation that  you  have  in  your  corps  individuals  capable  and  willing  to 
undertake  an  indispensable,  delicate,  and  hazardous  project.  Whoever 
comes  forward  will  oblige  me  forever,  and,  in  behalf  of  the  United  States, 
I  will  reward  him  amply.  No  time  is  to  be  lost.  My  object  is  to  probe 
to  the  bottom  the  afflicting  intelligence  contained  in  the  papers  you  have 
just  read  ;  to  seize  Arnold,  and,  by  getting  him,  to  save  Andre.  They 
are  all  connected.  My  instructions  are  ready  ;  here  are  two  letters  to  be 
delivered  as  ordered,  and  some  guineas  for  expenses." 

Major  Lee  replied  that  he  had  no  doubt  his  legion  contained  many 
individuals  capable  of  the  most  daring  enterprises.  There  were  some 
feelings  of  delicacy  that  prevented  him  from  suggesting  the  step  to  a 
commissioned  officer,  but  he  thought  the  sergeant  major  of  the  cavalry  in 


WASHINGTON.  37 

all  respects  qualified  for  the  undertaking,  and  to  him  he  would  ver.tuie  to 
propose  it.  lie  then  described  the  sergeant,  as  a  native  of  Loudon  county, 
in  Virginia,  about  twenty-four  years  of  age,  rather  above  the  common 
size,  full  of  bone  and  muscle,  grave  and  inflexible.  He  had  enlisted  in 
1776,  and  was  as  likely  to  reject  a  service  coupled  with  ignominy  as  any 
officer  in  the  corps.  The  general  exclaimed  that  he  was  the  very  man 
for  the  business  ;  that  he  must  undertake  it ;  that  going  to  the  enemy  at 
the  request  of  his  officer  was  not  desertion,  though  it  appeared  to  be  so. 
He  enjoined  that  this  explanation  should  be  impressed  upon  Champe,  as 
coming  from  him,  and  that  the  vast  good  in  prospect  should  be  contrasted 
with  the  mere  semblance  of  doing  wrong.  This  he  hoped  would  remove 
every  scruple. 

Major  Lee  assured  the  general,  that  every  exertion  should  be  used  on 
his  part  to  execute  his  wishes,  and,  taking  leave,  returned  to  the  camp  of 
the  light  corps,  which  he  reached  about  eight  o'clock  at  night.  He  sent 
instantly  for  the  sergeant  major,  and  introduced  the  subject  in  as  judicious 
a  manner  as  possible.  Dressing  out  the  enterprise  in  brilliant  colors,  he 
finally  removed  all  scruples  from  the  honorable  mind  of  Champe,  and 
prevailed  on  him  to  yield  entirely  to  his  wishes.  The  instructions  were 
then  read  to  him.  He  was  particularly  cautioned  to  be  careful  in  deliver- 
ing his  letters,  and  urged  to  bear  constantly  in  mind  that  Arnold  was  not 
to  be  killed  under  any  circumstances,  but  only  to  be  taken  prisoner. — 
Giving  the  sergeant  three  guineas,  he  recommended  him  to  start  without 
delay,  and  enjoined  him  to  communicate  his  arrival  in  New- York  as  soon 
thereafter  as  might  be  practicable.  Pulling  out  his  watch,  Champe 
reminded  the  major  of  the  necessity  of  holding  back  pursuit,  as  he  should 
be  obliged  to  go  in  a  zigzag  direction  in  order  to  avoid  the  patroles.  It  was 
now  nearly  eleven ;  the  sergeant  returned  to  camp,  and,  taking  his  cloak, 
valise,  and  orderly  book,  drew  his  horse  from  the  picket,  and,  mounting, 
committed  himself  to  fortune.  Within  half  an  hour,  Captain  Carnes,  the 
officer  of  the  day,  waited  on  the  major,  and  told  him  that  one  of  the  patrol 
had  fallen  in  with  a  dragoon,  who,  on  being  challenged,  had  put  spurs  to 
his  horse,  and  escaped.  Major  Lee  contrived  various  expedients  to  delay 
sending  a  party  in  pursuit;  but  it  was  finally  despatched,  under  the 
command  of  cornet  Middleton. 

When  Middleton  departed,  it  was  only  a  few  minutes  past  twelve,  so 
that  Champe  had  only  the  start  of  about  an  hour.  Lee  was  very  anxious, 
not  only  from  fear  that  Ciiampe  might  be  injured,  but  that  the  enterprise 
might  be  delayed.  The  pursuing  party  were  delayed  by  necessary  halts 
to  examine  the  road.  A  shower  had  fallen  soon  after  Champe's  departure, 
which  enabled  them  to  take  the  trail  of  his  horse,  as  no  other  animal  had 
passed  along  the  road  since  the  rain.  When  the  day  broke,  Middleton 
was  no  longer  obliged  to  halt,  but  passed  on  with  great  rapidity.  As  the 
pursuing  party  reached  the  top  of  a  hill  on  the  north  of  the'  village  of 
Bergen,  they  descried  Cliampe  not  more  than  half  a  mile  in  front.  The 
sergeant  at  the  same  moment  discovered  them,  and  gave  the  spurs  to  his 
horse.  He  eluded  them,  just  as  they  felt  secure  of  taking  him,  and  again 
disappeared.  Pursuit  was  renewed,  and  Champe  was  again  descried. 
Fie  had  changed  his  original  intention  of  going  directly  to   Paules  Hook, 


35 


WASHINGTON. 


and  detcriniiied  to  seek  refuge  from  two  British  galleys,  which  lay  a  few 
miles  to  the  west  of  Bergen. 


As  soon  as  Champe  got  abreast  of  the  galleys,  he  dismounted,  and  ran 
through  the  marsh  to  the  river.  He  had  previously  prepared  himself  for 
swimming,  by  lashing  his  valise  on  his  shoulders,  and  throwing  away  the 
scabbard  of  his  sword.  The  pursuit  was  so  close  and  rapid,  that  the  stop 
occasioned  by  these  preparations  for  swimming  had  brought  Middleton 
within  two  or  three  hundred  yards.  The  sergeant  plunged  into  the  water, 
and  called  upon  the  galleys  for  help.  They  sent  a  boat  to  meet  him  ;  he 
was  taken  on  board,  and  conveyed  to  New- York,  with  a  letter  from  the 
captain  of  the  galley,  who  had  witnessed  the  whole  of  the  scene.  The 
horse,  with  his  equipments,  the  sergeant's  cloak  and  sword  scabbard, 
were  taken  by  the  pursuing  party.  About  three  o'clock  in  the  evening 
they  returned,  and  the  soldiers,  seeing  the  horse,  made  the  air  resound 
with  cries  that  the  scoundrel  was  killed.  Called  by  this  heart  rending 
annunciation  from  his  tent,  Major  Lee  began  to  reproach  himself  with  the 
blood  of  the  faithful  and  intrepid  Champe.  He  was,  relieved  by  Middle- 
ton's  information,  that  the  sergeant  had  made  his  escape.  The  command- 
er-in-chief was  sensibly  affected  by  the  perilous  adventures  of  Champe, 
and  anticipated  the  confidence  that  would  follow  the  enemy's  knowledge 
of  its  manner.  Champe  was  conducted  to  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  who,  after 
a  long  conversation,  presented  him  with  a  couple  of  guineas,  and  recom 
mended  him  to  call  on  General  Arnold,  who  was  engaged  in  raising  an 
American  legion  in  the  service  of  his  majesty.  Arnold  expressed  much 
satisfaction  on  hearing  from  Champe  the  manner  of  his  escape,  and  the 
influence  which  he  attributed  to  his  own  example,  and  concluded  his 
numerous  mquiries  by  assigning  him  quarters. 

Champe  now  turned  his  attention  to  the  delivery  of  his  letters,  which 
he  was  unable  to  effect  till  tlie  next  night,  and  then  only  to  one  of  the 
parties.  This  man  received  the  sergeant  with  extreme  attention,  and 
assured  him  that  he  might  rely  on  his  prompt  assistance  in  any  thing  thai 


WASHINGTON.  39 

could  be  prudently  undertaken.  The  sole  object  in  which  the  aid  of  this 
individual  was  required,  was  in  regard  to  the  general  and  others  of  the 
army,  implicated  in  the  information  sent  by  him  to  Washington.  This 
object  he  promised  to  enter  upon  with  zeal.  Five  days  had  elapsed  after 
reaching  New- York,  before  Champc  saw  the  confidant  to  whom  only  the 
attempt  against  Arnold  was  to  be  entrusted.  This  person  entered  at  once 
into  his  design,  and  promised  to  procure  a  suitable  associate.  The  com- 
plete innocence  of  the  suspected  general  was  soon  established.  Andre 
jiad  confessed  the  character  in  which  he  stood,  disdaining  to  defend 
himself  by  the  shadow  of  a  falsehood.  He  had  been  condemned  as  a  spy, 
and  had  suflTered  accordingly. 

Nothing  now  remained  to  be  done  by  Champe  but  the  seizure  and  safe 
delivery  of  Arnold.  To  this  object  he  gave  his  undivided  attention,  and 
Major  Lee  received  from  him  the  comi)lete  outlines  of  his  plan  on  the 
nineteenth  of  October.  Ten  days  elapsed  before  Champe  brought  his 
measures  to  a  conclusion,  when  Lee  was  presented  with  his  final  commu- 
nication, appointing  the  third  subsequent  night  for  a  party  of  dragoons  to 
meet  him  at  Iloboken,  when  he  hoped  to  deliver  Arnold  to  the  oflicer. 
Champe  had  been  improving  every  opportunity  to  become  acquainted  with 
the  habits  of  the  general.  He  discovered  that  it  was  his  custom  to  return 
home  at  about  twelve  every  night,  and  that,  previous  to  going  to  bed,  he 
always  visited  the  garden.  During  this  visit,  the  conspirators  were  to  seize 
him,  and,  being  prepared  with  a  gag,  were  to  apply  it  instantly.  Adjoin- 
ing the  house  in  which  Arnold  resided,  and  in  which  it  was  intended  to 
seize  and  gag  him,  Champe  had  taken  off  several  of  the  palings,  and  so 
replaced  them  that  he  could  easily  open  his  way  to  the  adjoining  alley. 
Into  this  alley  he  meant  to  have  conveyed  his  prisoner,  with  the  assistance 
of  a  single  companion.  Another  associate  was  to  be  prepared  with  a 
boat  to  receive  them  at  one  of  the  wharves  on  the  Hudson. 

Champe  and  his  friend  intended  to  have  placed  themselves  each  under 
Arnold's  shoulder,  and  to  have  thus  borne  him  through  the  most  unfre- 
quented alleys  and  streets  to  the  boats.  If  questioned,  they  were  to 
represent  him  as  a  drunken  soldier  whom  they  were  conveying  to  the 
guard  house.  The  day  arrived,  and  Lee,  with  a  party  of  dragoons,  left 
camp  late  in  the  evening,  with  three  led  accoutred  horses,  one  for  Arnold, 
one  for  the  sergeant,  and  the  third  for  his  associate,  never  doubting  the 
success  of  the  enterprise.  The  party  reached  Hoboken  about  midnight. 
Hour  after  hour  passed;  no  boat  approached.  At  length  the  day  broke, 
and  the  major,  with  his  party,  returned  to  camp.  Washington  was  much 
chagrined  at  the  issue,  and  apprehensive  that  the  sergeant  had  been 
detected  in  his  dangerous  enterprise.  It  so  happened  that  on  the  very 
day  preceding  the  night  fixed  for  the  plot,  Arnold  had  removed  his. 
quarters  to  another  part  of  the  town,  to  superintend  the  embarkation  of 
some  troops.  The  American  legion  had  been  transferred  from  their 
barracks  to  one  of  the  transports,  so  that  Champe,  instead  of  crossing  the 
Hudson  that  night,  was  sajely  deposited  on  board  one  of  the  vessels  of  the 
fleet,  whence  he  never  departed  till  the  troops  under  Arnold  landed  in 
Virginia.  It  was  some  time  before  he  was  able  to  escape  from  the  British ; 
when  he  deserted,   and,  proceeding   high    up  into  Virginia,  passed   into 


40  WASHINGTON. 

North  Carolina,  and  safely  joined  the  army.  His  appearance  excited 
great  surprise  among  his  former  comrades,  which  was  not  a  little  in- 
creased when  they  saw  the  cordial  reception  he  met  with  from  the  then 
Lieutenant  Colonel  Lee.  His  whole  story  soon  became  known  to  the 
corps,  and  excited  universal  admiration.  Champe  was  introduced  to 
General  Greene,  who  cheerfully  complied  with  certain  promises  that  had 
been  made  to  him  by  the  commander-in-chief  He  was  provided  with  a 
good  horse  and  money  for  his  journey  to  headquarters.  Washington 
"reated  him  munificently,  and  presented  him  with  his  discharge  Irom 
lirther  service,  lest,  in  the  vicissitudes  of  war,  he  should  fall  into  the 
hands  of  the  enemy,  and  die  upon  a  gibbet. 

The  campaign  of  this  year  ended  with  no  very  decided  efforts,  and  the 
army  went  into  winter  quarters.  On  the  first  night  of  the  new  year  a 
very  serious  mutiny  broke  out  among  the  troops  at  Morristown.  A 
preconcerted  signal  having  been  given,  the  whole  line,  except  three 
regiments,  paraded  under  arms  without  their  officers,  marched  to  the 
magazines,  supplied  themselves  with  provisions  and  ammunition,  and 
seizing  six  fieldpieces,  took  horses  from  General  Wayne's  stable  to 
transport  them.  The  mutineers  then  ordered  the  party  who  opposed 
tliem  to  come  over  instantly  or  they  should  be  bayoneted,  and  the  com- 
mand was  obeyed.  General  Wayne  endeavored  to  interpose  his  influence 
and  authority,  but  to  no  purpose;  on  his  cocking  a  pistol,  they  presented 
their  bayonets  to  his  breast  and  said,  "  We  love  and  respect  you ;  often 
have  you  led  us  into  the  field  of  battle,  but  we  are  no  longer  under  your 
command  ;  we  warn  you  to  be  on  your  guard  ;  if  you  fire  your  pistols,  or 
attempt  to  enforce  your  commands,  we  shall  put  you  instantly  to  death." 
General  Wayne  reasoned  and  expostulated  with  them  to  no  purpose  ;  they 
enumerated  their  grievances,  and  determined  to  march  to  Philadelphia 
and  demand  of  Congress  the  justice  that  had  so  long  been  denied  to  them. 
This  transaction  terminated  successfully  for  the  insurgents ;  they  even- 
tually accomplished  their  views. 

Washington  was  far  from  being  pleased  at  the  issue  of  this  affair,  and 
determined  to  adopt  more  severe  and  decisive  measures  in  future.  A 
revolt  shortly  after  broke  out  in  another  regiment,  and  he  at  once  ordered 
a  detachment  of  five  hundred  men  to  march  and  reduce  them  to  duty. 
This  party  was  placed  under  the  command  of  Major  General  Robert 
Howe.  On  the  twenty-seventh  of  January,  about  daylight,  this  detach- 
ment arrived  within  sight  of  the  huts  of  the  insurgents.  Here  they  were 
halted,  and  received  orders  to  load  their  arms.  General  Howe  then 
addressed  them,  representing  the  enormity  of  the  crime  of  the  mutineers, 
and  adding  that  no  terms  could  be  made  with  them  till  they  were  brought 
to  entire  submission.  The  troops  were  then  directed  to  surround  the 
huts  on  all  sides.  He  then  ordered  his  aid-de-camp  to  command  the 
mutineers  to  appear  in  front  of  their  huts,  unarmed,  within  five  minutes. 
A  second  messenger  was  sent,  and  they  immediately  formed  as  they  were 
directed.  Being  thus  overpowered,  the  mutineers  quietly  submitted  to 
their  fate.  General  Howe  ordered  that  three  of  the  ringleaders  should  be 
selected  for  immediate  punishment.  These  wretched  men  were  tried  on 
the  spot,  by  a  court-martial  standing  in  the  snow,  and  were  sentenrod  to 


=n 


WASHINGTON  41 

be  shot.  Twelve  of  the  most  guilty  mutineers  were  now  chosen  to  be 
their  executioners.  Two  of  these  offenders  were  shot,  and  the  third 
pardoned.  The  terror  of  this  scene  produced  a  very  powerful  effect  upon 
the  guilty  soldiers.  They  asked  pardon  of  their  oflicera,  and  promised  a 
faithful  discharge  of  duty  for  the  future. 

On  the  first  of  May,  1781,  Washington  commenced  a  military  journal, 
in  which  he  makes  a  brief  summary  of  the  wants  and  prospects  of  the 
army.  "  Instead  of  having  magazines  filled  with  provisions,  we  have  a 
scanty  pittance  scattered  here  and  there  in  the  distant  states.  Instead 
of  having  our  arsenals  well  supplied  with  military  stores,  they  are  poorly 
provided  and  the  workmen  all  leaving  them.  Instead  of  having  the 
various  articles  of  field  equipage  in  readiness,  the  quartermaster  is  but 
now  applying  to  the  several  states  to  provide  these  things  for  their  troops 
respectively.  Instead  of  having  a  regular  system  of  transportation  estab- 
lished upon  credit,  or  funds  in  the  quartermaster's  hands  to  defray  the 
contingent  expenses  thereof,  we  have  neither  the  one  nor  the  other  ;  and 
all  that  business,  or  a  great  part  of  it,  being  done  by  impressment,  we  are 
daily  and  hourly  oppressing  the  people,  souring  their  tempers,  and  alien- 
ating their  affections.  Instead  of  having  the  regiments  completed  agreea- 
ble to  the  requisitions  of  Congress,  scarce  any  state  in  the  Union  has  at 
this  hour  one  eighth  part  of  its  quota  in  the  field,  and  there  is  little 
prospect  of  ever  getting  more  than  half  In  a  word,  instead  of  having 
any  thing  in  readiness  to  take  the  field,  we  have  nothing  :  and  instead  of 
having  the  prospect  of  a  glorious  offensive  campaign  before  us,  we  have  a 
bewildered  and  gloomy  prospect  of  a  defensive  one  ;  unless  we  should 
receive  a  powerful  aid  of  ships,  troops,  and  money,  from  our  generous 
allies,  and  these  at  present  are  too  contingent  to  build  upon." 

While  the  Americans  were  laboring  under  the  embarrassments  and 
troubles  which  introduced  the  year  1781,  the  enemy  were  laying  plans 
for  more  extensive  operations  than  they  had  hitherto  attempted.  Their 
previous  policy  had  been  concentration,  but  events  seemed  to  indicate 
that  division  would  be  more  successful,  by  enabling  them  to  make  an 
impression  on  several  points  at  the  same  time.  In  this  campaign  they 
carried  on  the  war,  not  only  in  the  vicinity  of  their  headquarters  at  New- 
York,  but  in  Georgia,  South  Carolina,  North  Carolina,  and  in  Virginia.  Of 
course,  the  commander-in-chief  could  have  no  immediate  agency  in  the 
southern  department ;  he  deemed  it  of  more  importance  to  remain  on  the 
Hudson,  not  only  to  secure  the  most  important  post  in  the  United  States, 
but  to  concert  the  operations  which  resulted  in  the  termination  of  the  war. 

While  the  British  were  in  the  Potomac,  they  sent  a  flag  on  shore  at 
Mount  Vernon,  requiring  a  supply  of  fresh  provisions.  To  prevent  the 
destruction  of  property  which  would  follow  a  refusal,  the  person  who  had 
the  management  of  the  estate  complied  with  this  request,  and  requested 
that  the  buildings  might  be  spared.  For  this  Washington  severely  repri- 
manded him  :  "  It  would  have  been  a  less  painful  circumstance  to  me  to 
have  heard,  that,  in  consequence  of  your  noncompliance  with  the  request 
of  the  British,  they  had  burned  my  house,  and  laid  my  plantation  in  ruins. 
You  ought  to  have  considered  yourself  as  my  representative,  and  should 
have  reflected  on  the  bad  example  of  communicating  with  the  enemy,  and 


42  WASHINGTON 

making  a  voluntary  offer  of  refreshment  to  them,  with  a  view  to  prevent  a 
conflagration." 

It  was  at  this  period  that  Washington  received  intelligence  that  the 
French  government  had  loaned  to  the  United  States  the  sum  of  six 
millions  of  livres,  and  had  resolved  to  equip  a  fleet  to  co-operate  with  the 
land  force  of  the  Americans.  In  conformity  with  this  arrangement, 
M.  de  Grasse  sailed  from  Brest  in  March,  and,  after  some  preliminary 
movements  in  the  West  Indies,  arrived  in  the  Chesapeake  on  the  thirtieth 
of  August.  Here  he  was  soon  joined*  by  the  French  fleet  from  Rhode 
Island.  The  plan  of  operation  had  been  so  well  digested,  and  was  so  well 
executed,  that  Washington  and  Count  Rochambeau  had  passed  the  British 
headquarters  at  New- York,  and  were  considerably  advanced  in  their 
way  to  Yorktown,  before  Count  de  Grasse  had  reached  the  American  coast. 

The  first  determination  of  Washington  had  been  to  attack  New-York, 
but  the  arrival  of  the  additional  fleet  induced  him  to  change  his  operations, 
and  to  march  to  Virginia  and  lay  siege  to  the  post  of  Lord  Cornwallis  at 
Yorktown.  This  expedition  Washington  had  determined  to  command  in 
person,  and  had  advanced  as  far  as  Chester,  when  he  received  the  news 
of  the  arrival  of  the  fleet  commanded  by  M.  de  Grasse.  He  immediately 
visited  the  count,  attended  by  several  of  the  general  officers  of  the  French 
and  American  armies.  A  plan  of  operations  was  then  agreed  upon,  and 
the  combined  forces  proceeded  on  their  way  to  Yorktown.  In  this  place, 
Lord  Cornwallis,  with  the  royal  army,  had  constructed  strong  fortifications. 
It  is  a  little  village,  on  the  south  bank  of  the  river  York,  about  fifteen 
miles  from  its  entrance  into  Chesapeake  Bay.  The  British  forces 
amounted  to  seven  thousand  men ;  the  allied  army  to  about  twelve 
thousand.  The  works  erected  for  the  security  of  the  town  were  redoubts 
and  batteries,  and  every  effort  was  made  to  strengthen  them.  On  the 
first  of  October,  the  allied  armies  had  made  some  progress  in  the  siege. 
They  had  compelled  the  British  to  abandon  several  of  their  redoubts,  and 
retire  within  the  town.  During  a  severe  cannonade  from  the  enemy, 
while  the  Rev.  Mr.  Evans  was  standing  near  the  commander-in-chief,  a 
shot  struck  the  ground  so  near  as  to  cover  his  hat  with  sand.  Being 
much  agitated,  he  took  off  his  hat,  and  said,  "  See  here,  general."  "  Mr. 
Evans,"  replied  Washington  with  his  usual  composure,  "  you  had  better 
carry  that  home,  and  show  it  to  your  wife  and  children." 

The  American  troops  labored  for  a  number  of  days,  with  incessant 
activity,  in  diggins  trenches  and  erecting  batteries.  Two  or  three 
batteries  having  been  prepared  to  open  upon  the  town.  General  Washing- 
ton put  the  match  to  the  first  gun,  and  a  furious  discharge  of  cannon  and 
mortars  immediately  followed.  From  the  tenth  to  the  fifteenth  of  the 
month,  a  severe  and  continual  firing  was  kept  up  by  the  allied  armies. 
The  enemy  returned  the  fire  with  little  effect.  During  this  period,  a  shell 
from  the  French  battery  set  fire  to  a  forty-four  gun  ship,  and  two  or  three 
smaller  vessels  in  the  river.  It  was  in  the  night  time,  and  presented  a 
splendid  spectacle.  The  fire  spread  all  over  the  ships,  running  about  the 
rio-o-incf  to  the  tops  of  the  masts,  and  casting  a  broad  and  bright  flame  over 
the  waters.  This  dreadful  scene,  in  the  darkness  of  night,  amid  the  roar 
of  cannon  and  bursting  of  shells,  must  have  been  brilliant  and  sublime 


WASHINGTON. 


43 


A  fine  description  of  this  siege  is  given  by  Dr.  Thatcher.  "  'Bo'uvr  in  the 
Ironchos,"  he  observes,  "every  other  night  and  day,  I  liave  a  fine 
opportunity  of  witnessing  the  sublime  and  stupendous  scene  which  is 
continually  exhibiting.  The  bomb  shells  from  the  besiegers  and  the 
besiegeil  are  incessantly  crossing  each  others'  path  in  the  air.  They  are 
clearly  visible  in  the  form  of  a  black  ball  in  the  day,  but  in  the  night  they 
appear  like  a  fiery  meteor  with  a  blazing  tail,  most  beautifully  brilliant, 
ascending  majestically  from  the  mortar  to  a  certain  altitude,  and  grndu- 
ally  descending  to  the  spot  where  they  are  destined  to  execute  their  work 
of  destruction." 

After  carrying  on  this  kind  of  warfare  for  a  number  of  days,  the 
American  general  determined  to  take  possession  of  two  redoubts  about 
three  hundred  yards  in  front  of  the  principal  works  of  the  enemy,  and 
which  presented  formidable  impediments  to  their  approaches.  These 
redoubts  were  both  assaulted  at  the  same  time ;  one  by  a  brigade  of 
American  troops  under  the  command  of  the  Marquis  de  La  Faye°tte,  and 
the  other  by  a  French  detachment  under  the  Baron  de  Viomenil.  The 
asi^ault  commenced  at  eight  o'clock  in  the  evening,  and  was  soon  suc- 
cessfully concluded  ;  the  Americans  losing  but  a  very  few  men,  and  the 
French  a  considerable  number.  The  reason  of  this  difference  in  the  loss 
of  men  was,  that  the  Americans,  in  coming  to  the  abatis,  tore  away  a 
pinrt  of  it,  and  leapt  over  the  remainder.  The  French,  however,  waited 
till  their  pioneers  had  cut  away  the  abatis  according  to  rule,  beiny 
exposed,  meanwhile,  to  a  severe  fire  from  the  enemy.  When  the  marquis 
entered  the  works,  he  sent  his  aid.  Major  Barbour,  through  a  terrible 
fire  of  the  enemy,  to  inform  Baron  Viomenil,  "  that  he  was  in  his  redoubt, 
and  to  ask  the  baron  where  he  was."  The  messenger  found  the  French 
troops  clearing  away  the  abatis,  but  the  baron  sent  back  this  answer- 
"Tell  the  marquis  I  am  not  in  mine,  but  will  be  in  five  minutes."  He 
advanced,  and  entered  the  works  within  his  time. 

During  the  assault,  the  British  kept  up  a  very  severe  and  incessant  fire 


of  musketry  and  cannon.     Washington   and   the  generals  Lincoln   and 
Knox,  with  their   aids,  were  standing  in  an  exposed  situation,  waiting  the 


44 


WASHINGTON. 


result.  One  of  Washington's  aids,  solicitous  for  his  safety,  said  to  hirn, 
"  Sir,  you  are  too  much  exposed  here  ;  had  you  not  better  step  a  little 
back?"  "  Colonel  Cobb,"  replied  the  general,  "  if  you  are  afraid,  you 
have  liberty  to  step  back." 

On  the  seventeenth  of  the  month.  Lord  Cornwallis  was  reduced  to  the 
necessity  of  sending  out  a  flag,  to  request  a  cessation  of  hostilities  for 
twenty-four  hours.  Two  or  three  flags  passed  in  the  course  of  the  day, 
and  at  length  a  suspension  of  hostilities  for  two  hours  was  resolved 
upon.  At  an  early  hour  in  the  forenoon  of  the  eighteenth,  Washington 
communicated  to  the  British  commander  the  basis  of  the  terms  of  capitu- 
lation to  which  he  would  consent.  A  sufficient  time  was  allowed  for 
reply.  Two  officers  were  then  selected  from  each  army  to  meet,  and 
prepare  the  particular  articles  of  agreement.  These  were  arranged,  and 
confirmed  by  the  commanders-in-chief  On  the  nineteenth  of  October, 
preparations  were  made  to  receive  the  British  general  and  his  soldiers 
prisoners  of  war.  The  terms  of  capitulation  were  similar  to  those  granted 
to  General  Lincoln,  at  Charleston.  At  about  twelve  o'clock,  the  allied 
armies  were  arranged,  and  drawn  up  in  two  lines,  extending  more  than  a 
mile  in  length.  The  Americans,  with  General  Washington  at  their  head, 
occupied  the  right  side  of  the  road  ;  the  French,  with  Count  Rochambeau, 
occupied  the  left.  The  French  troops  were  in  complete  and  beautiful 
uniform,  and  presented  a  very  military  and  noble  appearance.  The 
Americans  were  not  dressed  so  neatly,  but  their  air  was  martial,  their  step 
lio-htened,  and  their  countenance  animated  with  joy.  Great  crowds  were 
collected  from  the  neighboring  villages  to  witness  the  ceremony. 

At  about  two  o'clock,  the  captive  army  advanced  through  the  lines 
formed  to  receive  them.  It  was  expected  that  Lord  Cornwallis  would  be 
at  their  head,  but  he  pretended  indisposition,  and  made  General  O'Hara 
his  substitute.  This  officer  was  followed  by  the  conquered  troops,  with 
shouldered  arms,  colors  cased,  and  drums  beating  a  slow  and  solemn 
march.    Having  arrived  at  the  head  of  the  line,  General  O'Hara  advanced 


to  Washington,  and  apologized  for  the  absence  of  Lord  Cornwallis.     The 
commander-in-chief  courteously  pointed  to  General  Lincoln  for  directions. 


WASHINGTON.  45 

This  officer  conducted  tlio  British  army  into  a  large  field,  where  they  were 
to  rrrouiid  their  arms.  Tliis  was  a  severe  trial  for  tke  disciplined  and 
haughty  soldiers  of  England.  It  was  a  great  mortification  to  yield  to 
raw  continentals,  and  to  the  Yankee  general  whom  they  had  ridiculed  in 
their  farces.  Some  of  the  platoon  officers  were  weak  enough  to  make  no 
secret  of  their  chagrin  and  ill  temper.  After  having  grounded  their  arms, 
aiid  taken  off  their  accoutrements,  the  captives  were  reconducted  to 
Yorktown,  and  put  under  guard. 

In  his  general  orders  on  the  next  day,  Washington  expressed  his 
warmest  thanks  to  the  soldiers  and  officers  of  the  combined  army  for  their 
brave  conduct  during  the  siege.  Wishing  that  every  heart  should  share 
in  the  general  joy,  he  gave  orders  that  all  in  confinement  or  under  arrest 
should  be  at  once  pardoned  and  set  at  liberty.  The  troops  were 
immediately  employed  in  embarking  the  artillery  and  military  stores  on 
board  of  transports  for  the  North  river.  Lord  Cornwallis  and  his  officers 
received  every  civility  and  attention  from  the  American  generals,  that  it 
was  in  their  power  to  bestow.  General  Washington  and  Count  Rocham- 
beau  frequently  invited  them  to  entertainments,  and  they  expressed 
grateful  acknowledgments  of  their  hospitality.  On  one  occasion,  when 
Cornwallis,  in  the  presence  of  the  commander-in-chief,  was  standing 
with  his  head  uncovered,  Washington  politely  said  to  him,  "  My  lord, 
you  had  better  be  covered  from  the  cold."  "  It  matters  little,  sir," 
replied  Cornwallis,  "  what  becomes  of  this  head  noio." 

An  anecdote  has  been  told  of  Washington,  which  reflects  as  much 
credit  upon  his  delicacy  of  feeling,  as  the  event  to  which  it  delates  does 
upon  his  military  skill.  After  the  surrended  of  the  town,  when  the  British 
soldiers  were  marching  forth  from  the  garrison  to  deliver  up  their  arms, 
the  commander-in-chief  thus  addressed  the  division  of  the  army  to  which 
he  was  attached  :  "  My  brave  fellows,  let  no  sensation  of  satisfaction  for 
the  triumphs  you  have  gained,  induce  you  to  insult  your  fallen  enemy — 
let  no  shouting,  no  clamorous  huzzaing  increase  their  mortification.  It 
is  sufficient  that  we  witness  their  humiliation.  Posterity  will  huzza  for  us." 
When  Congress  received  the  letter  from  Washington,  that  announced 
the  surrender  of  the  British  army,  they  determined  to  go  in  procession,  at 
two  o'clock,  to  the  Dutch  Lutheran  church,  and  return  thanks  to  Heaven 
for  the  success  of  the  allied  forces.  They  issued  a  proclamation  for 
observing,  throughout  the  United  States,  the  thirteenth  of  December  as  a 
day  of  thanksgiving  and  prayer.  They  also  resolved  to  erect  in  Yorktown 
a  marble  column  adorned  with  emblems  of  the  alliance  between  the 
United  States  and  his  most  Christian  Majesty  of  France,  and  inscribed 
with  a  brief  narrative  of  the  surrender  of  the  British  army.  Two  stands 
of  colors,  taken  from  the  enemy  at  the  capitulation,  were  presented  to 
General  Washington  by  Congress,  in  the  name  of  the  United  States. 
Two  pieces  of  field  ordnance,  taken  at  the  same  time,  by  a  resolve  of 
Congress  were  presented  to  Count  Rochambeau.  On  these  a  few  words 
were  engraved,  expressing  that  the  gift  was  made  in  consideration  of  the 
part  which  this  officer  had  borne  in  effijcting  the  surrender. 

After  the  capture  of  Cornwallis,  Washington,  with  the  greater  part  of 
his  army,  returned  to  the  vicinity  of  New- York.    Though  complete  success 


46  WASHINGTON. 

had  been  attained  in  Virginia,  and  great  advantages  in  the  Carolinas,  the 
commander-in-chief  urged  immediate  preparations  for  another  campaign. 
He  was  afraid  that  Congress  would  think  the  work  so  nearly  done,  as  to 
relax  their  efforts  in  raising  the  requisite  number  of  troops.  In  a  letter 
to  General  Greene,  he  observed,  "  I  shall  attempt  to  stimulate  Congress 
to  the  best  improvement  of  our  late  success,  by  taking  the  most  vigorous 
and  effectual  measures  to  be  ready  for  an  early  and  decisive  campaign  the 
next  year.  My  greatest  fear  is,  that,  viewing  this  stroke  in  a  point  of 
light  which  may  too  much  magnify  its  importance,  they  may  think  our 
work  too  nearly  closed,  and  fall  into  a  state  of  languor  and  relaxation. 
To  prevent  tliis  error,  I  shall  employ  every  means  in  my  power^  and,  if 
unhappily  we  sink  into  this  fatal  mistake,  no  part  of  the  blame  shall  be 
mine."  The  military  establishment  for  1782  was  passed  with  great 
celerity,  and  the  attention  of  Washington  was  incessantly  occupied  with 
the  plan  of  dislodging  the  British  from  their  strong  holds  of  New-York 
and  Charleston. 

While  he  was  concerting  measures  with  a  view  to  co-operate  with  the 
French  for  this  purpose,  intelligence  arrived  that  the  discontinuance  of 
the  war  had  been  moved  and  debated  in  the  British  parliament.  Early 
in  May,  Sir  Guy  Carleton,  the  successor  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton  as  com- 
mander-in-chief of  the  British  forces  in  America,  arrived  in  New- York, 
and  announced  in  successive  communications  the  increased  probability 
of  a  speedy  peace.  The  expected  approach  of  peace  relaxed  the  efforts 
of  the  states,  and  it  was  impossible  to  procure  funds  for  the  pay  and 
subsistence  of  the  troops.  In  a  letter  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  Washington 
observed — "  I  cannot  help  fearing  the  result  of  reducing  the  army,  where 
I  see  such  a  number  of  men,  goaded  by  a  thousand  stings  of  reflection  on 
the  past,  and  of  anticipation  on  the  future,  about  to  be  turned  into  the 
world,  soured  by  penury  and  what  they  call  the  ingratitude  of  the  public; 
involved  in  debts  without  one  farthing  of  money  to  carry  them  home,  after 
having  spent  the  flower  of  their  days  and  many  of  them  their  patrimonies, 
in  establisliing  the  freedom  and  independence  of  their  country,  and  having 
suffered  every  thing  which  human  nature  is  capable  of  enduring  on  this 
side  of  death.  I  repeat  it,  when  I  reflect  on  these  irritable  circumstances, 
I  cannot  avoid  apprehending  that  a  train  of  evils  will  follow,  of  a  very 
serious  and  distressing  nature."  These  apprehensions  were  well  founded  ; 
and  when  the  army  retired  into  winter  quarters,  Washington  remained 
in  the  camp  to  watch  and  control  the  discontents  of  the  soldiers,  though 
there  was  no  probability  of  any  military  operations  to  require  his  presence. 
During  the  whole  campaign  of  this  year,  not  a  gun  had  been  fired 
between  the  two  armies. 

Nothing  had  been  decided  by  Congress,  in  respect  to  the  claims  of  the 
soldiers,  when  news  arrived,  in  March,  1783,  that  Great  Britain  had 
acknowledged  the  independence  of  the  United  States  in  the  preceding 
November.  This  intelligence  spread  around  an  universal  joy.  The 
army  exulted  with  the  rest  of  their  fellow-citizens,  but  their  gladness  was 
clouded  with  fears  of  injustice  in  their  country.  They  thought  their 
prospect  of  compensation  diminished  with  the  necessity  of  their  services. 
Petitions  had  been  presented  to  Congress  in  respect  to  the  pay  of  ollicers, 


WASHINGTON.  4"7 

but  tlie  objects  which  they  solicited  were  not  obtained.  Linder  these 
circtlmstances,  anonymous  addresses  were  circulated  in  the  army,  which 
produced  the  most  violent  excitement.  Every  indication  was  given  of  a 
storm  that  would  destroy  the  peace  of  the  country,  and  its  new  liberties. 
A  paper  had  been  privately  handed  about,  calling  a  meeting  of  the  ollicers 
un  the  next  day.  It  was  an  occasion  that  demanded  all  the  wisdom  and 
influence  of  Washington.  He  accordingly  noticed  the  anonymous  summons 
iu  general  orders,  and  requested  a  meeting,  nominally  for  the  same  purpose, 
four  days  later.  In  the  mean  time,  sending  for  the  ofllcers  one  after  ano- 
ther, he  enlarged  upon  the  fatal  consequences  that  would  result  from  the 
adoption  of  any  violent  measures.  His  unwearied  eflbrts  were  u.sed  to 
quiet  the  agitation.  When  the  oflBcers  assembled,  Washington  arose  to 
address  them.  Finding  his  eyesight  fail  him,  he  observed — "  My  eyes 
have  grown  dim  in  my  country's  service,  but  I  never  doubted  of  its 
justice."  He  tlien  delivered  a  very  interesting  and  feeling  address.  After 
commenting  fully  upon  the  anonymous  papers  that  had  been  circulated  in 
the  camp,  he  entreated  the  officers  to  rely  on  the  justice  and  good  faith  of 
Congress.  "  Let  me  request  you,"  he  observed,  "  to  rely  on  the  plighted 
faith  of  your  country,  and  place  a  full  confidence  in  the  purity  of  the 
intentions  of  Congress,  that,  previous  to  your  dissolution  as  an  army,  they 
will  cause  all  your  accounts  to  be  fairly  liquidated,  as  directed  in  the 
resolutions  which  were  published  to  you  two  days  ago ;  and  that  they  will 
adopt  the  most  effectual  measures  in  their  power  to  render  ample  justice 
to  you  for  your  faithful  and  meritorious  services.  And  let  me  conjure 
you  in  the  name  of  our  common  country,  as  you  value  your  own  sacred 
honor,  as  you  respect  the  rights  of  humanity,  and  as  you  regard  the 
military  and  national  character  of  America,  to  express  your  utmost  horror 
and  detestation  of  the  man  who  wishes,  under  any  specious  pretences,  to 
overturn  the  liberties  of  our  country,  and  who  wickedly  attempts  to  open 
the  floods  of  civil  discord,  and  deluge  our  rising  empire  in  blood.  By 
thus  determining  and  thus  acting,  you  will  pursue  the  plain  and  direct 
road  to  the  attainment  of  your  wishes  ;  you  will  defeat  the  insidious 
designs  of  our  enemies,  who  are  compelled  to  resort  from  •pen  force  to 
secret  artifice.  You  will  give  one  more  distinguished  proof  of  unexampled 
patriotism  and  patient  virtue,  rising  superior  to  the  pressure  of  the  most 
complicated  sufferings  ;  and  you  will,  by  the  dignity  of  your  conduct, 
afford  occasion  for  posterity  to  say,  when  speaking  of  the  glorious  example 
you  have  exhibited  to  mankind, — '  Had  this  day  been  wanting,  the  world 
had  never  seen  the  last  stage  of  perfection  to  which  human  nature  is 
capable  of  attaining.'" 

Having  finished  his  eloquent  and  powcrfiil  address,  his  Excellency 
withdrew,  and  the  convention  unanimously  resolved  to  present  him  their 
thanks,  and  assure  him  "  that  the  officers  reciprocate  his  affectionate 
e.xpressions  with  the  greatest  sincerity  of  which  the  human  heart  is 
capable."  General  Knox,  Colonel  Brooks,  and  Captain  Howard  were 
then  appointed  a  committee,  to  prepare  resolutions  expressive  of  the 
business  of  the  convention,  and  to  report  in  half  an  he  ir.  These  reso- 
lutions professed  an  undiminished  attachment  to  the  liberties  of  their 
country,  and  an  unshaken  confidence  in  the  justice  of  Congress.     The 


48  WASHINGTON 

result  of  these  proceedings  was  communicated,  by  the  commander-in- 
chief,  to  Congress,  accompanied  by  an  impressive  letter.  "If  the  whole 
army,"  he  observes  in  the  course  of  it,  "  have  not  merited  whatever  a 
grateful  people  can  bestow,  then  have  I  been  beguiled  by  prejudice,  and 
built  opinion  on  the  basis  of  error.  If  this  country  should  not  in  the 
event  perform  every  thing  which  has  been  requested  in  tlie  late  memorials 
to  Congress,  then  will  my  belief  become  vain,  and  the  hope  that  has  been 
excited,  void  of  foundation.  *  *  *  But  I  am  under  no  such  appre- 
hension. A  country  rescued  by  their  arms  from  impending  ruin,  will 
never  leave  unpaid  the  debt  of  gratitude."  Congress  at  length  came  to 
resolutions,  in  which  they  expressed  a  desire  to  gratify  the  reasonable 
expectations  of  the  officers  of  the  army,  a«d  remove  all  objections  which 
might  exist  in  any  part  of  the  United  States  to  the  principles  of  the  half 
pay,  which  had  been  pledged  to  them.  They  commuted  the  half  pay  for 
life  to  full  pay  for  the  space  of  five  years,  at  the  option  of  the  parties 
interested. 

The  commander-in-chief  thus  addressed  the  army  on  the  cessation  of 
hostilities,  in  April :  "  The  commander-in-chief  orders  the  cessation  of 
hostilities,  between  the  United  States  of  America  and  the  king  of  Great 
Britain,  to  be  publicly  proclaimed  to-morrow  at  twelve  o'clock,  at  the 
New  Building;  and  that  the  proclamation  which  will  be  communicated 
herewith  be  read  to-morrow  evening,  at  the  head  of  every  regiment  and 
corps  of  the  army;  after  which,  the  chaplains,  with  the  several  brigades, 
will  render  thanks  to  Ahnighty  God  for  all  his  mercies,  particularly  for 
his  overruling  the  wrath  of  man  to  his  own  glory,  and  causing  the  rage 
of  war  to  cease  among  the  nations." 

The  reduction  of  the  army  had  been  resolved  by  Congress,  but  it  was 
a  difficult  measure,  and  required  deliberation.  To  avoid  the  inconvenience 
of  dismissing  a  great  number  of  soldiers  in  a  body,  furloughs  were  freely 
granted  on  the  application  of  individuals,  and,  after  their  dispersion,  they 
were  not  enjoined  to  return.  In  this  manner  a  great  part  of  an  unpaid 
army  was  dispersed  over  the  states,  without  tumult  or  disorder. 

While  the  troops  under  the  immediate  command  of  Washington  mani- 
fested the  utmost  good  conduct,  a  mutiny  broke  out  among  some  new 
levies  stationed  at  Lancaster,  in  Pennsylvania.  About  eighty  soldiers, 
in  defiance  of  their  ofl!icers,  marched  to  Philadelphia,  to  seek  a  redress 
of  their  alleged  grievances  from  the  executive  council  of  the  state.  They 
proceeded  to  the  barracks  in  the  city,  where  some  other  soldiers  were 
quartered,  who  joined  them.  The  wiiole  body  amounted  to  about  three 
hundred.  On  the  following  day,  the  insurgents,  with  drums  beating  and 
fixed  bayonets,  marched  to  the  State-house,  the  seat  of  Congress  and  of 
the  supreme  executive  council  of  Pennsylvania.  They  placed  sentinels 
at  every  do'or,  sent  in  a  written  message  to  the  president  and  council,  and 
liiieatened  to  break  in  upon  them,  if  tlieir  demands  were  not  granted 
within  twenty  minutes.  No  further  insult  was  offered  to  Congress,  but 
they  were  confined  in  this  manner  for  about  three  hours.  Congress 
resolved  that  the  authority  of  the  United  States  had  been  grosslj  insulted 
by  the  armed  soldiers,  and  it  was  determined  that  a  committee  of  their 
body  should  confer  with  the  executive  council,  and  if  it  should  appear  to 


WASHINGTON.  49 

the  committee,  that  the  state  of  Pennsylvania  ought  not  to  take  measures 
to  support  tlie  dignity  of  the  federal  government,  the  president  should 
summon  the  Congress  to  meet  on  Thursday,  the  twenty-sixth,  at  Prmceton 
or  Trenton.  Tlie  Secretary  of  War  was  also  directed  to  communicate 
to  the  commander-in-cliief  the  state  and  disposition  of  the  mutineers. 

On  receiving  information  of  this  disgraceful  outrage,  Washington  im- 
mediately dosj)atched  Major  General  Howe,  with  fifteen  hundred  men, 
to  quell  the  mutineers,  and  punish  the  most  guilty  of  them.  Before  his 
arrival,  however,  they  had  dispersed  without  bloodshed.  Several  were 
brought  to  trial,  two  were  condemned  to  death,  and  four  others  to  receive 
corporal  punishment. 

On  this  occasion.  General  Washington  addressed  the  president  of 
Congress  in  very  feeling  and  eloquent  language  : 

"  While  I  suffer  the  most  poignant  distress  in  observing  that  a  handful 
of  men,  contemptible  in  numbers,  and  equally  so  in  point  of  service,  if 
the  veteran  troops  from  the  southward  have  not  been  seduced  by  their 
example,  and  who  are  not  worthy  to  be  called  soldiers,  should  disgrace 
themselves  and  their  country,  as  the  Pennsylvania  mutineers  have  done, 
by  insulting  the  sovereign  authority  of  the  United  States  and  that  of  their 
own;  I  fee)  an  inexpressible  satisfaction,  that  even  this  behavior  cannot 
stain  the  name  of  the  American  soldiery.  It  cannot  be  imputable  to,  or 
reflect  dishonor  on,  the  army  at  large,  but,  on  the  contrary,  it  will,  by 
the  striking  contrast  it  exhibits,  hold  up  to  public  view  the  other  troops 
in  the  most  advantageous  point  of  lighi.  On  taking  all  the  circumetancea 
into  consideration,  1  cannot  sufficiently  express  my  surprise  and  indiirna 
tion  at  the  arrogance,  the  folly,  and  the  wickedness  of  the  mutineers  .• 
nor  can  I  sufficiently  admire  the  fidelity,  the  bravery  and  patriotism  which 
must  forever  signalize  the  unsullied  character  of  the  other  corps  of  our 
army.  For  when  we  consider  that  these  Pennsylvania  levies,  who  have 
now  mutinied,  are  recruits,  and  soldiers  of  a  day,  who  have  not  borne 
the  heat  and  burden  of  war,  and  who  can  have  in  reality  very  few 
hardships  to  complain  of;  and  when  we  at  the  same  time  recollect  that 
those  soldiers,  who  have  lately  been  furloughed  from  this  army,  are  the 
veterans  who  liave  patiently  endured  hunger,  nakedness,  and  cold;  who 
have  suffered  and  bled  without  a  murmur,  and  who,  with  perfect  good 
order,  have  retired  to  their  homes,  without  a  settlement  of  their,  accounts, 
or  a  f\irthing  of  money  in  their  pockets, — we  shall  be  as  much  astonish- 
ed at  the  virtues  of  the  latter,  as  we  are  struck  with  horror  and  detes- 
tation at  the  proceedings  of  the  former." 

On  the  second  of  November,  1783,  General  Washington  issued  his 
farewell  orders  to  the  armies  of  the  United  States.  After  noticing  a 
recent  pj-oclamation  of  Congress,  he  observed  that  it  oidy  remained  to 
address  himself  for  the  last  time  to  the  armies  of  the  United  States,  and 
to  bid  them  an  affectionate  farewell.  He  remarked  upon  the  circum- 
stances under  which  the  war  was  begun ;  the  signal  interpositions  of 
Providence  in  their  behalf;  and  their  unparalleled  perseverance  through 
eiglU  years  of  every  possible  suffering  and  discouragement.  His  closing 
words  were — "Your  general  being  now  to  conclude  these  his  last  public 
orders,  to  take  his  ultimate  leave,  in  a  short  time,  of  the  military  ciiarac- 


50  WASHINGTON. 

ter,  and  to  bid  adieu  to  the  armies  he  has  so  long  had  the  honor  to 
command,  he  can  only  again  offer  in  their  behalf  his  recommendations 
to  their  grateful  country,  and  his  prayers  to  the  God  of  armies.  May 
ample  justice  be  done  to  them  here,  and  may  the  choicest  of  Heaven's 
favors,  both  here  and  hereafter,  attend  those,  who,  under  the  divine 
auspices,  have  secured  innumerable  -blessings  for  others !  With  these 
wishes,  and  this  benediction,  the  commander-in-chief  is  about  to  retire 
from  service.  The  curtain  of  separation  will  soon  be  drawn,  and  the 
military  scene,  to  him,  will  be  closed  forever." 

The  treaty  of  peace  was  signed  on  the  twepty-third  of  September,  and 
a  proclamation  was  issued  by  Congress  to  disband  the  army.  Pauiful 
indeed,  was  the  parting.  The  old  soldiers,  who  had  been  sharers  for 
seven  years  in  privation  and  suffering,  were  to  separate  under  circum- 
stances of  the  most  distressing  character.  They  were  poor,  without 
money  or  employment,  and  many  with  no  other  prospect  than  that  of 
painful  dependence  or  miserable  penury.  Though  their  whole  military 
life  had  been  a  scene  of  want  and  wretchedness,  it  had  sometimes  been 
chequered  with  splendid  triumphs,  or  at  any  rate  had  been  throughout 
supported  by  an  anxious  excitement.  That  excitement  was  now  past, 
for  tlie  object  of  their  labors  and  sacrifices,  the  liberty  of  their  common 
country,  had  been  obtained.  The  glorious  hope,  that  gleamed  continual- 
ly before  their  eyes  in  the  battles  of  the  revolution,  had  been  changed 
into  a  glorious  certainty,  by  the  declaration  of  peace  •  and  now  that  the 
wrongs  and  sufferings  of  their  country  had  been  vindicated,  their  thoughts 
were  naturally  concentrated  upon  their  individual  fortunes. 

There  were  sorrow  and  suffering,  want  and  wretchedness,  but  no 
tumult,  no  mutiny,  no  disorder.  They  would  not  end  a  succession  of 
generous  sacrifices  by  a  violation  of  their  faith  and  their  duty ;  but  de- 
termined to  abandon  their  rights,  rather  than  resort  to  force  to  recover 
them. 

The  British  army  evacuated  New-York  in  November,  and  the  Ameri- 
can troops,  under  General  Knox,  took  possession  of  the  city.  Soon  after. 
General  Washington  and  Governor  Clinton,  with  their  suite,  made  their 
public  entry  into  the  city  on  horseback,  followed  by  a  procession  of  civil 
and  military  officers,  and  a  large  number  of  citizens.  General  festivity 
reigned  throughout  the  city,  and  the  governor  made  a  public  dinner. 
This  was  followed,  a  day  or  two  afterwards,  by  an  elegant  entertain- 
ment, given  by  the  governor  to  the  French  ambassador,  the  Chevalier  de 
la  Luzerne.  General  Washington,  the  principal  officers  of  New- York 
state,  and  of  the  army,  and  upwards  of  a  hundred  other  gentlemen,  were 
present. 

On  Tuesday  noon,  the  fourth  of  December,  the  principal  officers  of 
the  army  assembled  at  Francis's  tavern,  to  take  a  final  leave  of  their 
beloved  commander-in-chief  When  Washington  entered  the  room,  his 
emotions  were  too  strong  to  be  repressed  or  concealed.  Filling  a  glass, 
he  turned  to  the  surrounding  officers  and  said — "With  a  heart  full  of  love 
and  gratitude,  I  now  take  leave  of  you.  I  most  devoutly  wish  tJiat  your 
latter  days  may  be  as  prosperous  and  happy  as  your  former  ones  have 
been  glorious  and  honorable."    Having  drank,  he  added,  "I  cannot  come 


AVASHINGTON. 


51 


lo  oacliof  yoit  to  take  my  loavo,  l)at  shall  be  obliged  to  you,  if  each  of  you 
will  come  and  take  me  by  tlic  hand."  General  Knox,  being  nearest, 
turned  to  him.  Washington,  in  tears,  grasped  his  hand,  embraced  and 
kissed  him.  In  the  same  manner  he  took  leave  of  eac^  succeeding 
otlicer,  Lincoln,  and  Greene,  and  La  Fayette,  and  the  other  valiant  men 
with  whom  he  had  l)een  connected  in  hours  of  peril  and  darkness,  to  be 
rewarded  with  endless  gratitude  and  glory. 

Every  eye  was  moistened  with  tears.  Not  a  word  was  spoken  to  inter- 
rupt the  silent  solemnity  of  the  parting.  Leaving  tJ^ie  room,  Washington 
passed  through  the  corps  of  light  infantry,  and  walked  to  Whitehall, 
wliere  a  coach  was  in  waiting  to  receive  him.  The  whole  company  fol- 
lowed  in   mute  procession,   with   sad   and   dejected  countenances.     On 


entering  the  barge,  he  turned  to  his  companions,  and,  waving  his  hat, 
bade  tliem  a  silent  farewell.  They  paid  him  a  similar  mark  of  respect 
and  affection,  and,  when  they  could  no  longer  distinguish  in  the  barge 
the  person  of  their  beloved  commander,  returned,  in  the  same  solemn 
manner,  to  the  place  where  they  had  first  assembled. 

On  the  disbanding  of  the  army,  Washington  proceeded  to  Annapolis, 
then  the  spat  of  Congress,  to  resign  his  commission.  On  his  way  thither, 
he  delivered  to  the  comptroller  of  accounts,  at  Philadelphia,  an  account 
of  his  receipts  and  expenditures  of  public  money.  The  whole  amount 
that  had  passed  through  his  hands,  was  only  o£14,479  IS,'?.  9d.  ster- 
ling. Nothing  was  charged  or  retained  for  his  own  services.  The 
resignation  of  his  command  was  made  in  a  public  aud,ience.  Congress 
received  him  as  the  guardian  of  his  country  and  her  liberties.  He 
appeared  there  under  tlie  most  affecting  circumstances.  The  battles  of 
a  glorious  war  had  been  fought,  since  he  first  appeared  before  them  to 
accept,  with  a  becoming  modesty,  the  command  of  their  armies.  Now 
tlie  eyes  of  a  whole  nation  were  upon  him,  and  the  voices  of  a  liberate." 
people  proclaimed  him  their  preserver. 


52  WASHINGTON. 

His  resignation  was  communicated,  in  the  following  address,  to  the 
President  of  Congress : 
"  Mr.  President, 

"  The  grejft  events  on  which  my  resignation  depended,  having  at  length 
taken  place,  I  have  now  the  honor  of  offering  my  sincere  congratulations 
to  Congress,  and  of  presenting  myself  before  them  to  surrender  into  their 
hands  the  trust  committed  to  me,  and  to  claim  the  indulgence  of  retiring 
from  the  service  of  my  country. 

"Happy  in  the  coirfirmation  of  our  independence  and  sovereignty,  and 
pleased  with  the  opportunity  afforded  the  United  States  of  becoming  a 
respectable  nation,  I  resign  with  satisfaction  the  appointment  I  accepted 
with  diffidence ;  a  diffidence  in  my  abilities  to  accomplish  so  arduous  a 
task,  which,  however,  was  superseded  by  a  confidence  in  the  rectitude 
of  our  cause,  the  support  of  the  supreme  power  of  the  Union,  and  the 
patronage  of  Heaven. 

"  While  I  repeat  my  obligations  to  the  army  in  general,  I  should  do 
injustice  -to  my  own  feelings,  not  to  acknowledge,  in  this  place,  the 
peculiar  services  and  distinguished  merits  of  the  persons  who  have  been 
attached  to  my  person  during  the  war.  It  was  impossible  the  choice 
of  confidential  officers,  to  compose  my  family,  should  have  been  more 
fortunate.  Permit  me,  sir,  to  recommend,  in  particular,  those  who  have 
continued  in  the  service  to  the  present  moment,  as  worthy  of  the  favora- 
ble notice  and  patronage  of  Congress. 

"  I  consider  it  as  an  indispensable  duty  to  close  this  last  solemn  act 
of  my  official  life,  by  commending  the  interests  of  our  dearest  country  to 
the  protection  of  Almighty  God,  and  those  who  have  the  superintendence 
of  them  to  his  holy  keeping. 

"  Having  now  finished  the  work  assigned  me,  I  retire  from  the  great 
theatre  of  action;  and,  bidding  an  affectionate  farewell  to  this  august 
body,  under  whose  orders  I  have  long  acted,  I  here  offer  my  commission, 
and  take  leave  of  all  the  employments  of  public  life." 

This  address  being  ended.  General  Washington  advanced,  and  deliver- 
ed his  commission  into  the  hands  of  the  President  of  Congress,  who 
received  it  and  made  an  appropriate  reply.  Having  thus,  of  his  own 
accord,  become  one  of  the  people,  the  American  chief  hastened  to  his 
delightful  residence  at  Mount  Vernon. 

The  feelings  and  emotions  of  Washington,  on  thus  going  into  retire- 
ment, were  expressed  in  the  following  manner:  "  I  feel  as  a  wearied 
traveller  must  do,  who,  after  treading  many  a  painful  step  with  a  heavy 
burden  on  his  shoulders,  is  eased  of  the  latter,  having  reached  the  haven 
to  which  all  the  former  were  directed,  and  from  his  house-top  is  looking 
back  and  tracing,  with  an  eager  eye,  the  meanders  by  which  he  escaped 
the  quicksands  and  mire  which  lay  in  his  way,  and  into  which  none  but 
the  All- Powerful  Guide  and  Dispenser  of  human  events  could  have 
prevented  his  falling. 

"  I  have  become  a  private  citizen  on  the  banks  of  the  Potomac,  and, 
under  the  shadow  of  my  own  vine  and  my  own  figtree,  free  from  the  bustle 
of  a  camp  and  the  busy  scenes  of  public  life,  1  am  solacing  myself  with 
those  tranquil  enjoyments  of  which  the  soldier,  wlio  is  ever  in  pursuit  of 


WASHINGTON.  53 

fame — (lie  statesman,  wliose  watclifiil  days  and  sleepless  nights  are  spent 
in  devisiufr  schemes  to  promote  the  welfare  of  his  own,  perhaps  the  ruin 
of  other  countries,  as  if  this  globe  was  insufficient  for  us  all — and  the 
courtier,  who  is  always  watching  the  countenance  of  his  prince,  in  the 
hope  of  catching  a  gracious  smile, — can  have  very  little  conception.  I 
have  not  only  retired  from  all  public  employments,  but  am  retiring  within 
myself,  and  shall  be  able  to  view  the  solitary  walk,  and  tread  the  paths  of 
private  life,  with  heart-felt  satisfaction.  Envious  of  none,  I  am  determined 
to  be  pleased  with  all ;  and  this,  my  dear  friend,  being  the  order  of  my 
march,  I  will  move  gently  down  the  stream  of  life,  until  I  sleep  with  my 
Aithers." 

Washington  now  devoted  his  attention,  with  untiring  industry,  to  the 
pursuits  of  agriculture  and  the  extension  of  inland  navigation.  He 
corresponded  witli  the  officers  and  influential  men  of  all  the  states  on 
the  most  prominent  subjects  of  public  interest  and  improvement.  He 
formed  a  plan  to  render  the  rivers  Potomac  and  James  navigable  as  high 
as  practicable,  and  to  open  such  inland  navigation  between  these  waters 
and  those  w«st  of  the  Ohio,  as  would  secure  the  trade  of  the  western 
country  to  Virginia  and  Maryland.  According  to  this  suggestion,  two 
companies  were  formed  for  opening  the  navigation  of  these  rivers ;  and 
of  each,  Washington  consented  to  be  the  president.  The  legislature  of 
Virginia  directed  the  treasurer  of  the  state  to  subscribe  for  one  hundred 
and  fifty  shares  in  each  company  for  the  benefit  of  General  Washington. 
Tliis  appropriation  was  generously  made  and  as  generously  received. 
According  to  the  desire  of  Washington,  these  shares  were  appropriated 
to  the  support  of  a  college  in  the  vicinity  of  each  river. 

Near  the  close  bf  the  revolutionary  war,  the  officers  of  the  American 
army,  with  the  view  of  continuing  their  intercourse  and  friendship,  formed 
themselves  into  an  association  named  the  society  of  Cincinnati.  Of  the 
general  society  Washington  officiated  as  president,  from  its  institution  in 
1783  till  the  time  of  his  death.  By  the  rules  of  this  society,  the  honors 
of  it  were  to  be  hereditary  in  the  respective  families,  and  distino-uished 
individuals  were  to  be  admitted  as  honorary  members  for  life.  These 
aristocratic  features  of  the  institution  alarmed  the  community,  and  excited 
a  great  degree  of  jealousy.  On  full  inquiry,  Washington  found  that  these 
objections  were  general,  and  he  therefore  exerted  his  influence  among  the 
officers,  to  induce  them  to  drop  the  offensive  part  of  the  institution.  At 
the  annual  meeting,  in  May,  1787,  these  portions  were  accordingly  ex- 
punged ;   and  the  modification  entirely  quieted  public  apprehensions. 

The  articles  under  which  the  United  States  originally  confederated 
proved  to  be  inadequate  to  the  purposes  of  national  government.  A  crisis 
was  expected  in  public  affiiirs,  which  would  again  require  the  personal 
presence  and  influence  of  Washington.  His  friends  communicated  freely 
with  him  on  this  subject,  and  his  own  apprehensions  were  deeply  excited, 
fn  a  letter  to  xMr.  Jay,  in  178G,  he  observed  :  "  Your  sentiments,  that  our 
affiiirs  are  drawing  rapidly  to  a  crisis,  accord  with  my  own.  What  the 
.event  will  be  is  beyond  the  reach  of  my  foresight.  We  have  errors  to 
correct ;  we  have  probably  had  too  good  an  opinion  of  human  nature,  in 
forming  our  confederation.     Experience  has  taught  us  tha    men  will  not 


54  WASHINGTON. 

adopt  !ind  carry  into  execution,  measures  the  best  calculated  for  their  own 
o;ood,  without  the  intervention  of  coercive  power.  I  do  not  conceive  we 
can  exist  ]ong  as  a  nation,  without  lodging,  somewhere,  a  power  which 
will  pervade  the  whole  Union  in  as  energetic  a  manner,  as  the  authority 
of  the  state  governments  extends  over  the  several  states.  To  be  fearful 
of  investing  Congress,  constituted  as  that  body  is,  with  ample  authorities 
for  national  purposes,  appears  to  me  the  very  climax  of  popular  absurdity 
and  madness.  Could  Congress  exert  them  for  the  detrim.ent  of  the  people, 
without  injin-ing  themselves  in  an  equal  or  greater  proportion?  Are  not 
their  interests  inseparably  connected  with  those  of  their  constituents?  By 
the  rotation  of  appointments,  must  they  not  mingle  frequently  with  the 
mass  of  citizens?  Is  it  not  rather  to  be  apprehended,  if  they  were  not 
possessed  of  the  powers  before  described,  that  the  individual  members 
would  be  induced  to  use  them,  on  many  occasions,  very  timidly  and 
inefficaciously,  for  fear  of  losing  their  popularity  and  future  election  ? 
We  must  take  human  nature  as  we  find  it ;  perfection  falls  not  to  the 
share  of  mortals. 

"  What  then  is  to  be  done  ?  Things  cannot  go  on  in  the  same  strain 
forever.  It  is  much  to  be  feared,  as  you  observe,  that  the  better  kind  of 
people,  being  disgusted  with  these  circumstances,  will  have  their  minds 
prepared  for  any  revolution  whatever.  We  are  apt  to  run  from  one 
extreme  to  another.  To  anticipate  and  prevent  disastrous  contingencies, 
would  be  the  part  of  wisdom  and  patriotism. 

"  What  astonishing  changes  a  k\v  years  are  capable  of  producing!  I 
am  told  that  even  respectable  characters  speak  of  a  monarchical  form  of 
government  without  horror.  From  thinking  proceeds  speaking  :  thence 
to  acting  is  often  but  a  single  step.  But  how  irrevocable  and  tremendous  ! 
What  a  triumph  for  our  enemies,  to  verify  their  predictions !  What  a 
triumph  for  the  advocates  of  despotism,  to  find  that  we  are  incapable  of 
governing  ourselves,  and  that  systems,  founded  on  the  basis  of  equal 
liberty,  are  merely  ideal  and  fallacious.  Would  to  God  that  wise  measures 
may  be  taken  in  time  to  avert  the  consequences  we  have  but  too  much 
reason  to  a])prehend. 

"  Retired  as  I  am  from  the  world,  I  frankly  acknowledge  I  cannot  feel 
myself  an  unconcerned  spectator.  Yet  having  happily  assisted  in  bringing 
the  ship  into  port,  and  having  been  fairly  discharged,  it  is  not  my  business 
to  embark  a^ain  on  the  sea  of  troubles.  Nor  could  it  be  expected  that 
my  .sentiments  and  opinions  would  have  much  weight  on  the  minds  of  my 
countrymen.  They  have  been  neglected,  though  given  as  a  last  legacy 
in  a  most  solemn  manner.  I  tlien,  perhaps,  had  some  claims  to  public 
attention.     I  consider  myself  as  having  none  at  present." 

Illumination  on  the  subject  of  enlarging  the  powers  of  Congress  was 
gradual.  A  convention  of  delegates  from  the  several  states  was  proposed, 
for  the  purpose  of  remodelling  the  terms  of  the  confederation.  This 
convention  met  in  Philadelphia  in  May,  and  unanimously  chose  George 
Washington  their  President.  On  the  seventeenth  of  September,  1787, 
thoy  closed  their  labors,  and  submitted  the  result  to  Congress,  with  the 
opinion  that  it  should  be  submitted  to  a  convention  of  delegates  chosen 


WASHINGTON.  56 

in  onch  state  by  tlic  people  thereof,  under  the  recommendation  of  its 
leirislature,  for  its  assent  and  ratification. 

The  constitution  being  accepted  by  eleven  of  the  states,  and  measures 
beinw  taken  for  carrying  it  into  execution,  all  eyes  were  turned  towards 
Washington  as  the  most  suitable  person  to  be  President  of  the  United 
States.  lie  was  then  fifty-seven  years  of  age,  and  in  the  full  enjoyment 
of  health  and  vigor.  It  would  appear,  however,  from  numerous  letters 
written  about  this  period,  that  the  return  into  public  life  was  to  him  a 
source  of  anxiety  and  trouble  which  he  would  gladly  have  avoided.  He 
was  fond  of  retirement  and  private  life.  "Every  personal  consideration," 
he  observed  in  a  letter  to  General  Lincoln,  "  conspires  to  rivet  me  to 
retirement.  At  my  time  of  life,  and  under  my  circumstances,  nothing 
in  this  world  can  ever  draw  me  from  it,  unless  it  be  a  conviction  that  the 
partiality  of  my  countrymen  had  made  my  services  absolutely  necessary, 
joined  to  a  fear  that  my  refusal  might  induce  a  belief  that  I  preferred  the 
conservation  of  my  own  reputation  and  private  ease  to  the  good  of  my 
country.  After  all,  if  I  should  conceive  myself  in  a  manner  constrained 
to  accept,  I  call  Heaven  to  witness  tliat  this  very  act  would  be  the  greatest 
sacrifice  of  my  personal  feelings  and  wishes  that  I  have  ever  been  called 
upon  to  make.  Itwo^ild  be  to  forego  repose  and  domestic  enjoyment,  for 
trouble,  perhaps  for  public  obloquy;  for  I  should  consider  myself  as 
entering  upon  an  unexplored  field,  enveloped  on  every  side  with  cloud** 
and  darkness." 

Before  the  election  came  on,  the  expectation  of  Washington's  appoint- 
ment was  so  universal,  that  numerous  applications  were  made  to  him  for 
the  offices  of  government  which  would  be  in  his  gift.  Contemptible  as 
such  applications  must  always  be,  Washington  condescended  to  notice 
them  with  a  dignified  refusal.  To  one  applicant  he  wrote  as  follows . 
"  Should  it  become  absolutely  necessary  for  me  to  occupy  the  situation 
in  which  your  letter  presupposes  me,  I  have  determined  to  go  into  it 
perfectly  free  from  all  engagements  of  every  nature  whatsoever.  A  conduct 
in  conformity  to  this  resolution  would  enable  me,  in  balancfiig  the  various 
pretensions  of  different  candidates  for  appointments,  to  act  with  a  sole 
reference  to  justice  and  tlie  public  good.  This  is  in  substance  the  answer 
that  I  have  given  to  all  applications  (and  they  are  not  few)  which  have 
already  been  made." 

The  oflicial  announcement  of  his  election  to  the  Presidency  was  made 
to  General  Washington  on  the  fourteenth  of  April,  1789.  On  the  second 
day  after  receiving  this  notice,  Washington  set  out  for  New-York.  The 
road  was  thronged  with  numbers  anxious  to  gaze  upon  the  hero  of  the 
revolution,  and  the  man  of  the  people's  choice.  Escorts  of  the  militia  and 
of  gentlemen  of  the  highest  rank  and  character  attended  him  from  stale 
'to  state,  and  he  was  every  where  received  with  the  highest  honors.  Grny's 
bridge  over  the  Schuylkill  was  beautifully  decorated  for  his  passage  w  ith 
laurels  and  evergreens.  At  each  end  of  it  splendid  arches  were  erected, 
composed  of  laurels,  and  on  each  side  was  a  laurel  shrubbery.  As 
Washington  passed  the  bridge,  a  boy  from  above  dropped  a  crown  of 
laurel  upon  his  brows.  An  innnense  throng  of  citizens  lined  the  road 
from  the  Schuylkill  to   Philadelphia.     Through   these  he  was  conducted 


56 


WASHINGTON. 


to  the  city.  An  elegant  entertainment  was  there  provided,  and  was 
succeeded  in  the  evening  by  a  display  of  fireworks.  When  Washington 
crossed  the  Delaware  and  landed  on  the  Jersey  shore,  he  was  saluted  with 
three  cheers  by  the  assembled  inhabitants.  When  he  came  to  the  brow 
of  the  hill  on  his  way  to  Trenton,  he  again  passed  through  a  triumphal 


.».  ,--^|«rsft- 


arch  ornamented  with  laurels  and  flowers.  On  the  crown  of  it  was 
displayed,  in  large  characters,  "December  twenty-sixth,  1776."  On  the 
svvcep  of  the  arch  beneath  was  inscribed,  "The  Defender  of  the  Mothers 
will  also  protect  the  Daughters."  On  the  north  side  he  was  met  by  a 
number  of  female  children,  dressed  in  white,  with  baskets  of  flowers  on 
their  arms  and  garlands  on  their  heads.  In  the  second  row  stood  the 
young  women,  and  behind  them  the  married  ladies,  of  the  vicinity.  As 
he  passed  the  arch,  the  children  began  to  sing  the  following  ode. 

"Welcome,  mighty  Chief!    once  more 

Welcome  to  this  grateful  shore. 

Now  no  mercenary  foe 

Aims  again  the  flital  blow, 

Aims  at  thee  the  fatal  blow. 

Virgins  fair,  and  matrons   grave, — 

These  thy  conquering  arm  did  save, — 

Build  for  thee  triumphal  bowers  :  , 

Strew,  ye  fair,  his  way  with  flowers  ; 

Strew  your  hero's  way  with  flowers." 

While  singing  the  last  lines,  they  strewed  the  flowers  in  the  path  of 
their  great  deliverer.  How  different  his  feelings  from  those  experienced 
a  few  years  before  upon  the  same  spot !  Then  all  was  depression  and 
sadness — now,  all  joy  and  triumph. 

He  was  rowed  across  the  bay  to  New- York  by  thirteen  pilots  in  an 
elegant  barge.  All  the  vessels  in  the  harbor  hoisted  their  flags.  On  his 
landing,  he  was  received  and  congratulated  by  the  governor  of  the  state 
and  officers  of  the  corporation.  He  was  conducted  to  the  house  which 
had  been  prepared  for  his  reception,  followed  by  a  procession  of  militia  in 


WA9HIJNGTON  ^7 

their  uniforms,  and  a  large  number  of  citizens.  In  the  evening  the  houses 
of  the  inhabitants  were  brilliantly  illuminated.  A  day  was  fixed,  soon 
after  his  arrival,  for  his  taking  the  oath  of  office.  It  was  in  the  following 
words  :  "  I  do  solemnly  swear,  that  I  will  faithfully  execute  the  office  of 
President  of  the  United  States;  and  will,  to  the  best  of  my  ability,  pre- 
serve, protect,  and  defend  the  constitution  of  the  United  States."  On 
this  occasion  he  was  wholly  clothed  in  garments  of  American  manu- 
facture. 

In  the  morning,  the  different  congregations  assembled  in  their 
respective  places  of  worship,  and  offered  up  prayers  for  the  President  and 
people  of  the  United  States.  About  noon,  a  procession  moved  from  the 
President's  house  to  Federal  Hall.  When  they  came  within  a  short  dis- 
tance of  the  hall,  the  troops  formed  a  line  on  both  sides  of  the  way, 
through  which,  accompanied  by  the  Vice-President,  Mr.  John  Adams, 
Washington  passed  into  the  senate  chamber.  Immediately  after,  with 
the  two  houses  of  Congress,  he  went  into  a  gallery  fronting  on  Broad- 
street,  and,  before  an  immense  throng  of  citizens,  took  the  oath  prescribed 
by  the  constitution.  It  was  administered  by  Mr.  Livingston,  the  chan- 
cellor of  the  state  of  New- York.  A  solemn  silence  prevailed  during  the 
ceremony.  The  chancellor  then  proclaimed  him  President  of  the  United 
States.  This  was  answered  by  the  discharge  of  cannon,  and  the  joyful 
shouts  of  assembled  thousands.  The  President  bowed  most  respectfully 
to  the  people,  and  retired  to  the  senate  chamber  in  the  midst  of  their 
acclamations. 

After  delivering  an  address  to  Congress  and  receiving  their  reply,  the 
President  attended  divine  service  in  their  company.  In  the  evening 
there  was  a  very  ingenious  and  brilliant  exhibition  of  fireworks.  A 
transparent  painting  was  displayed,  in  the  centre  of  which  was  the  por- 
trait of  the  President,  represented  under  the  image  of  Fortitude.  On  his 
right  hand  was  Justice,  and  on  his  left  Wisdom  ;  emblematic  of  the  Senate 
and  House  of  Representatives.  Thus  concluded  the  ceremonies  of  the 
first  presidential  inauguration. 

When  Washington  commenced  his  administration,  the  situation  of  the 
United  States  was  highly  critical.  There  were  no  funds  in  the  treasury, 
and  large  debts  were  due  upon  every  side.  The  party  in  opposition  to 
the  new  constitution  was  numerous,  and  several  members  of  this  party 
had  been  elected  to  seats  in  the  new  Congress.  Two  of  the  states  for  a 
while  refused  to  accept  the  constitution,  and  were,  consequently,  beyond 
the  reach  of  its  power.  The  relations  of  the  general  government  with 
foreign  nations  were  very  unsettled.  Animosities  raged  with  considera- 
ble violence  between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain.  Each  charged 
the  other  with  a  violation  of  the  late  treaty  of  peace.  Difficulties  occurred 
with  Spain  in  respect  to  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  and  the 
boundaries  of  the  states  towards  the  Spanish  territories  in  the  South. 
Fifteen  hundred  of  the  northern  Indians  were  at  open  war  with  the 
United  States  ;  the  Creeks  in  the  southwest,  who  could  bring  six  thou- 
sand fighting  men  into  the  field,  were  at  war  with  Georgia. 

Congress  having  organized  the  great  departments  of  government,  it 
became  the  duty  of  the  President  to  designate  proper  persons  to  fill  them. 


53  WASHINGTON 

Wasliington  looked  round  with  care  and  impartiality  to  fill  these  posts 
to  his  own  satisfaction,  and  to  that  of  the  people.  He  accordingly  placed 
Colonel  Hamilton  at  the  head  of  the  Treasury  department ;  General 
Knox  in  the  department  of  War  ;  Mr.  Jefferson  at  the  head  of  the  depart- 
ment of  Foreign  Affairs  ;  and  Mr.  Edmund  Randolph  in  the  office  of 
Attorney  General. 

It  was  among  the  first  measures  of  Washington  to  make  peace  with  the 
Indians,  and  commissioners  were  appointed  for  this  purpose.  General 
Lincoln,  Mr.  Griffin,  and  Colonel  Plumphreys,  were  deputed  to  treat  with 
the  Creek  nation.  They  met  M'Gillivray,  their  chief,  with  other  chiefs, 
and  about  two  thousand  of  the  tribe,  at  Rock  Landing,  on  the  Oconee, 
on  the  frontiers  of  Georgia.  The  negotiation  was  suddenly  broken  off 
by  M'Gillivray,  on  the  pretence  of  a  dispute  about  the  boundaries,  but  in 
reality,  through  the  influence  of  the  Spanish  government.  A  second 
mission  proved  more  successful.  A  number  of  the  Creek  chiefs  were 
induced  to  visit  New-York,  where  a  conference  was  held,  and  a  treaty 
soon  established.  The  attempt  to  effect  a  peace  with  the  Indians  of  the 
Wabash  and  the  Miamies,  did  not  terminate  with  like  success.  In  con- 
sequence of  this,  the  President,  in  September,  1791,  despatched  General 
Harmer  nito  the  Indian  territories,  with  orders  to  destroy  their  settlements" 
on  the  waters  of  the  Scioto  and  Wabash.  This  general  was  defeated,  as 
was  also  Major  General  St.  Clair.  The  final  conquest  of  these  tribes 
was  effected  in  1794,  by  General  Wayne;  and  soon  after  that  event, 
a  peace  was  concluded  between  the  Indians  and  the  United  States. 

By  skilful  and  prudent  management,  all  the  difficulties  with  Spain  were 
amicably  settled  ;  but  much  greater  difficulties  stood  in  the  way  of  a  peace- 
ful adjustment  of  controversies  with  Great  Britain.  In  the  first  years  of 
his  Presidency,  Washington  took  informal  measures  to  ascertain  the  views 
of  the  British  cabinet  respecting  the  United  States.  This  business  was 
intrusted  to  Mr.  Governeur  Morris,  who  conducted  it  with  great  ability, 
hut  found  no  disposition  to  accede  to  the  wishes  of  our  government.  In 
two  years  from  that  time,  the  British,  of  their  own  accord,  sent  their  first 
Minister  to  the  United  States,  and  the  President,  in  return,  nominated  Mr. 
Thomas  Pinckney  as  the  Minister  Plenipotentiary  to  the  Court  of  Great 
Britain. 

About  this  time  war  commenced  between  France  and  Great  Britain. 
The  correct  and  mature  judgment  of  W^ashington  immediately  decided 
that  the  proper  position  of  the  United  States  was  that  of  perfect  neutrality. 
A  strong  disposition  existed  in  the  people  to  favor  the  cause  of  France. 
The  benefits  that  had  been  conferred  upon  them  by  that  gallant  nation 
during  the  revolutionary  struggle  were  fresh  in  their  remembrance.  A 
feeling  still  existed  of  resentment  towards  England,  for  the  oppression 
which  had  led  to  the  war,  and  the  miseries  that  attended  it.  To  compel 
the  observance  of  neutrality,  under  these  cn-cumstances,  was  a  task  that 
required  all  the  influence  and  popularity  of  Washington.  Motions  were 
made  in  Congress  for  sequestrating  debts  due  to  British  subjects ;  to 
enter  into  commercial  hostility  with  Great  Britain,  and  even  to  interdict 
all  intercourse  with  her  till  she  pursued  other  measures  with  respect  to 
the  United   States.     Every   thing   threatened   immediate   war.     In   this 


vvasiiin(;t()n.  59 

state  of  affairs,  the  President,  in  April,  1791,  iioniijinted  Jolin  Jay,  Envoy 
Extraordinary  to  the  Court  of  Great  Britai)!.  By  this  iiicasiiie  an  adjust- 
ment of  the  points  in  dispute  between  the  two  nations  was  happily  effected, 
and  the  result  of  the  mission  was  a  treaty  of  peace. 

This  was  pronounced  by  Mr.  Jay  to  be  the  best  that  was  attainable, 
and  one  which  he  believed  it  for  the  interest  of  the  United  States  to 
accept.  While  this  treaty  was  under  the  consideration  of  the  Senate,  a 
copy  of  it  was  furnished  to  the  editor  of  a  newspaper,  in  violation  of  the 
laws  of  that  body.  The  publication  of  this  document  at  once  rekindled 
the  smothered  passions  of  the  people,  and  meetings  were  held  in  all  the 
large  cities,  to  pronounce  the  treaty  unworthy  of  acceptance  and  to  peti- 
<ion  the  President  to  refuse  his  signature  to  so  obnoxious  an  instrument. 
These  agitations  were  naturally  the  source  of  much  anxiety  to  Washing- 
ton, but  they  did  not  cause  him  to  swerve  for  a  moment  from  the  true 
patli  of  his  duty.  He  regretted  that  the  treaty  was  so  generally  unpopular, 
but  determined  to  ratify  it,  as  the  only  alternative  with  war.  His  policy 
was  always  peace,  if  it  can  be  preserved  with  honor.  In  a  letter  to 
General  Knox,  he  observes  on  this  subject :  "  Next  to  a  conscientious 
discharore  of  my  public  duties,  to  carry  along  with  me  the  approbation  of 
my  constituents,  would  be  the  highest  gratification  of  which  my  mind  is 
susceptible.  But  the  latter  being  secondary,  I  cannot  make  the  former 
yield  to  it,  unless  some  criterion  more  infallible  than  partial  (if  they  are 
not  party)  meetings,  can  be  discovered  as  the  touchstone  of  public  senti- 
ment. If  any  person  on  earth  could,  or  the  Great  Power  above  would, 
erect  the  standard  of  infallibility  in  political  opinions,  no  being  that 
inhabits  this  terrestrial  globe  would  resort  to  it  with  more  eagerness  than 
myself,  so  long  as  I  remain  a  servant  of  the  public.  But  as  I  have 
hitherto  found  no  better  guide  than  upright  intentions,  and  close  investi- 
gation, I  shall  adhere  to  them  while  I  keep  the  watch." 

Difficult  as  it  was  to  decide  upon  the  proper  policy  to  be  pursued  towards 
England,  it  was  even  more  embarrassing  in  respect  to  France.  The 
attachment  to  the  French  interests  was  much  increased  by  the  arrival 
of  M.  Genet,  the  first  Minister  Plenipotentiary  from  the  republic  of 
France  to  the  United  States.  Encouraged  by  the  indications  of  good 
wishes  for  the  success  of  the  French  revolution,  this  gentleman  under- 
took to  authorize  the  fitting  and  arming  of  vessels,  enlisting  men,  and 
giving  commissions  to  vessels  to  cruise  and  commit  hostilities  on  nations 
with  whom  the  United  States  wece  at  peace.  The  British  minister 
complained  against  these  proceedings,  and  the  American  government 
disapproved  of  them.  Still,  however,  the  people  continued  enthusiastic 
in  the  cause  of  their  old  allies.  At  civic  festivals,  the  ensigns  of  France 
were  displayed  in  union  witli  those  of  America,  the  cap  of  liberty  passed 
from  head  to  head,  and  toasts  were  given  expressive  of  the  fraternity  of 
the  two  nations.  To  preserve  neutrality  at  such  a  crisis  was  a  matter 
of  much  difficulty,  but  Washington  resolved,  at  every  hazard,  to  adhere  to= 
the  principle  that  the  United  Spates  would  hold  all  mankind  enemies  in 
war,  and  friends  in  peace.  He  at  length  decided  to  request  the  recall 
of  M.  Genet,  and  .soon  had  the  satisfaction  to  learn  that  the  course  this 
gentleman  had  pursued  was  entirely  disapproved  by  his  own  government. 


60  WASHINGTON. 

The  successors  of  Genet  followed  in  his  steps,  but  with  less  violence. 
With  a  view  to  reconcile  all  difficulties,  Washington  appointed  General 
Pinckney,  INIinister  Plenipotentiary  to  the  French  republic.  From  this 
mission  he  anticipated  an  adjustment  of  all  points  in  dispute,  but  the 
Directory  announced  their  haughty  determination  not  to  receive  another 
Minister  from  the  United  States,  until  after  a  redress  of  grievances 
which  the  French  republic  had  a  right  to  expect  from  the  Ami  rican 
government. 

Before  the  result  of  the  mission  was  known,  Washington  had  ceased 
to  be  President  of  the  United  States.  Having  served  through  eight 
years  of  doubt  and  difficulty,  and  having  brought  all  the  affairs  of  great 
public  interest  into  a  fair  train  for  equitable  adjustment,  and  being  far 
advanced  in  life,  he  announced  his  intention  of  declining  a  re-election 
in  full  time  for  the  people  to  fix  upon  a  successor.  His  resignation  was 
announced  to  the  people  of  the  United  States,  in  an  address  which  every 
true  lover  of  his  country  must  be  willing  to  adopt  as  his  political  text 
book.  The  following  passages  speak  with  peculiar  force  to  us  at  all 
periods  of  political  and  sectional  excitement : 

■  "  The  unity  of  government,  which  constitutes  you  one  people,  is  also 
now  dear  to  you.  It  is  justly  so,  for  it  is  the  main  pillar  in  the  edifice 
of  your  real  independence  ;  the  support  of  your  tranquillity  at  home, 
your  peace  abroad  ;  of  your  safety,  of  your  prosperity,  of  that  very  liberty 
which  you  so  highly  prize.  But  as  it  is  easy  to  foresee,  that  from 
different  causes  and  from  different  quarters  much  pains  will  be  taken, 
many  artifices  employed,  to  weaken  in  your  minds  the  conviction  of  this 
truth ;  as  this  is  the  point  in  your  political  fortress  against  which  the 
batteries  of  internal  and  external  enemies  will  be  most  constantly  and 
actively  (though  often  covertly  and  insidiously)  directed,  it  is  of  infinite 
moment,  that  you  should  properly  estimate  the  immense  value  of  your 
national  union,  to  your  collective  and  individual  happiness ;  that  you 
should  cherish  a  cordial,  habitual,  and  immovable  attachment  to  it, 
accustoming  yourselves  to  think  and  speak  of  it  as  the  palladium  of  your 
political  safety  and  prosperity  ;  watching  for  its  preservation  with  jealous 
anxiety ;  discountenancing  whatever  may  suggest  even  a  suspicion  that 
it  can  in  any  event  be  abandoned ;  and  indignantly  frowning  upon  the 
first  dawning  of  every  attempt  to  alienate  any  portion  of  our  country 
from  the  rest,  or  to  enfeebe  the  sacred  ties  which  now  link  together  the 
various  parts. 

"  Fur  this  you  have  every  inducement  of  sympathy  and  interest. 
Citizens  by  birth  or  choice  of  a  common  country,  that  country  has  a  right 
to  concentrate  your  affections.  The  name  of  Ameiiican,  which  belongs 
to  you  in  your  national  capacity,  must  always  exalt  the  just  pride  of 
patriotism,  more  tlian  any  appellation  derived  from  local  discriminations. 
With  slight  shades  of  difference,  you  have  the  same  religion,  manners, 
habits,  and  political  principles.  You  have  in  a  common  cause  fought 
and  triumphed  together ;  the  independence  and  liberty  you  possess,  are 
the  work  of  joint  councils,  and  joint  efforts — of  common  dangers,  suffer- 
mgs,  and  successes."  ******"  To  the  efficacy  and  per- 
manency of  your   union,  a  government   for   the   whole   is   indispensable 


WASHINGTON. 


01 


No  .illiances,  however  strict,  between  the  parts,  can  he  an  adequate 
substitute  ;  they  must  inevitably  experience  the  infractions  and  interrup- 
tions wiiich  all  alliances  in  all  times  have  experienced.  Sensible  of  this 
momentous  truth,  you  have  improved  upon  your  first  essay,  by  the 
adoption  of  a  constitution  of  government,  better  calculated  than  your 
former,  for  an  intimate  union,  and  for  the  ethcacious  nianagcment  of 
your  conmion  concerns.  This  government,  the  oflTspring  of  our  own 
choice,  nninrtuenced  and  unawed  ;  adopted  upon  full  investigation  and 
mature  deliberation  ;  completely  free  in  its  principles;  in  the  distribution 
of  its  powers,  uniting  security  with  energy,  and  containing  within  itself 
a  provision  for  its  own  amendments,  has  a  just  claim  to  your  confidence 
and  your  support.  Respect  for  its  authority,  compliance  with  its  laws, 
acquiescence  in  its  measures,  are  duties  enjoined  by  the  fundamental 
maxims  of  true  liberty.  The  basis  of  our  political  systems  is  the  right 
of  the  people  to  make  and  to  alter  their  constitutions  of  government. 
But  the  constitution  which  at  any  time  exists,  until  changed  by  an 
explicit  and  authentic  act  of  the  whole  people,  is  sacredly  obligatory 
upon  all.  The  very  idea  of  the  power  and  the  right  of  t)ie  people  to 
establish  a  government,  presupposes  the  duty  of  every  individual  to  obey 
the  established  government."  *         *         *         * 

"  Though  in  reviewing  the  incidents  of  my  administration  I  am 
unconscious  of  intentional  error ;  I  am  nevertheless  too  sensible  of  my 
defects,  not  to  think  it  probable  that  I  may  have  committed  many  errors. 
Whatever  they  may  be,  I  fervently  beseech  the  Almighty  to  avert  or 
mitigate  the  evils  to  which  they  may  tend.  I  shall  also  carry  with  me 
the  hope  that  my  country  will  never  cease  to  view  them  with  indulgence  ; 
and  that  after  forty-five  years  of  my  life,  dedicated  to  its  service,  with  an 
upright  zeal,  the  faults  of  incompetent  abilities  will  be  consigned  to 
oblivion,  as  myself  must  soon  be  to  the  mansions  of  rest. 

"  Relying  on  its  kindness  in  this  as  in  other  things,  and  actuated  by 
that  fervent  love  towards  it,  which  is  so  natural  to  a  man  who  views  in  it 
the  native  soil  of  himself  and  his  progenitors  for  several  generations  ;  I 
anticipate  with  pleasing  expectation  that  retreat,  in  which  I  promise 
myself  to  realize,  without  alloy,  the  sweet  enjoyment  of  partaking,  in 
the  midst  of  my  fellow-citizens,  the  benign  influence  of  good  laws  under 
a  free  government — the  ever  favorite  object  of  my  heart,  and  the  happy 
reward,  as  I  trust,  of  our  mutual  cares,  labors,  and  dangers.  ' 

"  United  States,  September  17,  1796." 

This  valedictory  address  was  received  in  every  part  of  the  Union  with 
the  most  unbounded  admiration.  Shortly  after  its  promulgation,  the 
President  met  the  National  Legislature  in  the  senate  chamber  for  the  last 
time.  His  address  on  the  occasion  touched  upon  the  most  important  topics 
that  were  then  in  agitation.  In  the  course  of  it  he  recommended  the 
establishment  of  national  works  for  manufacturing  implementsof  defence; 
of  an  institution  for  the  improvement  of  agriculture;  and  poinied  out  the 
advantages  of  a  military  academy,  of  a  national  university;  and  the 
necessity  of  augmenting  the  salaries  of  the  officers  of  the  United  States. 

He  concluded  in  the  following  words : 

"  The  situation  in  which  I  now  stand,  for  the  last  time,  in  the  midst  of 


62  WASHINGTON. 

the  representatives  of  the  people  of  the  United  States,  naturally  recall;- 
the  period  when  the  administration  of  the  present  form  of  governmen' 
commenced ;  and  I  cannot  omit  the  occasion  to  congratulate  you  and  my 
country  on  the  success  of  the  experiment,  nor  to  repeat  my  fervent  suppli- 
cations to  the  Supreme  Ruler  of  the  universe,  and  Sovereign  Arbiter  of 
nations,  that  his  providential  care  may  still  be  extended  to  the  United 
States ;  that  the  virtue  and  happiness  of  the  people  may  be  preserved ; 
and  that  the  government  which  they  have  instituted  for  the  protection  of 
their  liberties  may  be  perpetual." 

On  the  day  preceding  the  termination  of  his  office,  in  a  letter  to  General 
Knox,  he  compared  himself  to  a  weary  traveller  who  sees  a  resting  place, 
and  is  bending  his  body  thereon.  "  Although  the  prospect  of  retirement 
is  most  grateful  to  ray  soul,  and  I  have  not  a  wish  to  mix  again  in  the 
great  world,  or  to  partake  in  its  politics,  yet  I  am  not  without  regret  at 
parting  with  (perhaps  never  more  to  meet)  the  few  intimates  whom  I  love 
Among  these,  be  assured,  you  are  one." 

The  numerous  calumnies  which  assailed  him  never  but  once  drew  forth 
his  public  notice.  A  volume  had  been  published  by  the  British,  in  the 
year  1776,  consisting  of  letters  which  they  attributed  to  General  Wash- 
ington. It  was  the  object  of  this  publication  to  produce  impressions 
unfavorable  to  the  integrity  and  character  of  the  commander-in-chief 
When  the  first  edition  of  this  forgery  had  been  forgotten,  it  was  repub- 
lished, during  his  Presidency,  by  some  citizens  who  differed  from  him  in 
politics.  On  the  morning  of  the  last  day  of  his  office,  Washington 
addressed  a  letter  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  in  which  he  enumerated  the 
facts  and  dates  connected  with  the  forgery,  and  declared  that  he  had 
hitherto  thought  it  unnecessary  to  take  a  formal  notice  of  the  imposition 
In  this- letter  he  solemnly  declared  tiiat  the  correspondence  was  entirely  a 
base  forgery,  and  that  he  never  saw  or  heard  of  it  till  it  appeared  in  print. 
He  requested  that  his  letter  upon  the  subject  sliould  be  deposited  in  the 
office  of  the  department  of  state,  to  be  a  testimony  of  the  truth  to  the 
present  generation  and  to  posterity. 

The  time  had  now  come  when  his  own  official  power  was  to  cease,  and 
that  of  liis  successor,  John  Adams,  was  to  commence.  The  old  and  new 
Presidents  walked  together  to  the  house  of  representatives,  where  the  oath 
of  office  was  administered.  Mr.  Adams  concluded  his  address  upon  the 
occasion,  by  an  impressive  allusion  to  his  predecessor,  in  observing,  that 
though  about  to  retire,  "  his  name  may  still  be  a  rampart,  and  the 
knowledge  that  he  lives  a  bulwark,  against  all  open  or  secret  enemies  of 
his  country."  Washington  rejoiced  that  the  way  was  open  for  his  return 
to  the  happiness  of  domestic  and  private  life.  After  paying  his  respects 
to  the  new  President,  he  immediately  set  out  for  Mount  Vernon.  He  was 
desirous  of  travelling  privately,  but  it  was  impossible.  Wherever  he 
passed,  crowds  came  out  to  meet  him  and  testify  their  respect  for  him. 
In  his  retirement  he  resumed  his  agricultural  pursuits;  and,  in  the  society 
of  his  private  friends,  looked  for  a  quiet  ending  to  an  active  and  anxious 
life.  He  still,  however,  continued  interested  in  public  affairs,  and  heard, 
with  regret,  the  insults  offered  to  the  United  States  by  the  Frf^nch 
Directory.     These  injuries  at  length   obliged   our  government  to  adopt 


WASHINGTON.  63 

vigorous  measures.    Congress  authorized  the  formation  r-f  a  regular  arniy^ 
and  all  eyes  were  turned  upon  Washington  as  its  coinniandcr. 

President  Adams  nominated  Washington  to  the  chief  command  of  the 
armies  of  the  United  States,  with  the  rank  of  lieutenant  general.  To  the 
letter,  sent  with  tiic  commission  to  Mount  Vernon,  Washington  replied  in 
a  letter  which  concluded  as  follows;  "Feeling  how  incumhent  it  is  upon 
every  person  of  every  description  to  contribute  at  all  times  to  his  country's 
welfare,  and  especially  in  a  moment  like  the  present,  when  every  thing 
we  hold  dear  and  sacred  is  so  seriously  thicatencd,  I  have  finally  deter- 
mined to  accept  the  commission  of  commander-in-chief  of  the  armies  of 
tiie  United  States ;  with  the  reserve  only,  that  I  shall  not  be  called  into 
the  field  until  the  army  is  in  a  situation  to  require  my  presence,  or  it 
becomes  indispensable  by  the  urgency  of  circumstances.  In  making  this 
reservation,  I  beg  it  to  be  understood  that  I  do  not  mean  to  withhold  any 
assistance  to  arrange  and  organize  the  army,  which  you  may  think  I  can 
affbrd.  I  take  the  liberty,  also,  to  mention,  that  I  mu.st  decline  having 
my  acceptance  considered  as  drawmg  after  it  any  immediate  charge  upon 
the  public ;  or  that  I  can  receive  any  emoluments  annexed  to  the  ap- 
pointment, before  entering  into  a  situation  to  incur  expense." 

After  the  receipt  of  this  appointment,  Washington  divided  his  time 
between  agricultural  pursuits  and  the  organization  of  the  army.  He 
always  thought  an  actual  invasion  of  the  country  very  improbable,  but 
he  made  arrangements  to  repel  it  at  the  water's  edge.  No  sooner  had 
these  warlike  preparations  been  made,  than  France  signified  her  desire 
for  a  peaceful  accommodation.  Mr.  Adams  immediately  sent  three  envoys 
extraordinary  to  negotiate  with  the  French  republic.  On  repairing  to 
France,  they  found  the  Directory  overthrown,  and  the  government  in  the 
hands  of  Bonaparte.  With  him  negotiations  were  immediately  com- 
menced, and  terminated  in  a  peaceful  arrangement  of  all  difficulties. 
Washington,  however,  did  not  live  to  participate  in  the  general  joy  which 
this  event  occasioned. 

On  the  twelfth  of  December,  1799,  Washington  rode  out  in  the  morn- 
ing to  his  farms.  The  weather  soon  became  very  cold,  and  there  was  an 
alternate  fall  of  rain,  hail,  and  snow.  He  did  not  return  till  past  three, 
when  he  went  to  dinner  without  changing  his  dress.  In  the  evening  he 
appeared  as  well  as  usual.  On  the  next  day,  there  was  a  heavy  fall  of 
snow,  which  prevented  him  from  riding  out  as  usual.  He  had  taken 
cold  from  his  exposure  the  day  before,  and  complained  of  having  a  sore 
throat.  His  hoarseness  increased  towards  evening,  but  he  took  no 
remedy  for  it,  observing,  as  he  would  never  take  any  thing  to  carry  off  a 
cold,  "  Let  it  go  as  it  came."  On  Saturday  morning  he  was  very  seri- 
ously unwell,  and  a  physician  was  sent  for  to  bleed  him.  Finding  that 
no  relief  was  obtained  from  bleeding,  and  that  he  was  entirely  unable  to 
swallow  any  thing,  his  attendants  bathed  his  throat  externally  with  sal 
volatile.  A  piece  of  flannel  was  then  put  round  his  neck,  and  his  feet 
were  soaked  in  warm  water.  It  was  impossible  to  procure  any  relief. 
Several  physicians  were  immediately  sent  for,  and  various  remedies 
resorted  to  without  effect.  Between  five  and  six  o'clock  in  the  afternoon, 
his  physicians  came  to  his  bedside,  and  Dr.  Craik  asked  him  if  he  would 


64  WASHINGTON. 

sit  up  ill  the  bed.  He  held  out  his  hands,  and  was  raised  up,  when  he 
said — "I  feel  myself  going;  you  had  better  not  take  any  more  trouble 
about  me,  but  let  me  go  off  quietly  ;  I  cannot  last  long."  They  found 
what  had  been  done  was  without  effect ;  he  laid  down  again,  and  all 
except  Dr.  Craik  retired.  He  then  said  to  him,  "  Doctor,  I  die  hard, 
but  I  am  not  afraid  to  go ;  I  believed,  from  my  first  attack,  I  should  not 
survive  it ;  my  breath  cannot  last  long."  The  doctor  pressed  his  hand, 
but  could  not  utter  a  word ;  he  retired  from  the  bedside,  and  sat  by  the 
fire,  absorbed  in  grief 

About  ten  o'clock  he  made  several  attempts  to  speak  before  he  could 
effect  it.  He  at  length  said,  "  I  am  just  going.  Have  me  decently 
buried ;  and  do  not  let  my  body  be  put  in  the  vault  in  less  than  two 
days  after  I  am  dead."  His  attending  physician  bowed  assent.  He 
looked  at  him  again  and  said,  "Do  you  understand  me?"  The  reply 
was,  "  Yes,  sir."  Washington  answered,  "  'Tis  well."  About  ten 
minutes  before  he  expired,  his  breathing  became  much  easier,  he  lay 
quietly,  and  he  withdrew  his  hand  from  the  physician  to  feel  his  own 
pulse.  His  hand  fell  from  the  wrist.  Dr.  Craik  placed  his  hands  over 
his  eyes,  and  he  expired  without  a  struggle  or  a  sigh.  While  the 
physicians  and  attendants  were  standing  fixed  in  silent  grief,  Mrs. 
Washington  asked,  in  a  firm  and  collected  voice,  "  Is  he  gone?" 

When  intelligence  of  the  death  of  Washington  reached  Congress,  they 
immediately  adjourned  until  the  next  day.  Mr.  John  Marshall,  since 
chief  justice  of  the  United  States,  then  delivered  a  short  and  impressive 
speech  to  the  house  of  representatives ;  and  the  senate  addressed  a  letter 
to  the  President.  To  this  letter  Mr.  Adams  returned  an  answer,  which 
concluded  in  the  following  words:  "The  life  of  our  Washington  cannot 
suffer  by  a  comparison  with  those  of  other  countries  who  have  been  most 
celebrated  and  exalted  by  fame.  The  attributes  and  decorations  of 
royalty  could  only  have  served  to  eclipse  the  majesty  of  those  virtues 
which  made  him,  from  being  a  modest  citizen,  a  more  resplendent 
luminary.  Misfortune,  had  he  lived,  could  hereafter  have  sullied  his 
glory  only  with  those  superficial  minds  who,  believing  that  character  and 
actions  are  marked  by  success  alone,  rarely  deserve  to 'enjoy  it. 

"  Malice  could  never  blast  his  honor,  and  envy  made  him  a  singular 
exception  to  her  universal  rule.  For  himself,  he  had  lived  long  enough 
to  life  and  to  glory ;  for  his  fellow-citizens,  if  their  prayers  could  have 
been  answered,  he  would  have  been  immortal  ;  for  me,  his  departure  is 
at  a  most  unfortunate  moment.  Trusting,  however,  in  the  wise  and 
righteous  dominion  of  Providence  over  the  passions  of  men  and  the  results 
of  their  actions,  as  well  as  over  their  lives,  nothing  remains  for  me  but 
humble  resignation. 

"  Plis  example  is  now  complete  and  it  will  teach  wisdom  and  virtue 
to  magistrates,  citizens,  and  men,  not  only  in  the  present  age,  but  in 
future  generations,  as  long  as  our  history  shall  be  read.  If  a  Trajan 
found  a  Pliny,  a  Marcus  Aurelius  can  never  want  biographers,  eulogists, 
or  historians." 

Congress  passed  a  series  of  resolutions,  in  which  it  was  determined 
that  a  marble  monument  should  be  erected  by  the  United  States,  at  the 


WASHINGTON.  65 

capitol  of  the  city  of  WashiniTton,  to  commemorate  the  great  events  of 
the  military  and  political  life  of  the  late  President.  It  was  also  deter- 
mined thai  there  should  be  a  funeral  oration  and  procession,  and  that  it 
shoiild  be  recommended  to  the  people  of  the  United  States  to  wear  crape 
on  their  left  arm,  as  mourning,  for  thirty  days.  When  the  resolution  of 
Congress  that  she  should  be  requested  to  permit  the  remains  of  her 
husband  to  be  de])osited  under  a  marble  monument,  to  be  erected  at  the 
capitol,  was  communicated  to  Mrs.  Washington,  she  replied  i.i  the 
following  language  :  "  Taught  by  the  great  example  which  I  have  so 
long  had  before  me,  never  to  oppose  my'jirivate  wislies  to  the  public  will. 
I  must  consent  to  the  request  made  by  Congress,  which  you  have  had 
the  goodness  to  transmit  to  me  ;  and  in  doing  this,  I  need  not,  I  cannot  say, 
what  a  sacrifice   of  individual  feeling  I  make  to  a  sense  of  public  duty.'' 

Information  of  tlie  death  of  Washington  was  received  in  every  part 
of  tlie  states  with  expressions  of  regret,  and  called  forth  sentiments  of  the 
highest  veneration  for  his  memory.  Legislative  bodies,  civil  corporations, 
colleges,  and  all  other  societies  of  importance  formed  funeral  processions 
and  attended  upon  prayers,  eulogies  and  orations  in  his  honor.  The 
resolution  of  Congress  respecting  the  monument  has  not  been  carried 
into  execution.  An  appropriation  for  this  purpose  was  opposed,  as  an 
improper  use  of  the  public  money ;  the  reason  assigned  for  objecting  to 
the  measure  was  that  the  only  fit  monument  of  Washington  was  in  the 
gratitude  and  veneration  of  his  countrymen. 

It  has  been  difficult  to  interrupt  the  narrative  of  public  and  important 
matters,  by  the  introduction  of  those  apparently  unimportant  anecdotes, 
which  sometimes,  more  than  any  thing  else,  make  us  familiar  with  the 
character  of  a  great  man.  Those  which  follow  have  been  collected  from 
a  variety  of  sources,  and  we  believe  to  be  generally  well  authenticated. 

When  General  Washington  had  closed  his  career  in  the  French  and 
Indian  war,  and  had  become  a  member  of  the  House  of  Burgesses,  the 
Speaker,  Robinson,  was  directed,  by  a  vote  of  the  house,  to  return  their 
thanks  to  that  gentleman,  on  behalf  of  the  colony,  for  the  distinguished 
military  services  which  he  had  rendered  to  his  country.  As  soon  as 
Washington  to«k  his  seat,  Mr.  Robinson,  in  obedience  to  his  order,  and 
following  the  impulse  of  his  own  generous  and  grateful  heart,  discharged 
this  duty  with  great  dignity ;  but  with  such  warmth  of  coloring  and 
strength  of  expression,  as  entirely  confounded  the  young  hero.  He  rose 
to  express  his  acknowledgments  for  the  honor ;  but  such  was  his  trepida- 
tion and  confusion,  that  he  could  not  give  distinct  utterance  to  a  single 
syllable.  He  blushed,  stammered,  and  trembled,  for  a  second  ;  wlfen 
the  Speaker  relieved  him,  by  a  stroke  of  address,  that  would  have  done 
honor  to  Louis  XIV.  in  his  proudest  and  happiest  moments.  "  Sit 
down,  Mr.  Washington,"  said  he,  with  a  conciliating  smile;  "your 
moflesty  is  equal  to  your  valor;  and  that  surpasses  the  power  of 'any 
language  that  I  possess." 

In   the  town  of  ,     in    Connecticut,    where    the    roads    were 

extremely  rough,  Washington  was  overtaken  by  night,  on  Saturday,  not 
being  able  to  reach  the  village  where  he  designed  to  rest  on  ihe  Sabimth. 
>Jext  morning,   about  sunrise,   his   coach   was   harressed,  and  he  was 


66  WASHINGTON. 

proceeding  forward  to  an  inn,  near  the  place  of  worship,  which  he  pro- 
posed to  attend.  A  plain  man,  who  was  an  informing  officer,  came  from 
a  cottage,  and  inquired  of  the  coachman  whether  there  was  any  urgent 
reasons"  for  his  travelling  on  the  Lord's  day.  The  General,  instead 
of  resenting  this  as  an  impertinent  rudeness,  ordered  the  coachman  to 
stop,  and  with  great  civility  explained  the  circumstances  to  the  officer, 
commending  him  for  his  fidelity ;  and  assured  him  that  nothing  was 
farther  fronfhis  intention,  than  to  treat  with  disrespect  the  laws  and 
usages  of  Connecticut,  relative  to  the  Sabbath,  which  met  with  his  mos, 
cordial  approbation. 

Washington  accomplished  the  most  of  his  great  \york  with  ap- 
parent ease,  by  a  rigid  observance  of  punctuality.  It  is  known  that 
whenever  he  assigned  to  meet  Congress  at  noon,  he  never  failed  to  be 
passing  the  door  of  the  hall  when  the  clock  struck  twelve.  His  dining 
hour  was  four,  when  he  always  sat  down  to  his  table,  only  allowing  five 
minutes  for  the  variation  of  timepieces,  whether  his  guests  were  present 
or  not.  It  was  frequently  the  case  with  new  members  of  Congress,  that 
they  did  not  arrive  until  dinner  was  nearly  half  over,  and  he  would  re- 
mark, "  Gentlemen,  we  are  punctual  here;  my  cook  never  asks  whether 
the  company  has  arrived,  but  whether  the  hour  has."  When  he  visited 
Boston  in  1789,  he  appointed  eight  o'clock  in  the  morning  as  the  hour 
when  he  should  set  out  for  Salem,  and  while  tlie  Old  South  clock  was 
striking  eight,  he  was  crossing  his  saddle.  The  company  of  cavalry 
which  vokmteered  to  escort  him,  not  anticipating  this  strict  punctuality, 
were  parading  in  Tremont-street,  after  his  departure ;  and  it  was  not 
until  the  President  had  reached  Charles  river  bridge,  where  he  stopped 
a  few  minutes,  that  the  troop  of  horse  overtook  him.     On   passing   the 

corps,  the  President  with  perfect  good  nature   said  : — "  Major ; — ,  I 

thouglit  you  had  been   too  long  in   my  family,  not  to   know   when  it  was 
eight  o'clock." 

The  following  anecdote  was  related  by  Captain  Pease,  the  father  of 
the  stage  estabUshment  in  the  United  States.  He  had  purchased  a 
beautiful  pair  of  horses,  which  he  wished  to  dispose  of  to  the  President, 
who  he  knew  was  an  excellent  judge  of  horses.  The  President  appointed 
five  o'clock  in  the  morning  to  examine  them  at  his  stable.  The  captain 
thinking  the  hour  was  too  early  for  so  great  a  man  to  be  stirring,  did 
not  arrive  with  the  horses  until  a  quarter  after  five,  when  he  was  told  by 
the  groom  that  the  President  was  there  at  five,  and  was  then  fulfilling 
other  encragements.  Pease?  was  much  mortified,  and  called  on  Major 
Jackson^the  Secretary,  to  apologize  for  his  delay,  and  to  request  the 
■  President  to  appoint  some  new  time ;  and  he  added  that  he  found  the 
President's  time  was  wholly  preoccupied  for  several  dayc,  and  that  he 
was  compelled  to  stay  a  Vveek  in  Pliiladelphia  before  the  examination 
took  place,  merely  for  delaying  the  first  quarter  of  an  hour. 

Major  Ferguson,  who  commanded  a  rifle  corps  a  day  or  two  previous 
to  the  battle  of  Brandywine,  was  the  hero  of  a  very  singular  accident, 
wliich  he  thus  describes  in  a  letter  to  a  friend.  It  illustrates,  in  a  most 
forcible  manner,  the  overruling  hand  of  Providence  in  directing  the 
operations  of  a  man's  mind,  in  moments  when  he  is  least  aware  of  it. 


WASHINGTON.  67 

"  We  had  not  Iain  long,  when  a  rebel  ofTlcer,  remarkable  by  a  hussar 
dress,  pressed  toward  our  army,  within  a  hundred  yards  of  my  right 
flank,  not  perceiving  us.  He  was  followed  ljy  another,  dressed  in  dark 
green  and  blue,  mounted  on  a  bay  horse,  with  a  remarkable  high  cocked 
hat.  I  ordered  three  good  shots  to  steal  near  and  fire  at  them  ;  but  the 
idea  disgusting  me,  I  recalled  the  order.  Tlie  hussar,  in  returning, 
made  a  circuit,  but  the  other  passed  within  a  hundred  yards  of  us ;  upon 
which,  I  advanced  from  the  woods  towards  him.  Upon  my  calling,  he 
stopped  ;  but  after  looking  at  me,  proceeded.  I  again  drew  his  attention, 
and  made  signs  to  him  to  stop,  levelling  my  piece  at  him  ;  but  he  slowly 
cantered  away.  By  quick  firing,  I  could  have  lodged  half  a  dozen  balls 
in,  or  about  him,  before  he  was  out  of  my  reach.  I  had  only  to  deter- 
mine; but  it  was  not  pleasant  to  fire  at  the  back  of  an  unoffending 
individual,  who  was  very  coolly  acquitting  himself  of  his  duty ;  so  I  let 
him  alone. 

"  The  next  day  the  surgeon  told  me  that  the  wounded  rebel  officers 
informed  Jiiin  that  General  Washington  was  all  the  morning  with  the 
ligiit  trooi)s,  and  only  attended  by  a  French  officer  in  a  hussar  dress,  he 
himself  dressed  and  mounted  as  I  have  above  described.  I  am  not 
sorry  that  I  did  not  know  who  it  was  at  the  time." 

It  is  now  settled  as  a  fact  beyond  dispute,  that  General  Gates  was 
cofinected  with  General  Lee  in  a  conspiracy,  to  supersede  the  illustrious 
^Vashington.  The  commander-in-chief  was  well  aware  of  the  means 
they  used  to  deprive  him  of  the  affections  of  the  army,  and  the  confidence 
of  the  peojjle.  How  he  sought  revenge,  is  shown  in  the  following 
anecdote  : 

"  I  found  General  Gates  traversing  the  apartment  under  the  influence 
of  high  excitement.  His  agitation  \vas  excessive — every  feature  of  his 
countenance,  every  gesture,  betrayed  it.  He  had  been  charged  with 
unskilful  management  at  the  brittle  of  Camden,  and  he  had  just  received 
official  despatches,  informing  him  that  the  command  was  transferred  to 
General  Greene.  His  countenance  betrayed  no  resentment,  however  ;  it 
was  sensibility  alone  that  caused  his  emotion.  He  held  an  open  letter  in 
his  hand,  which  he  often  raised  to  his  lips,  and  kissed  with  devotion, 
while  he  repeatedly  exclaimed — 'Great  man!  Noble,  generous  proce- 
dure!' When  the  tumult  of  his  mind  had  a  little  subsided,  with  strong 
expressions  of  feeling,  he  said,  '  I  have  this  day  received  a  communica- 
tiori  from  the  commander-in-chief,  which  has  conveyed  more  consolation 
to  my  busom,  m*re  ineffable  delight  to  my  heart,  than  I  believed  it 
possilde  for  it  ever  to  have  felt  again.  With  affectionate  tenderness,  he 
sympathizes  with  me  in  my  domestic  misfortunes,  and  condoles  with  me 
on  the  loss  I  have  sustained  in  the  recent  death  of  my  only  son;  and 
then,  with  peculiar  delicacy,  lamenting  my  misfortune  \n  battlo.  assures 
me  that  liis  confidence  in  my  zeal  and  capacity  is  so  little  impaired,  that 
the  command  of  the  right  wing  of  the  army  will  be  bestowed  on  me,  as 
soon  as  I  can  make  it  convenient  to  join  him.' " 

Washington  entertained  a  very  deep  respect  and  friendship  for 
General  Knox,  and  always  kept  him  near  his  own  person.  Affer  the 
deleat  of  Gates'  army,  at  Camden,  General  Greene  was  offered  the  arduous 
10 


68  WASHINGTON. 

command  of  the  southern  department.  The  qiiaker  General,  with  his 
usual  modesty,  replied,  "  Knox  is  the  man  for  that  difficult  undertaking; 
all  obstacles  vanish  before  him ;  his  resources  are  infinite."  "  True," 
answered  Washington,  "  and  therefore  I  cannot  part  with  him." 

While  the  American  army,  under  the  command  of  Washington,  lay 
encamped  in  the  environs  of  Morristown,  New-Jersey,  it  occurred  that 
the  service  of  the  communion  (there  observed  semi-annually  only,)  was 
to  be  administered  in  the  Presbyterian  Church  of  the  village.  In  a 
morning  of  the  previous  week,  the  General,  after  his  accustomed  inspec- 
tion of  the  camp,  visited  the  house  of  the  Rev.  Dr.  Jones,  then  pastor 
of  that  church,  and  after  the  usual  preliminaries,  thus  accosted  him. 
*'  Doctor,  I  understand  that  the  Lord's  supper  is  to  be  celebrated  with  you 
next  Sunday  ;  I  would  learn  if  it  accords  with  the  canons  of  your  church 
to  admit  communicants  of  another  denomination  ?"  The  Doctor  rejoined 
— "  Most  certainly  :  ours  is  not  the  Presbyterian  table.  General,  but  the 
Lord's  table ;  and  we  hence  give  the  Lord's  invitation  to  all  his  followers, 
of  whatever  name."  The  General  replied,  "  I  am  glad  of  it :  that  is  as  it 
ought  to  be ;  but  as  I  was  not  quite  sure  of  the  fact,  I  thought  I  would 
ascertain  it  from  yourself,  as  I  propose  to  join  with  you  on  that  occasion. 
Though  a  member  of  the  Church  of  England,  I  have  no  exclusive 
partialities."  The  Doctor  reassured  him  of  a  cordial  welcome,  and  the 
General  was  found  seated  with  the  communicants  the  next  Sabbath. 

Shortly  after  his  election  to  the  Presidency  of  the  United  States, 
General  Washington,  his  lady,  and  secretary.  Major  Jackson,  on  their 
way  from  the  seat  of  government  to  Mount  Vernon,  stopped  for  the  night 
at  Chester.  The  President  had  scarcely  arrived,  and  expressed  a  wish 
not  to  be  disturbed,  when  a  message  was  brought  that  an  old  gentleman, 
once  honored  with  his  favor  and  protection,  requested  permission  to  pay 
his  respects,  adding,  that  his  name  was  Lydick.  "  Let  him  enter,  by  all 
means,"  said  the  President ;  "  he  is  the  man.  Major  Jackson,  who,  at  the 
hazard  of  his  life,  entered  New- York,  while  in  possession  of  the  enemy, 
for  the  purpose  of  distributing  among  the  German  troops,  proclamations, 
inviting  them  to  our  standard  ;  and  who,  afterwards,  superintended,  for 
many  years,  our  baking  establishment  with  zeal  and  diligence."  As  the 
old  man  entered,  the  General,  taking  him  kindly  by  the  hand,  said — "  My 
worthy  friend,  I  am  rejoiced  to  see  you,  and  truly  happy  to  express  my 
thanks  to  a  man  to  whom  I  feel  myself  under  great  obligation.  You  ever 
served  your  country  with  exemplary  fidelity,  and  her  warmest  gratitude 
is  richly  your  due "  "  Such  praise  from  my  beloved  commander," 
replied  Lydick,  "  is  high  reward.  I  shall  now  go  to  my  grave  in  peace, 
since  it  has  been  my  happiness  on'ce  again  to  meet  and  pay  my  duty  to 
your  Excellency." 

The  person  of  Washington  was  unusually  tall,  erect,  and  well  propor- 
tioned. His  muscular  strength  was  very  great.  His  features  were  of  a 
beautiful  symmetry.  He  commanded  respect  without  any  appearance 
of  haughtiness,  and  was  ever  serious  without  being  sullen  or  dull.  "  It  is 
natural,"  says  Dr.  Thacher,  "  to  view  with  keen  attention  the  countenance 
of  an  illustrious  man,  with  a  secret  hope  of  discovering  in  his  features 
some  peculiar  traces  of  the  excellence  which  distinguishes  him  from  and 


WASHINGTON, 


69 


elevates  him  above  his  fellow  mortals.     These  expectations  are  realized 
in  a  peculiar  manner,  in  viewing  the  person  of  General  Washington.    His 


L^^JS^ 


tall  and  noble  stature  and  just  proportions,  his  fine,  cheerful,  open  coun- 
tenance, simple  and  modest  deportment,  are  all  calculated  to  interest 
every  beholder  in  his  favor,  and  to  command  veneration  and  respect.  He 
is  feared  even  when  silent,  and  beloved  even  while  we  are  unconscious 
of  the  motive." 

Of  the  character  of  Washington  it  is  impossible  to  speak  but  in  terms 
i>f  the  highest  respect  and  admiration.  The  more  that  we  see  of 
the  operations  of  our  government,  and  the  more  deeply  we  fee)  the 
difficulty  of  uniting  all  oi)inions  in  a  common  interest,  the  more  highly 
we  must  estimate  tlie  force  of  the  talent  and  character  which  have  been 
able  to  challenge  the  reverence  of  all  parties,  and  principles,  and  nations, 
and  to  win  a  fame  as  extended  as  the  limit  of  the  globe,  and  which  we 
cannot  but  believe  will  be  as  lasting  as  the  existence  of  man. 


JOHN    ADAMS. 


John  Adams  was  born  at  Quincy,  in  Massachusetts,  on  the  nineteenth 
(lay  of  Octooor,  (Old  Style,)  1735,  of  John  and  Susannah  Boylston  Adams. 
He  was  the  fourth  in  descent  from  Henry  Adams,  who,  to  quote  the 
inscription  upon  his  tombstone,  "  took  his  flight  from  the  dragon  perse- 
cution, in  Devonshire,  England,  and  alighted  with  eight  sons  near  Mount 
Wollaston."  He  early  gave  proof  of  superior  abilities,  and  he  enjoyed 
the  best  advantages  for  their  cultivation,  which  the  country  afforded.  He 
entered  Harvard  College  in  1751,  and  was  graduated  in  four  years  after- 
wards. His  course  in  the  University  was  creditable  to  his  character  and 
talents,  and  after  completing  it,  he,  like  most  of  the  distinguished  men  in 
New-England,  from  the  earliest  times  to  the  present  day,  engaged  for  a 
time  in  the  employment  of  teaching.  He  instructed  in  the  grammar 
school  in  Worcester,  and  at  the  same  time  studied  law  with  Mr.  Putnam, 
a  lawyer  of  considerable  eminence  in  that  town.  In  175S,  he  was  ad- 
mitted to  the  bar,  and  commenced  the  practice  of  his  profession  in  Brain- 
tree,  his  native  town,  and  his  success  was  soon  made  certain  by  the 
ability  with  which  he  argued  a  criminal  cause  before  a  jury  in  Plymouth. 
In  1759,  he  was  admitted  into  the  bar  of  Suffolk,  at  the  request  of  Jeremy 
Gridley,  the  Attorney  General  of  the  province,  and  of  the  highest  emi- 
nence in  his  profession.  Mr.  Gridley  was  the  active  friend  and  patron 
of  Adams,  and  had  also  been  the  instructer  in  law  of  the  celebrated 
James  Otis ;  and,  proud  of  these  highly  promising  young  men,  he  was 
wont  to  say,  "  that  he  had  raised  two  young  eagles,  who  were,  one  day  or 
other,  to  peck  out  his  eyes."  In  compliance  with  his  advice,  Mr.  Adams 
applied  himself  diligently  to  the  study  of  the  civil  law,  which  was  not  much 
known  to  the  lawyers  at  that  time.  In  17G1,  he  was  admitted  to  the  de- 
gree of  barrister  of  law,  and  succeeded,  by  the  death  of  his  father,  to  a  small 
landed  estate.  The  same  year  was  made  memorable  by  an  event,  preg- 
nant with  the  most  important  results  to  the  country,  and  which  awakened 
the  most  enthusiastic  flame  of  patriotism  in  the  breast  of  Mr.  Adams. 

For  many  years  the  feelings  between  the  mother  country  and  the 
colonies,  particularly  that  of  Massachusetts,  had  been  any  other  than 
those  of  good-wdl  and  mutual  confidence.  The  Parliament  viewed  with 
a  jealous  eye  their  rapidly  increasing  wealth  and  population,  and  began 
to  interfere  with  their  external  and  internal  relations,  in  a  manner  that 
roused  the  old  puritan  spirit  of  resistance.  The  colonies  regarded  them- 
selves as  under  the  iimnediate  protection  and  patronage  of  the  King,  and 
denied  the  power  of  the  Parliament,  a  body  in  which  they  were  not  repre- 
sented, to  violate  their  charters,  or  to  impose  any  restraints  upon  the 
employment  of  their   industry   and   capital.     These  feelings  of  ill-will, 


"72  ADAMS. 

though  apparent  to  all  sagacious  observers,  did  not  lead  to  any  overt  act 
of  resistance  till  1761. 

An  order  of  council  had  been  passed  in  Great  Britain,  ordering  the 
officers  of  the  customs  in  Massachusetts  Bay,  to  execute  the  acts  of 
trade.  The  custom-house  officers,  in  order  that  they  might  fully  perform 
this  duty,  petitioned  the  Supreme  Court,  to  grant  "  writs  of  assistance,' 
according  to  the  usage  of  the  Court  of  Exchequer  in  England,  which 
authorized  those  who  held  them  to  enter  houses,  &c.  in  search  of  goodi 
liable  to  duty.  This  created  a  great  excitement,  and  the  right  to  grant 
them  was  strenuously  denied.  Its  legality  was  made  the  subject  of  a  trial. 
Mr.  Gridley,  the  King's  Attorney  General,  argued  in  support  of  the  power 
of  the  court,  and  he  was  opposed  by  the  celebrated  James  Otis,  a  man 
of  splendid  abilities  and  ardent  patriotism,  at  that  time,  in  the  prime 
of  life,  and  the  full  blaze  of  his  reputation.  His  speech  was  a  magni- 
ficent display  of 'eloquence,  argument,  and  learning.  And  Mr.  Adams, 
who  heard  it,  has  recorded  his  impressions  of  it,  in  his  glowing  and 
peculiar  language.  "Otis,"  says  he,  "was  a  flame  of  fire!  With  a 
promptitude  of  classical  allusion,  a  depth  of  research,  a  rapid  summary 
of  historical  events  and  dates,  a  profusion  of  legal  authorities,  a  prophetic 
glance  of  his  eyes  into  futurity,  a  rapid  torrent  of  impetuous  eloquence, 
he  hurried  away  all  before  him.  American  Independence  was  then  and 
there  born ;  every  man  of  an  immensely  crowded  audience,  appeared  to 
me  to  go  away  ready  to  take  up  arms  against  writs  of  assistance."  On 
another  occasion,  he  says  of  the  same  speech,  "  that  James  Otis,  then 
and  there,  breathed  into  this  nation  the  breath  of  life." 

The  court  decided  against  the  legality  of  the  writs,  but  it  is  generally 
supposed  that  they  were  issued  clandestinely. 

In  17G4,  Mr.  Adams  married  Abigail,  daughter  of  the  Rev.  William 
Smith,  of  Weymouth,  and  few  men  have  been  so  fortunate  in  their 
choice,  or  so  happy  in  their  domestic  relations.  Mrs.  Adams  was  a 
woman  of  great  personal  beauty,  and  strength  of  character,  with  a  highly 
cultivated  mind,  and  the  most  feminine  sweetness  of  disposition.  She 
sympathized  with  her  husband,  in  his  patriotic  enthusiasm,  was  the  con- 
fidant of  all  his  plans  and  feelings ;  cheered  and  supported  him  in  his 
hours  of  trial,  and  submitted,  without  repining,  to  the  long  separations, 
which  his  di.ty  to  the  public  rendered  necessary. 

In  17G5,  the  British  ministry,  with  what  now  seems  a  providential 
infatuation,  passed  the  memorable  stamp  act,  by  which  stamped  paper 
was  required  to  be  used  in  all  legal  instruments,  and  imposing  a  tax  upon 
it,  by  whicn  a  large  amount  was  to  be  raised  in  the  colonies.  A  flame 
of  opposition  blazed  out  immediately  throughout  the  whole  country.  The 
right  of  Parliament  to  lay  the  tax  was  denied,  pamphlets  were  written 
against  it,  the  newspapers  contested  it,  town-meetings  were  held,  and  the 
most  spirited  resolutions  passed.  The  men  who  took  the  lead  in  the 
opposition,  were  Patrick  Henry,  of  Virginia,  and  James  Otis,  who  was 
powerfully  supported  by  Mr.  Adams.  These  two  last  gentlemen,  together 
with  Mr.  Gridley,  appeared  before  the  Governor  and  Council,  and  argued 
that  the  courts  should  administer  justice  without  stamped  paper. 

About  this  time  he  gave  to  the  world,  his  first  printed  performance. 


ADAMS.  73 

his  "Dissertation  on  the  Canon  and  Feudal  Law."  The  object  of  this 
work,  was  to  show  the  absurdity  and  tyranny  of  the  u:onarchical  and 
aristocratic  institutions  of  the  old  world,  and,  in  particular,  the  mischie- 
vous principles  of  the  canon  and  feudal  law.  He  contends  that  tiie 
New-England  settlers  had  been  induced  to  cross  the  ocean  to  escape  the 
tyranny  of  church  and  state,  and  that  they  had  laid  the  foundntions 
of  their  government  in  reason,  justice,  and  a  respect  for  the  rights  of 
humanity.  It  exhorts  his  countrymen  not  to  fall  short  of  tfiese  noble 
sentiments  of  their  fathers,  and  to  sacrifice  any  thing  rather  tiian  liberty 
and  honor.  "  The  whole  tone  of  the  essay  is  so  raised  and  bold,"  says 
Mr.  Wirt,  "  that  it  sounds  like  a  trumpet-call  to  arms."  It  was  much 
read  and  admired  in  America  and  Europe,  and  was  pronounced  by  Mr 
Hollis,  of  London,  to  be  the  best  American  work  which  had  crossed  the 
Atlantic. 

In  1766,  he  removed  his  residence  to  Boston,  to  reap  the  more  abun- 
dant harvest  of  professional  honor  and  emolument  which  the  capital 
afforded,  but  still  continued  his  attendance  on  the  neighboring  circuits. 
The  stamp  act  was  opposed  throughout  the  colonies,  with  such  spirit  and 
unanimity,  that  on  the  tenth  of  March,  1T66,  it  was  repealed  ;  but  still 
the  British  cabinet,  notwithstanding  the  eloquent  remonstrances  of  Burke 
and  Chatham,  would  not  give  up  the  idea  of  raising  a  revenue  in  Ame- 
rica, and  the  repeal  act  was  accompanied  by  a  declaratory  act,  in  which 
it  was  asserted,  "that  the  Parliament  had,  and  of  right  ought  to  have, 
power  to  bind  the  colonies  in  all  cases  whatsoever."  In  the  next  year, 
a  law  was  passed,  laying  duties  in  the  British  colonies,  on  glass,  paper, 
painters'  colors,  and  tea.  These  proceedings,  coupled  with  the  declara- 
tion above-mentioned,  raised  a  new  storm  in  the  colonies,  who  were 
determined  to  resist  the  tax,  and  to  extort  from  the  British  ministry  the 
acknowledgment  that  they  had  no  right  to  tax  them.  The  town  of  Bos- 
ton had,  also,  its  peculiar  sources  of  irritation  and  dislike  to  the  mother 
country.  It  had  always  been  considered  as  taking  the  lead  in  the 
opposition,  and  in  order  to  overawe  the  inhabitants,  some  armed  vessels 
were  stationed  in  the  harbor,  and  two  regiments  of  foot  were  quartered 
in  the  town. 

During  these  troubled  times,  Mr.  Adams  was  zealous  and  unremitting 
in  asserting  the  rights  of  his  country.  The  value  and  importance  of  his 
services  in  behalf  of  liberty,  may  be  estimated  by  the  fact  that  the  crown 
officers  thought  him  worthy  of  being  purchased  by  a  high  price.  They 
offered  to  him  the  place  of  Advocate  General  in  the  Court  of  Admiralty,  a 
very  lucrative  office  at  that  time,  and  a  steppingstone  to  »till  higher  ones. 
But  as  he  could  not  accept  it,  without  abandoning  his  friends  and  princi- 
ples, he  declined  it,  as  he  himself  says,  "decidedly  and  peremptorily, 
though  respectfully." 

In  1769,  he  was  the  chairman  of  a  committee,  consisting  of  himself, 
Richard  Dana  and  Joseph  Warren,  chosen  by  the  citizens  of  Boston,  to 
prepare  instructions  to  their  representatives  to  resist  the  encroachments 
of  the  British  government.  These  were  conceived  in  a  bold  tone  of 
spirited  remonstrance,  and  particularly  urged  the  removal  of  the  troops 
from  Boston. 


74  ADAMS. 

But  the  soldiers  still  continued  in  town,  and  this  gave  rise  to  an  inci- 
dent, which  was  highly  honorable  to  the  professional  firmness  and  mora, 
courage  of  Mr.  Adams.  The  inhabitants  looked  with  an  evil  eye  upon 
the  soldiers.  Squabbles  were  perpetually  taking  place  between  them, 
and  on  the  fifth  of  March,  1770,  a  bloody  affray  occurred  in  State-street, 
in  which  five  citizens  were  killed  and  many  others  wounded.  This  is 
commonly  called  the  Boston  massacre,  about  which  it  is  almost  impossible 
to  learn  the  exact  truth,  even  at  this  day,  or  to  settle  the  amount  of  blame 
v'hich  ought  to  be  attached  to  both  parties.  The  town  was  thrown  into 
a  most  violent  ferment,  as  may  well  be  supposed,  and  nothing  but  the 
most  active  exertions  of  the  leading  men  prevented  the  populace  from 
rising  en  masse,  and  putting  to  death  every  man  who  wore  a  red  coat. 
The  inhabitants  assembled  in  town-meeting  and  chose  a  committee,  of 
which  Samuel  Adams  was  the  chairman,  to  present  a  remonstrance  to 
the  Governor,  with  a  demand  that  the  regular  troops  should  be  removed 
from  the  town.  The  state  of  popular  feeling  is  well  described  in  the 
words  of  John  Adams  himself  "  Not  only  the  immense  assemblies  of 
the  people  from  day  to  day,  but  military  arrangements  from  night  to  night, 
were  necessary  to  keep  the  people  and  the  soldiers  from  getting  together 
by  the  ears.  The  life  of  a  red  coat  would  not  have  been  safe  in  any  street 
or  corner  of  the  town.  Nor  would  the  lives  of  the  inhabitants  been  much 
more  secure.  The  whole  militia  of  the  city  was  in  requisition,  and  mili- 
tary watches  and  guards  were  every  where  placed.  We  were  all  upon  a 
level,  no  man  was  exempted ;  our  military  officers  were  our  only  supe- 
riors. I  had  the  honor  to  be  summoned  in  my  turn,  and  attended  at  the 
State-house  with  my  musket  and  bayonet,  my  broadsword  and  cartridge- 
box,  under  the  command  of  the  famous  Paddock.  I  know  you  will  laugh 
at  my  military  figure,  but  I  believe  there  was  not  a  more  obedient  soldier 
in  the  regiment,  nor  one  more  impartial  between  the  people  and  the 
regulars.     In  this  character,  I  was  upon  duty  all  night  upon  my  turn." 

The  Governor  did  not  attempt  to  stem  the  current  of  popular  feeling, 
but  the  soldiers  were  sent  to  the  castle,  and  Captain  Preston,  the  com- 
manding officer,  and  some  of  the  privates,  were  arrested  and  held  for 
trial.  Mr.  Adams  was  applied  to,  to  be  their  counsel.  This  request 
placed  him  in  an  embarrassing  situation.  The  people  were  clamorous 
against  the  criminals,  and  demanded  their  blood  with  one  voice ;  and  any 
man  who  appeared  in  their  defence,  was  in  danger  of  losing  his  popularity 
and  influence  with  them ;  and  Mr.  Adams,  who  had  been  so  zealous  a 
champion  in  the  popular  cause,  ran  the  risk  of  being  accused  of  deserting 
his  former  principles,  and  becoming  the  advocate  of  tyranny.  But  these 
considerations  had  no  weight  with  him.  His  life  was  ordered  in  obedi- 
ence to  duty,  and  his  conduct  was  never  influenced  by  the  hope  of 
gaining,  or  the  fear  of  losing,  the  favor  of  the  people.  He  undertook  the 
defence  without  any  hesitation,  and  Josiah  Quincy,  Jr.,  another  eminent 
patriot,  was  associated  with  him.  The  result  of  the  trial  was,  in  the 
highest  degree,  honorable  to  the  con)munity.  Captain  Preston  was  ac- 
quitted by  a  jury,  chosen  from  the  exasperated  inhabitants  of  the  town, 
and  his  counsel,  who  defended  him  with  great  ability  and  eloquence,  lost 
nothing  in  their  good  opinion  by  their   resolute  performance  of  their 


ADAMS.  7- 

piotcssiDiial  July.  Such  iiic'ulents  as  these  show  us  the  exalted 
motives,  and  the  sublirne  sense  of  ii<rlit  and  justice,  wliicli  influenced 
the  men  of  the  revolution,  and  of  the  dark  days  that  (jieccdud  it. 

Mr.  Adams  was  cliosen,  in  the  same  year,  one  of  the  representatives 
in  the  General  Assembly.  The  session  vvhicii  ensued  was  signalized 
by  an  obstinate  contest  with  Lieutenant  Governor  Ilutcliinson,  as  to 
whetlier  the  Geneial  Court  should  be  hekl  in  Cambridge,  wliern 
Governor  Barnard  had  removed  it,  or  in  Boston,  the  usual  place.  Mr. 
Adams  was  ono  of  a  committee  clio.sen  to  remonstrate  with  the  acting 
Governor  on  Ins  changing  the  jjlace  of  assembly,  to  gratify  the  wisiies 
of  his  Majesty's  ministers  ;  and  their  eloquent  appeal  to  iiim,  probably 
proceeded  from  his  pen.  But  the  Lieutenant  (and  acting)  Governor 
was  determined  not  to  go  to  Boston,  of  whose  bold  and  s|)iiited  jiopu- 
laticn,  he  stood  in  no  little  awe.  Urged  by  the  necessity  of  the  times, 
the  mernbeis  proceeded  to  transact  business  at  Cambridge,  protesting, 
however,  against  tiie  restraint  tliey  were  under. 

Li  1772,  the  ministers  introduced  a  regulation,  by  which  the  salaries 
of  the  judges  were  paid  in  such  a  manner,  as  rendered  them  wholly 
dependent  upon,  and  subservient  to,  the  crown.  This  excited  gieat 
oHence,  and  gave  rise  to  a  controversy  in  the  public  papeis,  between 
V\  illiam  Brattle,  the  seriior  member  of  the  council,  on  one  side,  and 
Mr.  Adams,  on  the  other.  Mi-.  Adams'  numhers  were  learned  and 
able,  and  communicated  much  useful  information  to  the  people. 
Tliese  essays  were  published  in  the  Boston  Gazette,  of  February, 
1773,  under  his  proper  signature. 

When  the  General  Court  met  in  January,  1773,  Hutchinson,  wlio 
had  been  appointed  Governor,  made  a  very  injudicious  and  violent 
speech  to  the  two  houses,  on  the  supremacy  of  Parliament,  and  the 
imp(»licy  of  resisting  it.  To  tlieir  reply,  he  made  an  elaborate 
rejoinder,  and  the  sense  in  which  Mr.  Adams  was  held,  may  be  learned 
fiom  the  fact,  that,  though  not  a  member,  he  was  called  upon  tofuinish 
a  reply.  He  produced  an  eloquent  and  argumentative  dissertation, 
remarkable  both  for  the  beauty  of  its  style  and  the  cogency  of  its  rea- 
Boning.  It  was  republished  by  Dr.  Franklin,  in  England,  as  the  ablest 
exposition  of  colonial  aH'airs  that  had  appeared. 

Soon  after  this,  he  was  chosen  a  member  of  the  Assembly,  and  nomi 
nated  by  them  on  their  list  of  Councillois,  but  his  name  was  erased  by 
Governor  Hutchinson,   and  the  same  com|)liment  was  paid  him  the 
next  year  by  Governor  Gage. 

The  act  of  17G7, which  granted  duties  in  the  British  colonies  -^r.  glas,-:;, 
paper,  painters'  colors,  and  tea,  iiad  been  rei)ealetl  as  to  all  the  articles 
exce|it  tea.  and,  in  conse(iuence.  associations  were  formed  in  all  the 
colonics,  to  discourage  the  use  of  it.     Large  shipmentsof  it  were  made. 

11 


7G  ADAMS. 

The  consignees  were  prevailed  upon  to  send  it  Lack  to  England,  but  the 
custom-house  officers  refused  a  clearance. 

The  patience  of  the  inhabitants  became  quite  exhausted,  and  on  the 
evening  of  the  fifteenth  of  December,  a  band  of  them,  amounting  to 
between  seventy  and  eighty  in  number,  went  quietly  down  to  the  wharf, 
boarded  the  vessels,  hoisted  the  chests  upon  deck,  and  emptied  their 
contents  into  the  sea.  A  consideration  of  the  circumstances  of  the  times 
exalts  this  seeming  frolic  into  an  act  of  the  most  sublime  daring.  It 
was  the  first  open  act  of  rebellion.  It  was  the  throwing  the  gauntlet 
of  defiance  to  the  mother  country.  It  removed  all  chances  of  recon- 
ciliation, and  rendered  an   appeal  to  arms  inevitable.* 

The  British  ministry  were  highly  incensed  at  this  outrage,  and  deter- 
mined to  visit  it  with  signal  punishment.  An  act  was  passed  for  closing 
the  port  of  Boston,  which  is  commonly  called  the  Boston  Port  Bill.  This 
was  a  deadly  blow  to  the  prosperity  of  the  place,  and  the  inhabitants 
looked  anxiously  to  the  sister  colonies  for  aid  in  carrying  on  the  contest. 
Tliey  resolved  to  make  application  to  them  to  refuse  all  importations  from 
Great  Britain;  they  sent  agents  among  them  to  ascertain  their  views, 
and  to  persuade  them  to  the  adoption  of  their  own  sentiments.  Among 
these  was  a  plan  for  a  general  Congress,  deeming  that  the  condition  of 
the  colonies  was  such  as  to  require  the  most  vigorous  and  united  mea- 
sures. To  this  Congress  they  chose  five  delegates,  James  Bowdoin, 
Thomas  Cushing,  Samuel  Adams,  John  Adams,  and  Robert  Treat  Paine. 
While  the  General  Court  were  engaged  in  the  discussion  of  these  impor- 
tant measures,  and  electing  the  delegates,  Governor  Gage,  having  been 
informed  of  what  was  passing,  sent  his  secretary  with  a  message  dis- 
solving them.  But  he  found  the  doors  locked,  and  was  resolutely  refused 
admission.  The  secretary,  by  the  Governor's  orders,  came  to  the  door 
of  the  room,  and  read  a  proclamation  for  dissolving  the  assembly.  This 
was  the  close  of  the  power  of  England  in  and  over  Massachusetts.  From 
that  moment  she  was,  to  all  intents  and   purposes,  an   independent  state. 

An  interesting  incident  is  related,  as  having  happened  to  Mr.  Adams 
at  this  time,  and  which  is  valuable,  as  illustrating  the  state  of  his  feelings. 
Soon  after  he  was  elected  a  delegate,  his  friend,  Mr.  Sewall,  the  King's 
Attorney  General,  labored  earnestly  to  dissuade  him  from  accepting  the 
appointment.  He  told  him  "  that  Great  Britain  was  determined  on  her 
system  ;  her  power  was  irresistible,  and  would  be  destructive  to  him  and  all 
those  who  should  persevere  in  opposition  to  her  designs."  Mr.  Adams  re- 
plied to  him,  "  I  know  Great  Britain  has  determined  on  her  system,  and 
that  very  determination  determines  me  on  mine;  you  know  I  have  been 
constant  and  uniform  in  opposition  to  her  measures.  The  die  is  now 
casi  I  have  passed  the  Rubicon.  Sink  or  swim,  live  or  die,  survive  or 
perish  with  my  country,  is  my  unalterable  determination." 

The  delegates  from  Massachusetts,  with  the  exception  of  Mr.  Bowdoin, 
took  their  seats  in  Congress,  the  first  day  of  its  meeting,  September  fifth, 


*  For  a  uiinute  and  interesting  account  of  this  transaction,  see  Tudor'?  I>ife  of  James 
Otis,  chap.  XXV 


ADAMS.  77 

1774,  in  Philadelphia.  The  proceedincr.s  of  the  first  Congress  are  too 
well  known  to  be  minutely  detailed.  They  form  one  of  the  nohlest 
chapters  in  the  history,  not  only  of  our  country,  hut  of  the  world  ;  and 
(hey  have  left  to  every  American  citizen  a  heritage  of  irlory,  before  which 
all  the  fil)led  sjjlendor  which  tradition  has  thrown  around  the  orifjin  of 
older  nations,  fades  into  insiiriiificance.  The  public  papers  issued  by 
them  drew  from  Lord  Chatham  the  complimt-nt  "  that  he  had  studied 
and  admired  the  free  states  of  antiquity,  the  tnaster-spirits  of  the  world  ; 
but  that,  for  solidity  of  reasonin<;,  force  of  sagacity,  and  wisdom  of  con- 
clusion, no  body  of  men  could  stand  in  preference  to  this  Conrrress." 
The  first  session  continued  eiirht  weeks,  during  which  Mr.  Adams  was 
in  active  and  constant  attendance.  He  was  a  member  of  some  of  the 
most  important  committees,  such  as  that  which  drew  up  a  statement  of 
the  rights  of  the  colonics,  and  that  which  prepared  the  address  to  the 

Kinrr. 

Mr.  Adams  and  his  colleagues,  being  inhabitants  of  the  colony  which 
had  I)cen  the  most  oppressed  and  insulted,  and  in  which  the  most  deter- 
mined spirit  of  opposition  had  been  roused,  were  convinced  of  the  "entire 
impracticability  of  any  reconciliation,  and  that  it  would  be  necessary  to 
throw  off  the  allegiance  of  the  mother  country,  and  to  act  as  an  indepen- 
dent nation.  But  these  were  by  no  means  the  sentiments  and  feelings  of 
the  inhai)itants  generally,  and  they  were  highly  unpopidar  among  t?iem. 
Mr.  Adams,  in  particular,  from  his  ardent  temperament  and  enthusiastic 
character,  was  an  object  of  i)articidar  suspicion  and  dislike.  He  was 
charged  not  to  make  public  the  idea  of  a  dissolution  of  the  connexion,  as 
it  was  as  unpopular  as  the  stamp  act  itself  He  was  even  pointed  at  in 
the  streets  as  the  visionary  advocate  of  the  most  desperate  measures.  His 
own  views,  and  those  of  some  of  his  most  distinguished  colleasfues,  may 
be  learned  from  an  extract  from  oneof  his  own  letters.  "  When  Congress 
had  finished  their  business,  as  they  thought,  in  the  autumn  of  1774,  I 
had  with  Mr.  Henry,  before  we  took  leave  of  each  other,  some  familiar 
conversation,  in  which  I  expressed  a  full  conviction  that  our  resolves, 
declarations  of  rights,  enumeration  of  wrongs,  petitions,  remonstrances, 
and  addresses,  associations,  and  nonimportation  agreements,  however  ' 
they  might  be  expected  in  America,  and  however  necessary  to  cement 
the  union  of  the  colonies,  would  be  but  waste  water  in  England.  Mr. 
Henry  said  they  might  make  some  impression  among  the  people  of 
England,  but  agreed  with  me  that  they  would  be  totally  lost  upf)n  the 
government.  I  had  but  just  received  a  short  and  hasty  letter,  written  to 
me  by  Major  Josej)h  Hawley,  of  Northampton,  containing  a  'few  broken 
hnits,'  as  he  called  them,  of  what  he  thought  was  pr()[)er  to  be  done,  and 
concluding  with  these  words,  '  After  all,  we  must  fight.'  This  letter 
1  read  to  Mr.  Henry,  who  listened  with  great  attention  ;  and  as  soon  as  I 
had  pronounced  the  words,  'After  all,  we  must  fight,'  he  rai.sed  his  head, 
and,  with  an  energy  and  vehemence  that  I  can  never  forget,  broke  out 
with  '  By  God,  I  am  of  that  man's  mind.'  I  put  the  letter  Into  his  hand, 
and  when  he  had  read  it  he  returned  it  to  me,  with  an  equally  solemn 
asseveration,  that  he  agreed  entirely  in  opinion  with  the  writer. 

"The  other  delegates    from  Virginia  returned   to  their  state  in  full 


78  ADAMS. 

confidence  that  all  our  grievances  would  be  redressed.  The  last  words 
that  Mr.  Richard  Henry  Lee  said  to  me,  when  we  parted,  were,  *  We 
shall  infallibly  carry  all  our  points  ;  you  will  be  completely  relieved  ;  all 
the  offensive  acts  will  be  repealed ;  the  army  and  fleet  will  be  recalled  ; 
and  Britain  will  give  up  her  foolish  project.'  Washington  only  was  in 
doubt.  He  never  spoke  in  public.  In  private  he  joined  with  those  who 
advocated  a  nonexportation,  as  well  as  a  nonimportation  agreement. 
With  both  he  thought  we  should  prevail ;  without  either  he  thought  it 
doubtful.  Henry  was  clear  in  one  opinion,  Richard  Henry  Lee  in  an 
opposite  opinion,  and  Washington  doubted  between  the  two." 

The  sentiments  of  Mr.  Lee,  were  those  of  the  great  majority  of  the 
nation.  They  were  strongly  attached  to  the  mother  country,  and  believed 
that  the  feeling  was  mutual.  They  felt  confident  both  of  her  justice  and 
generosity.  But  these  fond  anticipations  were  destined  not  to  be  realized. 
The  ministers  of  England,  at  that  time,  were  deficient  in  high,  magnani- 
mous, and  statesman-like  views,  and  were  resolved  to  use  no  arguments 
but  those  of  force.  They,  as  well  as  the  whole  people,  were  ignorant,  to  a 
ludicrous  degree,  of  the  condition,  extent,  population,  geography,  and 
resources  of  the  colonies.  Even  the  Prime  Minister  talks  of  the  "  island" 
of  Virginia. 

The  Congress  adjourned  in  November,  and  Mr.  Adams  returned  to  his 
family.  At  this  time,  his  literary  talents  were  again  called  into  exertion 
for  the  service  of  his  country.  His  friend,  Mr.  Sevvall,  the  Attorney 
General,  had  been  publishing  a  series  of  able  essays,  under  the  name  of 
Massachusettensis,  contending  for  the  supreme  authority  of  the  Parliament 
and  against  the  revolutionary  spirit  of  the  country.  Mr.  Adams  wrote  a 
series  of  papers,  under  the  name  of  Novanglus,  in  defence  of  the  doctrines 
and  conduct  of  the  whigs.  These  are  written  with  strength  and  ability, 
and  are  remarkable,  as  showing  the  extent  of  the  author's  general  read- 
ing, and,  in  particular,  his  acquaintance  with  colonial  history.  This  last 
merit,  even  his  adversary  was  compelled  to  acknowledge.  "  Novanglus," 
he  says,  "  strives  to  hide  the  inconsistencies  of  his  hypothesis  under  a 
huge  pile  of  learning."  In  writing  tJiese  papers,  Mr.  Adams  was  em- 
barrassed with  peculiar  difficulties.  He  was  obliged  to  defend  the 
principles  of  natural  liberty  and  equality,  to  deny  the  authority  of  Parlia 
ment,  but,  at  the  same  time,  to  acknowledge  the  rightfid  power  of  the 
King.  To  the  monarch  himself  the  people  were  so  nuich  attached,  that 
even  after  the  battle  of  Lexington,  which,  one  would  think,  would  have 
severeJ  every  tie  which  bound  them  to  Great  Britain,  the  militia  tliatha. 
been  engaged  in  actual  battle  with  the  royal  forces,  were  called  tlu 
"  King's  troops,"  and  the  regular  soldiers  were  termed  "  Bute's  men,"  ih 
allusion  to  Lord  Bute,  who  was  highly  unpopular,  and  was  supposed  to 
exercise  a  pernicious  influence  over  the  young  King's  mind. 

Mr.  Adams  and  his  colleagues  were  reelected  members  of  the  Conti- 
nental Congress,  John  Hancock  being  chosen  in  the  place  of  Mr. 
Bowdoin.  It  assembled  in  Philadelphia,  on  the  tenth  of  May,  1775.  In 
the  month  of  April  of  that  year,  the  first  blood  of  the  revolution  had  been 
shed  at  Lexington  and  Concord,  and  Congress  were  obliged  to  take 
measures  for  active  resistance.     Still,  the  minds  of  men  were  not  ripe  for 


ADAMS.  79 

independence,  and  tlioy  clnnir  to  the  hope  that  their  grievances  would  be 
redressed.  They  look  np  arms  in  self-defence  merely.  It  was  necessary 
to  select  some  one  for  the  post  of  commander-in-chief  of  the  forces  raised 
and  to  be  raised.  A  short  history  of  this  transaction  will  aflbrd  proof  of 
Mr.  Adams'  disinterested  patriotism,  and  sacrifice  of  sectional  prejudice 
to  the  common  good. 

Tiie  only  thing  like  an  army  at  that  time  in  the  country,  was  a  hand- 
fid  of  New-England  militia,  hastily  assembled  at  Boston,  in  consequence 
of  the  skirmislies  at  Lexington  and  Concord.  These  were  under  the 
command  of  General  Artemas  Ward,  whom  the  New-England  delegation 
were  desirous  of  having  made  commander-in-chief;  but  Mr.  Adams 
urged  them  to  lay  aside  all  local  partialities,  and  ap{)oint  Colonel  George 
Washington,  of  Virginia,  who  had  given  proof  of  uncommon  military 
talents  in  the  French  war.  His  colleagues  were  extremely  averse  to  this 
plan.  They  thought  it  disrespectful  to  their  own  friends,  to  appoint  a 
stranger,  who  had  no  higher  rank  than  that  of  colonel,  over  the  heads  of 
generals,  at  the  head  of  brigades  and  divisions.  Mr.  Adams  persisted  in 
his  own  views,  and  in  the  determmation  that  Washington  should  be  ap- 
pointed. He  was  accordingly  nominated  the  next  day,  by  Governor 
Johnson,  of  Maryland,  at  the  instigation  of  Mr.  Adams,  and  seconded  by 
him,  to  the  great  surprise  of  many  of  the  members,  and  none  more  so, 
than  of  Washington  himself,  who  was  present  as  a  member,  and  who, 
with  characteristic  modesty,  immediately  rose  and  left  the  house.  It  is 
tieedless  to  remark  how  honorable  this  selection  was,  not  only  to  Mr. 
Adams'  patriotism,  but  to  his  sagacity.  It  is  impossible  to  say  how  larse 
a  part  of  the  success  of  any  undertaking  is  to  be  ascribed  to  the  agency 
of  any  one  individual,  but  it  seems  to  us,  that  our  revolutionary  struggle, 
if  it  had  been  successfijl  at  all,  must  have  been  protracted  many  years 
longer,  and  have  cost  much  more  i)!ood  and  treasure,  if  any  other  man 
than  Washington  had  been  at  the  head  of  our  armies.  Soon  after  the 
appointment  of  General  AVashington,  Mr.  Jefferson  took  his  seat  in 
Congress  from  Virginia,  having  been  chosen  in  the  place  of  Mr.  Peyton 
Randolph,  who  had  retired  on  account  of  ill  health.  Between  him  and 
Mr.  Adams,  a  warm  intimacy,  arising  from  congeniality  of  feelinf  and 
agreement  on  the  great  points  which  agitated  the  minds  of  men,  com- 
menced, which  continued,  with  some  unfortunate  interruptions,  as  lono-  as 
they  lived. 

The  Congress  assembled  again  in  the  spring  of  1 770.  At  this  time  the 
feelings  of  the  people  had  undergone  a  material  rh;inge.  The  battle  of 
Bunker  Hill  had  been  fought,  and  the  British  army  had  evacuated  Boston. 
The  Parliament  had  declared  the  provinces  in  a  state  of  rebellion,  and  it 
was  voted  to  raise  and  equip  a  force  of  twenty-eiglit  thousand  seamen  and 
fifty-five  thousand  land  troops.  The  indignaiion  of  the  people  was  raised 
to  the  highest  pitch,  by  learning  that  Lord  North  had  engaged  sixteen 
thousand  German  mercenaries,  to  assist  in  subduing  them.  To  cherish 
the  hope  of  an  amicable  adjustment  of  their  differences,  was  little  short 
of  madness.  The  time  had  come  for  them  to  draw  the  sword  and  throw 
away  the  scabbard  ;  to  assume  the  erect  attitude  and  bold  tone  of  inde- 
oendence.     "^i/ch  had   been   Mr.   Adams'  opinions  from  the  first  com- 


80  ADAMS. 

mencement  of  the  difficulties;  and  the  time  had  now  cotne,  when  it  was 
no  longer  dangerous  or  inexpedient  to  express  them.  Accordingly,  on 
the  sixth  of  May,  1776,  he  moved  in  Congress  a  resolution,  wliich  was  in 
fact  a  declaration  of  independence,  recommending  to  the  colonies  "  to 
adojjt  such  a  government  as  would,  in  the  opinion  of  the  representatives 
of  the  people,  best  conduce  to  the  happiness  and  safety  of  their  constitu- 
ents and  of  America." 

This  proposition  was  adopted  on  the  tenth.  On  the  same  day,  the 
Massachusetts  House  of  Representatives  voted  a  resolution,  that  if  the 
Congress  should  think  proper  to  declare  independence,  they  were  ready 
to  support  it  with  their  lives  and  fortunes. 

Five  days  afterwards,  Mr.  Adams  reported  and  advocated  a  preamble 
to  the  resolutions  already  passed,  which,  after  reciting  the  insults  and 
aggressions  of  the  British  government,  and  that  they  had  called  in  the 
assistance  of  foreign  mercenaries,  proceeded  in  the  following  term.s ; 
"  Whereas  it  appears  absolutely  irreconcilable  to  reason  and  good  con- 
science, for  the  people  of  these  colonies  now  to  take  the  oaths  and 
affirmations  necessary  for  the  support  of  any  government  under  the  crown 
of  Great  Britain,  and  it  is  necessary  that  the  exercise  of  every  kind  of 
authority  under  the  said  crown  should  be  totally  suppressed,  and  all  the 
powers  of  government  exerted  under  the  authority  of  the  people  of  the 
colonies,  for  the  preservation  of  niternal  peace,  virtue,  and  good  order,  as 
well  as  for  the  defence  of  their  lives,  liberties,  and  properties,  against  the 
hostile  invasions  and  cruel  depredations  of  their  enemies." 

This  pieamble  was  adopted,  after  an  animated  discussion.  It  was 
published  for  the  consideration  of  the  colonies.  They  all  expressed  a 
wish  for  independence ;  North  Carolina  being  the  first,  and  Pennsylvania 
the  last,  to  make  it  publicly  known. 

It  now  remamed  to  issue  a  formal  Declaration  of  Independence,  in  the 
name  of  the  United  Colonies.  Virginia  being  the  leading  state,  it  was 
thought  proper  that  the  motion  should  proceed  from  oneof  her  delegation. 
Richard  Henry  Lee,  being  chosen  by  his  colleagues,  offered,  on  the 
seventh  of  June,  the  glorious  and  immortal  resolution,  "  that  these  United 
Colonies  are,  and  of  right  ought  to  be,  free  and  independent  states  ;  that 
they  are  absolved  from  all  allegiance  to  the  British  crown  ;  and  that  all 
political  connexion  between  them  and  the  state  of  Great  Britain  is,  and 
of  right  ought  to  be,  totally  dissolved."  This  motion  was  seconded  by 
Mr.  Adams,  and  was  debated  with  great  warmth  till  the  tenth,  when  the 
further  discussion  of  it  was  postponed  till  the  first  of  July.  At  the  same 
time,  it  was  voted,  that  a  committee  be  appointed  to  prepare  a  draft  of 
a  declaration,  to  be  submitted  to  Congress  for  its  consideration.  This 
committee  was  chosen  by  ballot,  and  consisted  of  Thomas  Jefferson,  John 
Adams,  Benjamin  Franklin,  Roger  Sherman,  and  Robert  R.  Livingston; 
being  arranged  in  order,  according  to  the  number  of  votes  which  each 
had  received.  Mr.  Jefferson  and  Mr.  Adams,  being  at  the  head  of  the 
committee,  were  requested  by  the  other  members  to  act  as  a  subcom- 
mittee, to  prepare  the  draft ;  and  Mr.  Jefferson,  at  Mr.  Adams'  ec*rnest 
request,  drew  up  the  paper. 

1  ne  declaration  was  reported  to  Congress  by  the  committee,  on   the 


ADAMS.  81 

first  day  of  July.  Mr.  Lee's  original  resolution  was  passed  on  the  second 
and  on  the  fourth,  the  Declaration  of  Inde])endence,  after  haviiKr  under 
gone  a  few  changes,  was  adopted  in  the  coniinittee  of  the  whole."  It  was 
not  engrossed  and  signed,  however,  till  the  second  of  August.  We  omit 
to  make  any  remarks  on  the  Declaration  itself,  as  they  more  properly 
belong  to  the  life  of  Jeiferson. 

During  all  the  discussions  that  preceded  this  important  measure,  and 
they  were  long  and  animated,  Mr.  Adams  took  the  lead.  Mr.  Jefferson 
has  said,  "that  tlie  great  pillar  of  support  to  the  Declaration  of  Indepen- 
dence, and  its  ablest  advocate  and  champion  on  the  floor  of  the  house,  was 
John  Adams."  On  another  occasion,  he  said  of  him,  "  He  was  our 
Colossus  on  the  floor.  Not  graceful,  not  elegant,  not  always  fluent  in 
his  public  addresses,  he  yet  came  out  with  a  power,  both  of  thought  and 
expression,  which  moved  us  from  our  seats." 

The  Congress  of  the  Revolution  debated  with  closed  doors,  and  their 
discussions  are  preserved  only  by  memory  and  tradition.  The  late  Go- 
vernor M'Kean,  of  Pennsylvania,  said,  on  this  point,  "  I  do  not  recollect 
any  formal  speeches,  such  as  are  made  in  the  British  Parliament,  and  our 
late  Congress,  to  have  been  made  in  the  Revolutionary  Congress  ;  we  had 
no  time  to  hear  such  speeches,  little  for  deliberation  ;  action  was  the  order 
of  the  day." 

The  eloquence  of  Mr.  Adams  was  precisely  adapted  to  the  state  of  the 
times.  It  was  manly  and  energetic,  warmed  and  animated  by  his  ardent 
temperament,  and  bold,  independent  character.  He  has  indeed,  without 
being  conscious  of  it,  drawn  the  character  of  his  own  eloquence: 
"  Oratory,  as  it  consists  in  expressions  of  the  countenance,  graces  of 
attitude  and  motion,  and  intonation  of  voice,  although  it  is  altogether 
superficial  and  ornamental,  will  always  command  admiration;  yet  it 
deserves  little  veneration.  Flashes  of  wit  coruscations  of  imagination, 
and  gay  pictures,  what  are  they?  Strict'truth,  rapid  reason,  and  pure 
integrity,  are  the  only  ingredients  in  sound  oratory.  I  flatter  myself  that 
Demosthenes,  by  his  '  action !  action !  action  !'  meant  to  express  the 
same  opinion." 

On  the  day  after  the  Declaration  of  Independence  was  passed,  while 
his  soul  was  yet  warm  with  the  glow  of  excited  feeling,  he  wrote  a  letter 
to  his  wife,  which,  as  we  read  it  now,  seems  to  have  been  dictated  by  the 
spirit  of  prophecy.  "  Yesterday,"  he  says,  "  the  greatest  question  wa& 
decided  that  ever  was  debated  in  Aitierica ;  and  greater,  perliaps,  never 
was  or  will  be  decided  among  men.  A  resolution  was  passed,  without 
one  dissenting  colony,  '  tliat  these  United  States  are,  and  of  right  ought 
to  be,  free  and  independent  states.'  The  day  is  passed.  The  fourtirof 
July,  1 77(5,  will  be  a  memorable  epoch  in  the  history  of  America.  I  am 
apt  to  believe  it  will  be  celebrated,  by  succeeding  generations,  as  the 
gieat  anniversary  festival.  It  ought  to  be  commemorated  as  the  day  of 
deliverance,  by  solemn  acts  of  devotion  to  Almighty  God.  It  ought  to 
be  soleuuiized  with  pouqjs,  shows,  games,  sports,  guns,  bells,  bontires, 
and  illuminations,  from  one  end  of  the  continent  to  the  other,  from  this 
time  forward  for  ever.  You  will  think  me  transported  with  enthusiasm, 
but  I  am  not.     I  am  well  aware  of  the  toil,  and  blood,  and  treasure^  that 


82  A  D  A IM  S . 

it  Avill  cost  to  maintain  this  declaration,  and  support  and  defend  these 
states ;  yet,  through  all  the  gloom,  I  can  see  the  rays  of  light  and  glory. 
I  can  see  that  the  end  is  worth  more  than  all  the  means  ;  and  that  poste- 
rity will  triumph,  although  you  and  I  may  rue,  which  I  hope  we  shall  not." 

On  his  return  to  Massachusetts,  he  was  chosen  a  member  of  the  Coun- 
cil of  jNIassachusetts,  which  occupied  the  place  formerly  held  by  the 
Governor's  Council.  He  accepted  the  appointment,  and  assisted  in  their 
deliberations,  but  declined  the  office  of  Chief  Justice,  which  they  urged 
upon  him,  since  it  would  interfere  with  his  duties  in  Congress. 

In  Auo-ust,  177G,  the  American  army  on  Long  Island  were  attacked 
and  defeated  by  the  forces  under  Lord  Howe,  who,  supposing  this  a 
favorable  moment  for  negotiation,  requested  an  interview  with  some  of 
the  members  of  Congress.  Mr.  Adams  opposed  the  plan,  as  likely  to 
produce  no  favorable  result;  but  he  was  overruled,  and  a  committee 
appointed  to  treat  with  the  British  General,  consisting  of  himself,  Dr. 
Franklin,  and  Edward  Rutledge.  They  were  received  with  much  polite- 
ness by  General  Howe,  but  he  was  not  willing  to  treat  with  them  as  a 
committee  of  Congress,  and  they  were  not  willing  to  be  considered  in  any 
other  capacity.  "  You  may  view  me  in  any  light  you  please,"  said  Mr, 
Adams,  "  except  in  that  of  a  British  subject."  The  only  terms  on  which 
peace  was  offered,  were,  that  the  colonies  should  return  to  the  allegiance 
and  government  of  Great  Britain,  and  these,  the  commissioners  stated  to 
him,'were  entirely  out  of  the  question  ;  and  thus,  as  Mr.  Adams  had 
predicted,  the  negotiation  was  entirely  fruitless. 

During  the  remainder  of  the  year  177G,  and  throughout  1777,  Mr. 
Adams  was  assiduous  in  his  attendance  upon  Congress,  and  in  attention 
to  public  affairs.  He  was  a  member  of  ninety  committees,  a  greater 
number  than  any  other  member,  and  tw'ce  as  many  as  any,  except  R.  H. 
Lee  and  Samuel  Adams.  Of  these  he  was  the  chairman  of  twenty-five, 
and  in  particular,  of  the  laborious  and  important  board  of  war.  From 
these  arduous  duties  he  was  relieved  by  being  appointed,  in  November, 
1777,  a  commissioner  to  France,  in  the  place  of  Silas  Deane,  who  was 
recalled.  The  other  members  were  Dr.  Franklin  and  Arthur  Lee.  The 
object  of  the  mission  was,  to  obtain  as.sistance,  in  arms  and  money,  from 
the  French  government. 

Mr.  Adams  accepted  the  appointment  without  hesitation,  though  it 
separated  him  from  his  family,  and  obliged  him  to  cross  the  ocean  in  the 
depth  of  winter,  and  when  it  was  swarming  with  ships  of  the  enemy,  and 
he  knew  that  he  should  be  treated  with  the  utmost  rigor  if  captured.  He 
embarked  on  board  the  frigate  Boston,  in  the  month  of  February,  1778, 
from  the  shores  of  his  native  town.  An  incident  occurred  on  the  voyage, 
which  proved  that  Mr.  Adams'  courage  was  not  exclusively  moral.  , Captain 
Tucker,  the  commander  of  the  Boston,  saw  a  large  English  ship,  showing 
a  tier  of  guns,  and  asked  Mr.  Adams'  consent  to  engage  her.  This  was 
rcidily  granted.  Upon  hailing  her,  she  answered  by  a  broadside.  Mr. 
Adams  had  been  requested  to  retire  to  the  cockpit ;  but  Tucker,  looking 
forward,  observed  him  among  the  m.arines,  with  a  musket  in  his  hands, 
having  privately  applied  to  the  officer  of  the  marines  for  a  gun,  and  taken 
his  station  among  them.    At  this  sight  Captain  Tucker  became  alarmed; 


ADAMS.  83 

ami,  walking  up  to  the  ainhnssador,  desired  to  know  how  he  ejime  there? 
U|)on  wliich  the  other  smiled,  gave  up  his  gun,  and  went  iinnicdialely 
below. 

The  treaty  of  alliance  and  commerce  with  France  had  been  signed, 
before  Mr.  Adams  arrived  in  Eurojje;  and  on  the  apjiointment  of  Dr. 
Franklin  as  Minister  Ph!nij)otentiary,  Mr.  Adams  asked  and  received 
permission  to  return  home,  which  he  accordingly  did,  in  the  summer  of 
1779. 

On  his  return  to  America,  he  was  chosen  a  member  of  the  Convention 
wliich  was  called  to  prepare  a  constitution  for  the  state  of  Massachusetts, 
He  was  placed  on  the  subcommittee  chosen  to  draft  the  plan  of  the 
constitution  ;  and  much  of  its  character  and  spirit  is  due  to  his  exertions. 

Soon  after  this.  Congress  determined  to  send  a  Minister  Plenipotentiary 
to  negotiate  a  peace  with  Great  Britain.  Mr.  Adams  and  Mr.  Jay,  at 
that  time  President  of  Congress,  were  put  in  nomination,  and  received  an 
ecpial  number  of  votes.  On  the  next  day,  it  being  j)roposed  to  send  a 
Minister  to  Spain,  Mr.  Jay  was  almost  unanimously  elected,  and  Mr. 
Ad;uns  received  the  appointment  of  Minister  to  England.  He  received 
instructions,  by  which  lie  was  to  be  guided  ;  among  which  were,  that  the 
United  States  should  be  treated  with  as  a  free  and  independent  state,  and 
that  the  right  to  the  fisheries  should  be  insisted  on.  His  salary  was  fixed 
at  twenty-five  hundred  pounds  sterling.  He  embarked  in  the  French 
frigate  La  Sensible,  November  17,  1779,  and  was  ol>liged  to  land  at 
Corunna,  in  Spain,  from  which  place  he  travelled  over  the  mountains  to 
Paris,  where  lie  arrived  in  February,  1780.  He  communicated  the 
objects  of  his  mission  immediately,  to  Dr.  Franklin,  the  American  Envoy 
at  Paris,  and  the  Count  de  Vergennes,  the  French  Prime  Minister.  The 
latter  was  very  pressing  to  learn  the  nature  of  Mr.  Adams'  instructions, 
but  they  were  not  cominunicated  to  him.  Mr.  Adams  soon  became  con- 
vinced, that  a  peace  with  Great  Britain  on  the  terms  required,  was  quite 
impracticable,  and  that  it  would  be  needless  for  him  to  go  to  that  country. 
The  French  government,  also,  were  averse  to  the  negotiation.  He 
accordingly  remained  in  Paris  for  some  time.  In  August,  1780;  he 
repaired  to  Holland,  and  a  vote  of  approbation  was  passed  upon  his 
conduct.  Congress,  upon  hearing  of  the  captivity  of  Mr.  Laurens,  who 
had  gone  out  as  Minister  to  Holland,  appointed  Mr.  Adams  in  his  place, 
to  negotiate  a  loan  ;  and  in  December  he  was  invested  with  full  powers 
to  conclude  a  treaty  of  amity  and  commerce  with  that  country. 

Mr.  Adams  had  great  dilficulties  to  contend  with  in  Holland.  He  was 
thrown  among  capitalists  and  money  brokers,  with  the  details  of  whose 
business  he  was  unacquainted,  and  with  whom  he  had  often  no  lana;uage 
in  common.  He  was  opposed  by  the  whole  strength  of  the  British  in- 
fiuence.  The  Dutch  people  were  extremely  ignorant  of  the  resources 
and  wealth  of  the  United  States,  and  of  course,  their  moneyed  men  were 
unwilling  to  advance  their  property,  without  knowing  what  security  they 
had  to  depend  upon.  Mr.  A(hims  commenced  the  writing;  of  a  series  of 
pipers,  in  answer  to  a  set  of  queries  proposed  to  him  by  Mr.  Kalkcrn,  an 
eminent  jurist  of  Amsterdam,  containing  an  account  of  the  rise  and 
progress  of  the  disputes  between  the  colonies  and  the  mother  country  • 
12 


84  ADAMS. 

and  of  the  resources  and  prospects  of  the  United  States.  These  papers 
were  circulated  by  newspapers,  all  over  Holland,  and  had  a  good  deal 
of  effect  upon  public  opinion.  We  will  leave,  for  a  moment,  the  order 
of  dates,  and  state  that  this  portion  of  Mr.  Adaims'  labors  was  concluded 
by  the  negotiation  of  a  loan,  in  September,  1782,  of  eight  millions  of 
gilders,  upon  reasonably  favorable  terms. 

In  July,  1781,  while  residing  at  Holland,  he  was  summoned  to  Pans, 
for  the  purpose  of  consulting  upon  a  plan  of  mediation,  proposed  by  the 
Courts  of  Austria  and  Russia,  which  was  not  accepted,  as  the  mediating 
powers  would  not  acknowledge  the  independence  of  America,  without 
the  consent  of  Great  Britain.  During  these  negotiations,  Mr.  Adams 
was  much  annoyed,  and  the  interests  of  his  country  much  injured,  by 
the  selfish  and  intriguing  conduct  of  the  Count  de  Vergennes.  He 
seems  to  have  taken  a  dislike  to  the  straight  forward,  manly  character 
of  the  American  minister.  It  was  the  policy  of  France,  also,  that  the 
Americans  should  be  debarred  from  some  of  the  advantages  which  they 
insisted  upon  as  indispensable  preliminaries  of  a  pacification  with  Great 
Britain.  It  was  not  desirable  for  France,  that  the  British  Parliament 
should  be  aware  of  Mr.  Adams'  powers,  respecting  a  treaty  of  commerce, 
beciuse  it  was  her  intention,  as  the  more  important  country,  in  settling 
the  coflditions  of  peace;  to  secure  to  herself  the  lion's  share  of  the  com- 
mercial privileges,  which  England  might  be  disposed  to  yield  to  her 
colonies.  But  Mr.  Adams  had  too  much  skill,  and  too  much  indepen- 
dence to  be  either  the  dupe  or  the  tool  of  the  Count  de  Vergennes. 
Early  in  the  year  1781,  a  message  was  transmitted  to  Congress,  through 
the  French  Minister,  at  Philadelphia,  complaining  somewhat  of  the  con- 
duct of  the  Plenipotentiary,  and  requesting  them,  "to  be  impressed  with 
the  necessity  of  prescribing  to  their  Plenipotentiary,  a  perfect  and  open 
confidence  in  the  French  Ministers,  and  a  thorough  reliance  on  the 
King ;  and  would  direct  him  to  take  no  step  without  the  approbation  of 
his  Majesty  ;  and  after  giving  him,  in  his  instructions,  the  principal  and 
most  important  outlines  for  his  conduct,  they  would  order  him,  with 
respect  to  the  manner  of  carrying  them  into  execution,  to  receive  his 
directions  from  the  Count  de  Vergennes,  or  from  the  person  who  might 
be  charged  with  the  negotiations,  in  the  name  of  tlie  King." 

Congress  instructed  their  Minister  to  repose  the  utmost  confidence  in 
the  Ministers  of  the  King  of  France,  and  to  undertake  nothing  in  the 
negotiation  for  peace  or  truce  without  their  knowledge  and  concurrence 
But,  as  we  have  stated,  the  negotiation  was  broken  off,  and  Mr.  Adams 
returned  to  Holland. 

In  1782,  Congress  appointed  Mr.  Adams,  Dr.  Franklin,  Mr.  Jay,  Mr 
Henry  Laurens,  and  Mr.  Jefferson,  commissioners  for  negotiating  a  peace  ; 
and,  in  a  spirit  of  unworthy  concession  to  the  French  government,  added 
to  their  instructions  that  "  they  should  govern  themselves  by  the  advice 
and  opinion  of  the  Ministers  of  the  King  of  France."  This  placed  them 
almost  entirely  under  the  control  of  the  Count  de  Vergennes.  The  com- 
missioners were  displeased  at  finding  themselves  thus  shackled,  and 
strangers  appointed  to  act  upon  the  most  vital  interests  of  their  country. 
They  determined,  therefore,  to  disobey  the  rash  orders  of  Congress,  and 


ADAMS.  85 

to  socurc  for  their  couniry  much  better  terms  than  fell  in  with  the  views 
of  the  French  Ministry.  Tlie  treaty  of  peace  was  signed  November 
80,  1TS"2,  and  ratified  January  14,  1784;  and  its  honorable  and  favorable 
terms  are  mainly  due  to  the  firmness  and  ability  of  the  commissioners. 

A  full  account  of  Mr.  Adams'  labors  and  services,  from  his  first  arrival 
in  Europe  to  the  peace,  belongs  to  the  diplomatic  history  of  the  country, 
and  not  to  a  sketch  of  his  own  life.  The  works  which  can  be  advanta- 
croously  consulted  on  this  subject,  are  Lyman's  Diplomatic  History  of  the 
United  States,  and  Sparks'  Diplomatic  Correspondence  of  the  Revolution. 

In  January,  1785,  Congress  resolved  to  appoint  a  Minister  Plenipoten- 
tiary at  the  Court  of  Great  Britain,  and  Mr.  Adams  was  chosen  for  this 
important  and  delicate  office.  A  letter  was  written  by  him,  to  Mr.  Jay, 
giving  a  graphic  and  interesting  account  of  the  circumstances  of  his 
public  reception,   which  we  will  quote. 

"  During  my  interview  with  the  Marquis  of  Carmarthen,  he  told  me  it 
was  customary  for  every  foreign  Minister,  at  his  first  presentation  to  the 
King,  to  make  his  Majesty  some  compliments  conformable  to  the  spirit  of 
his  credentials ;  and  when  Sir  Clement  Cottrel  Dormer,  the  master  of 
the  ceremonies,  came  to  inform  me  that  he  should  accompany  me  to 
the  Secretary  of  State  and  to  court,  he  said  that  every  foreign  minister 
whom  he  had  attended  to  the  Queen,  had  always  made  an  harangue 
to  her  Majesty,  and  he  understood,  though  he  had  not  been  present,  that 
they  always  harangued  the  King.  On  Tuesday  evening  the  Baron 
de  Lynden  (Dutch  ambassador)  called  upon  me,  and  said  he  came 
from  the  Baron  de  Nolkin,  (Swedish  envoy,)  and  had  been  convers- 
ing upon  the  singular  situation  I  was  in,  and  they  agrued  in  opinion 
that  it  was  indispensable  that  I  should  make  a  speech,  and  that  it 
should  be  as  complimentary  as  possible.  All  this  was  parallel  to  the 
advice  lately  given  by  the  Count  de  Vergennes  to  Mr.  Jefferson.  So 
that  finding  it  was  a  custom  established  at  both  these  great  courts, 
tliat  this  court  and  the  foreign  ministers  expected  it,  I  thought  I  could 
not  avoid  it,  although  my  first  thought  and  inclination  had  been  to 
deliver  my  credentials  silently  and  retire.  At  one,  on  Wednesday,  the 
first  of  June,  the  master  of  ceremonies  called  at  my  house,  and  went  with 
me  to  the  Secretary  of  State's  office,  in  Cleveland  Row.  where  the 
Marquis  of  Carmarthen  received  me,  and  introduced  me  to  Mr.  Frazier, 
his  under  secretary,  who  had  been,  as  his  lordship  said,  unmterruptedly 
in  that  office,  through  all  the  changes  in  administration  for  thirty  years, 
having  first  been  appointed  by  the  Earl  of  Holderness.  After  a  short 
conversation  upon  tlie  subject  of  importing  my  effects  from  Holland  and 
France  free  of  duty,  which  Mr  Frazier  himself  introduced.  Lord  Car- 
marthen invited  me  to  go  with  him  in  his  coach  to  court.  When  we 
arrived  in  the  antichamber,  the  CEil  de  Bceufof  St.  James,  the  master  of 
the  ceremonies  met  me  and  attended  me  while  the  Secretary  of  State  went 
to  take  the  commands  of  the  King.  While  I  stood  in  this  place,  where  it 
seems  all  ministers  stand  upon  such  occasions,  always  attended  by  the 
master  of  ceremonies,  the  room  very  full  of  ministers  of  state,  bisliops,  and 
all  otiier  sorts  of  courtiers,  as  well  as  the  next  room,  which  is  the  King's 
bedchamber,  you   may  well  suppose   that  I  was  the  focus  of  all  eyes.     1 


S()  ADAMS. 

was  relieved,  however,  from  the  embarrassment  of  it,  by  the  Swedish  and 
Dutcli  ministers,  wlio  came  to  me  and  entertained  me  in  a  ver}-  agreeable 
conversation  during  the  whole  time.  Some  other  gentlemen  whom  1 
had  seen  before,  came  to  make  their  compliments  too  ;  until  the  Marquis 
of  Carmarthen  returned  and  desired  me  to  go  with  him  to  his  Majesty  ! 
I  w.ent  with  his  lordship  through  ihe  levee  room  into  the  King's  closet. 
The  door  was  shut,  and  I  was  left  with  his  Majesty  and  the  Secretary  of 
State  alone.  I  made  the  three  reverences;  one  at  the  door,  another 
about  halfway,  and  the  third  before  the  presence,  according  to  the  usage 
established  at  this  and  all  the  northern  courts  of  Europe,  and  then 
addressed  myself  to  his  Majesty  in  tlT<3  following  words:  '  Sir,  the  United 
States  of  America  have  appointed  me  their  Minister  Plenipotentiary  to 
yoiu"  Majesty,  and  have  directed  me  to  deliver  to  your  Majesty  this  letter, 
which  contains  the  evidence  of  it.  It  is  in  obedience  to  their  express 
commands,  that  I  have  the  honor  to  assure  your  Majesty  of  their  unani- 
mous disposition  and  desire  to  cultivate  the  most  friendly  and  liljeral 
intercourse  between  your  Majesty's  subjects  and  their  citizens,  and  of 
their  best  wishes  for  your  Majesty's  health  and  happiness,  and  for  that  of 
your  royal  family. 

" '  The  appointment  of  a  Minister  from  the  United  States  to  your 
Majesty's  court,  will  form  an  epoch  in  the  history  of  England  and 
America.  I  think  myself  more  fortunate  than  all  my  fellow-citizens,  in 
having  the  distinguished  honor  to  be  the  first  to  stand  in  your  Majesty's 
royal  presence,  in  a  diplomatic  character;  and  1  shall  esteem  myself  the 
happiest  of  men,  if  I  can  be  instrumental  in  recommending  my  country 
more  and  more  to  your  Majesty's  royal  benevolence,  and  of  restoring  an 
entire  esteem,  confidence,  and  affection,  or  in  better  words,  "  the  old 
good  nature,  and  the  old  good  harmony,"  between  people,  who,  though 
separated  by  an  ocean,  and  under  different  goveriiments,  have  the  same 
language,  a  similar  religion,  and  kindred  blood  I  beg  your  Majestv's 
permission  to  add,  that  although  I  have  sometimes  before  been  intrusted 
by  my  country,  it  was  never  in  my  v.'hole  life,  in  a  manner  so  agreeable 
to  myself  'rhe  King  listened  to  every  word  I  said,  with  dignity,  it  is 
true,  but  with  apparent  emotion.  Whether  it  was  the  nature  of  the 
interview,  or  whether  it  was  my  visible  agitation,  for  I  felt  more  than  I 
did  or  could  express,  that  touched  him,  I  cannot  say,  but  he  was  nmch 
affected,  and  answered  me  with  more  tremor  than  I  had  spoken  with,  and 
said,  '  Sir — The  circumstances  of  this  audience  are  so  extraordinary,  the 
language  you  have  now  held  is  .so  extremely  proper,  and  the  feelings  you 
have  discovered,  so  justly  adapted  to  the  occasion,  that  I  must  say,  that 
I  not  only  receive  with  pleasin-e  tlie  assurances  of  tiie  friendly  disposi- 
tion of  the  people  of  the  United  States,  but  that  I  am  very  glad  the  choice 
has  fallen  upon  you  to  be  tlieir  Minister.  I  wish  you,  Sn-,  to  believe,  and 
that  it  may  be  understood  in  America,  that  I  have  done  nothing  in  the 
late  contest,  but  what  I  thought  myself  imlisj)ensably  bound  to  do,  by 
the  duty  which  I  owed  to  my  people.  I  will  be  frank  with  you.  I  was 
the  last  to  conform  to  the  separation  :  but  the  separation  having  been 
made,  and  having  become  inevitable,  I  iiave  always  said,  as  I  sav  now, 
that  I  would  be  the  first  to  meet  tlic  friendship  of  the    United   States,  as 


ADAMS.  87 

an  inclopendeiit  power.  The  moment  I  see  such  sentiments  and  language 
as  voars  prevail,  and  a  disposition  to  give  this  country  the  preference, 
tliat  moment  I  shall  say,  let  the  circumstances  of  language,  religion,  and 
blood,  have  their  natural  and  full  effect.' 

*'  I  dare  not  say  that  tlicsc  were  the  King's  precise  words,  and  it  is 
even  possil)le  tliat  I  may  have,  in  some  particular,  mistaken  his  meaning; 
for  although  his  pronunciation  is  as  distinct  as  I  ever  heard,  he  hesi- 
tated sometimes  between  his  per.ods,  and  between  the  members  of  the 
same  period,  lie  was  indeed  much  affected,  and  I  was  not  less  so,  and 
therefore  I  cannot  be  certain  that  I  was  so  attentive,  heard  so  clearly, 
and  understood  so  perfectly,  as  to  be  confident  of  all  his  words  or  sense ; 
this  I  do  say,  that  the  foregoing  is  his  Majesty's  meaning,  as  I  then 
understood  it,  and  his  own  words  as  nearly  as  I  can  recollect  them. 

"  The  King  then  asked  me,  whether  I  came  last  from  France  ?  and 
upon  my  answering  in  the  affirmative,  he  put  on  an  air  of  familiarity,  and 
smiling,  or  rather  laughing,  said,  '  there  is  an  opinion  among  some 
people,  that  you  are  not  the  most  attached  of  all  your  countrymen  to  the 
manners  of  France.'  I  was  surprised  at  this,  because  I  thought  it  an 
indiscretion,  and  a  descent  from  his  dignity.  I  was  a  little  embarrassed, 
but  determined  not  to  deny  the  truth  on  one  hand,  nor  leave  him  to  infe' 
from  it  any  attachment  to  England  on  the  other.  I  threw  off  as  much 
gravity  as  I  could,  and  assumed  an  air  of  gaiety  and  a  tone  of  decision, 
as  far  as  it  was  decent,  and  said  '  That  opinion.  Sir,  is  not  mistaken.  I 
must  avow  to  your  ivlajesty  I  have  no  attachment  but  to  my  own  country.' 
The  King  replied  as  quick  as  lightning,  'An  honest  man  will  never  have 
any  other.' 

"  The  King  then  said  a  word  or  two  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  which, 
being  between  them,  I  did  not  hear ;  and  then  turned  round  and  bowed 
to  me,  as  is  customary  with  all  kings  and  princes,  when  they  give  the 
signal  to  retire.  I  retreated,  stepping  backwards,  as  is  the  etiquette,  and 
making  my  last  reverence  at  the  door  of  the  chamber.  I  went  my  way  ; 
the  master  of  ceremonies  joined  me  at  the  moment  of  my  coming  out  of 
the  King's  closet,  and  accompanied  me  through  all  the  apartments  down 
to  my  carriage.  Several  stages  of  servants,  gentlemen  porters,  and  under 
porters,  roared  out  like  thunder  as  1  went  along,  '  Mr.  Adams'  servants 
Mr.  Adams'  carriage,' "  &.c. 

Notwithstanding  this  courteous  reception  at  the  British  court,  the 
feelings  of  the  Ministry  were  soon  discovered  to  be  unfriendly  towards 
the  United  States.  The  irritations  produced  by  the  long  strife  were  not 
yet  allayed,  and  the  parent  had  not  quite  magnanimity  enough  to  forgive 
her  rebellious  child.  They  refused  to  listen  to  any  proposals  for  entering 
into  a  commercial  treaty. 

While  Mr.  Adams  was  residing  in  London,  he  was  enabled  to  render 
his  country  material  service  by  tiie  exercise  of  his  literary  talents.  The 
new  states  of  America  were  of  course  objects  of  great  interest  to  the 
philosoi)hers  and  statesmen  of  Europe,  and  a  variety  of  opinions  were 
held  uj)on  their  policy  and  prospects.  Among  those  who  expressed 
themselves  as  dissatisfied  with  their  political  organization,  were  Mons. 
Turgot,   th?  Abbe  de  Mably,  and  Dr.  Price.     M.  Turgot,  in  a  letter  to 


88  ADAMS. 

Dr.  Price,  observes,  "  The  Americans  have  established  three  bodies, 
viz.  a  Governor,  Council,  and  House  of  Representatives,  merely  because 
there  is  in  England  a  King,  a  House  of  Lords,  and  a  House  of  Commons  ; 
as  if  this  equilibrium,  which,  in  England,  may  be  a  necessary  check  to 
the  enormous  influence  of  royalty,  could  be  of  any  use  in  republics 
founded  upon  the  equality  of  all  the  citizens."  M.  Turgot  recommends 
the  concentration  of  the  whole  power  upon  one  representative  assembly 
These  opinions  derived  weight  from  the  high  character  of  their  author. 
This  was  a  dark  period  in  our  history — the  federal  government  was  not 
yet  formed — our  credit  was  low — and  the  minds  of  men  desponding  and 
disposed  to  regard  any  state  of  things  as  better  than  that  which  actually 
existed. 

To  counteract  these  impressions,  Mr.  Adams  wrote  and  published  in 
London,  his  Defence  of  the  American  Constitutions,  in  three  volumes. 
It  is  a  work  of  learning  and  ability,  though  bearing  marks  of  the  haste 
with  which  it  was  written.  It  did  much  service  to  his  country,  not  only 
in  correcting  the  influence  of  the  above-mentioned  writings  at  home,  but 
in  rendering  the  American  cause  respectable  abroad.  Mr.  Adams  moved 
in  the  most  enlightened  circles  of  English  society,  and  occupied  himself 
in  gathering  information  which  might  be  useful  to  his  own  country. 

In  1787,  he  asked,  and  received  permission  to  return  home,  and  had 
the  happiness  to  join  his  family  and  friends,  after  an  absence  of  between 
eight  and  nine  years.  Congress  at  the  same  time,  passed  a  resolution 
of  thanks  to  be  presented  to  him,  for  his  able  and  faithful  discharge  of 
the  various  and  important  commissions  with  which  he  had  been  entrusted 
while  abroad. 

In  1788,  he  was  elected  Vice  President  of  the  United  States,  and  re- 
elected in  1792.  In  179G,  General  Washington  retired  from  public  life, 
and  Mr.  Adams  was  elected  President  of  the  United  States,  though  not 
witiiout  a  good  deal  of  opposition.  After  serving  in  this  office  four  years, 
he  was  succeeded,  as  is  well  known,  by  Mr.  Jefferson. 

To  trace  the  history  of  Mr.  Adams'  administration,  and  to  show  the 
causes  of  his  unpopularity,  would  fall  within  the  province  of  general 
history,  ratlier  than  of  biography.  But  a  slight  sketch  of  his  motives  and 
principles,  is  due  both  to  his  own  character  and  to  the  expectations  of 
those  who  wish  to  obtain  correct  views  of  it. 

The  French  Revolution  was  the  point  upon  which  he  was  at  issue 
with  the  majority  of  his  countrymen.  That  tremendous  political  con- 
vulsion shook  the  whole  earth  to  its  centre,  and  created  the  most  frantic 
excitement  throughout  the  civilized  world.  The  young  and  the  enthu- 
siastic, hailed  it  as  the  dawn  of  a  brighter  day ,_^  not  only  for  France,  but 
for  Europe,  and  pardoned  its  sanguinary  excesses,  regarding  them  as 
the  natural  results  of  that  wild  transport  which  would  take  possession  of 
an  uneducated  population,  at  the  sudden  change  from  the  most  galling 
despotism  to  entire  freedom.  In  this  country,  in  particular,  just  begin- 
ning to  enjoy  the  republican  institutions  which  we  had  so  dearly  purchas- 
ed, there  was  an  almost  universal  expression  of  admiration  and  sympathy. 
But  there  were  not  wanting  many,  even  in  our  own  country,  who  viewed 
the  French  Revolution   with    alarm  and   disgust.      They  abhorred   its 


ADAMS.  89 

nirocities.  regarded  ^vitll  suspicion  and  dislike  the  characters  of  its' 
leaders,  and  dreaded  the  influence  of  its  principles,  as  tending  to  over- 
throw the  whole  social  fabric,  and  introduce  the  most  visionary  schemes 
of  polity  in  the  place  of  the  governments,  wliose -excellence  had  stood 
the  test  of  ages.  To  this  latter  class,  Mr.  Adams  and  his  party  belong- 
ed, lie  had  imbibed  a  strong,  and,  in  truth,  an  unreasonable  prejudice 
against  the  French  people,  wliile  he  resided  in  Europe ;  and  he  viewed 
them,  and  their  conduct,  through  its  distorting  medium.  At  the  very 
commencement  of  his  administration  he  found  the  country  involved  in 
a  dispute  with  France,  and  one  of  his  earliest  communications  to  Con- 
gress complained,  in  dignified  and  elegant  language,  of  an  insult  offered 
to  the  ambassador  of  the  United  States,  by  the  government  of  that  coun- 
try. So  strong,  however,  was  the  partiality  to  the  French,  that  many 
believed  that  the  first  provocation  had  been  given  by  us,  and  that  it 
was  our  duty  to  tender  an  apology,  and  not  demand  satisfaction.  Mr. 
Adams  persisted,  iiowever,  in  the  course  which  he  deemed  required  by 
a  regard  for  the  honor  of  his  country.  He  sent  a  commission,  consisting 
of  three  envoys,  Messrs.  Pinckney,  Marshall,  and  Gerry,  to  France,  who 
were  treated  with  insolence  and  contumely  by  the  French  Directory. 
In  these  transactions,  it  was  Mr.  Adams'  misfortune  to  please  neither 
one  of  the  great  parties,  which  then  divided  the  country.  The  demo- 
cratic party  considered  them  as  too  strong,  and  actuated  by  too  great 
an  hostility  towards  France,  while  the  federalists  thought  a  more  high- 
spirited  conduct  and  more  dignified  attitude  were  required  by  the  cir- 
cumstances of  the  case. 

The  bitterness  with  which  this  party  strife  was  carried  on,  is  probably 
fresh  in  the  recollections  of  many  of  our  readers.  It  was  actively  foment- 
ed by  a  most  licentious  press,  which  violated  all  the  confidences  of 
private  life,  and  indulged  in  the  most  unwarrantable  personal  allusions 
and  reflections.  Mr.  Adams  was  accused  of  favoring  monarchical  insti- 
tutions, though  his  whole  life  had  been  spent  in  resisting  them.  It  is 
curious  to  observe  how  the  malice  of  his  enemies  warped  and  perverted 
the  best  acts  of  his  life.  His  Defence  of  the  American  Constitution, 
which  favors  the  plan  of  having  an  executive  and  two  houses  of  legisla- 
tion, was  quoted  as  a  proof  of  his  prepossessions  in  favor  of  a  king,  lords, 
and  commons;  and  his  noble,  moral  courage,  at  the  beginning  of  his 
career,  in  defending  Captain  Preston  and  his  soldiers,  was  brought  up  at 
this  late  day,  as  giving  evidence  of  his  being  under  British  influence.  It 
is  but  doing  justice  to  Mr.  Jefferson,  the  leader  of  the  opposing  and  tii- 
umphant  party,  to  state,  that  he  always  retained  the  highest  personal 
respect  for  Mr.  Adams,  tliough,  in  political  opinions,  he  differed  so  wide- 
ly from  him.  When  some  young  politicians  were,  in  his  presence,  accus- 
ing Mr.  Adams  of  designs  hostile  to  republican  institutions,  he  remarked, 
"Gentlemen,  you  do  not  know  that  man;  there  is  not  upon  this  earth  a 
more  perfectly  honest  man  than  John  Adams.  Concealment  is  no  part 
of  his  character.  It  is  not  in  his  nature  to  meditate  any  thing  that  he 
would  not  publish  to  the  world.  The  measures  of  the  general  govern 
ment,  are  a  fair  subject  for  differences  of  opinion,  but  do  not  found  your 
opinion  on  the  notion  that  there  is  the  smallest  spice  of  dishonesty,  moral 


90  ADAMS. 

or  political,  in  the  character  of  John  Adams,  for  I  know  him  well,  and  1 
repeat,  that  a  man  more  perfectly  lionest  never  issued  from  the  hands 
of  his  Creator." 

Mr.  7\dams  was  also  firm  in  his  conviction  of  the  importance  of  a 
naval  establishment,  and  he  deserves  the  title  of  Father  of  the  American 
Navy.  Time  has  confirmed  the  justness  of  his  views  on  this  subject,  but 
they  were  not  popular  at  the  time. 

His  own  manners  and  bearing  were  not  dignified  or  conciliating,  and, 
in  this  respect,  he  was  decidedly  inferior  to  Mr.  Jefferson.  The  warmth 
of  his  temperament,  and  the  ardor  of  his  feelings,  often  betrayed  him 
into  intemperate  expressions  and  rash  actions,  which  no  one  would  re- 
gret more  than  he,  in  his  cool  moments. 

In  March,  1801,  in  the  sixty-seventh  year  of  his  age,  he  retired  to  his 
quiet  home,  at  Quincy,  where  he  passed  the  remainder  of  his  days.  He 
amused  himself  with  agricultural  pursuits,  and  still  retained  a  lively 
interest  in  the  politics  and  literature  of  the  day.  He  had  an  extensive 
correspondence,  to  fill  up  his  leisure  hours,  and  a  large  circle  of  friends, 
to  whom  he  devoted  much  of  his  time.  He  was  invited  to  become  a  candi- 
date for  the  office  of  Governor  of  Massachusetts,  but  declined.  He  de- 
fended the  policy  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  administration  towards  England;  and 
when  the  dispute  terminated  in  war,  he  advocated  its  expediency  and  ne- 
cessity, in  opposition  to  the  views  and  sentiments  of  the  majority  of  the 
people  of  Massachusetts.  He  published  a  series  of  letters  on  this  subject, 
in  one  of  the  Boston  papers,  and  when  a  loan  was  opened  by  the  General 
Government,  to  meet  the  expenses  of  the  war,  he  immediately  took  up  a 
portion  of  the  stock.  In  1815,  he  had  the  pleasure  of  seeing  his  son  at 
the  head  of  the  commission  which  signed  the  treaty  of  peace  with  Great 
Britain.  He  also  renewed  that  friendship  with  Mr.  Jefferson,  which  had 
been  interrupted  by  party  strife,  and  some  beautiful  and  characteristic 
letters  passed  between  them,  many  of  which  have  been  printed.  In 
181G,  he  was  chosen  a  member  of  the  college  of  electors,  which  voted 
for  Mr.  Monroe  for  President. 

In  1818  he  was  called  upon  to  sustain  the  severest  affliction  that  had 
ever  befallen  him,  by  the  death  of  his  beloved  wife,  who  had  been  for  so 
many  years  his  guide,  solace,  and  friend,  and  who  had  shared  his 
patriotic  enthusiasm,  and  borne  without  a  murmur,  all  the  sacrifices 
which  duty  to  their  country  had  required  them  both  to  make.  On  this 
occa.sion  he  received  the  following  beautiful  letter  from  Mr.  Jefferson. 

"  Monticello,  November  13,  1818. 
"  The  public  papers,  my  dear  friend,  announce  the  fatal  event  of  which 
your  letter,  of  October  twentieth,  had  given  me  ominous  foreboding. 
Tried  myself  in  the  school  of  afiliction,  by  the  loss  of  every  form  of 
connexion  which  can  rive  the  human  heart,  I  know  well,  and  feel,  what 
you  have  lost — what  you  have  suffered — are  suffering — and  have  yet  to 
endure.  The  same  trials  have  taught  me,  that,  for  ills  so  immeasurable, 
time  and  silence  are  the  only  medicines.  I  will  not,  therefore,  by  useless 
condolences,  open  afresh  the  sluices  of  your  grief,  nor,  although  mingling 
sincerely  my  tears  with  yours,  will  I  say  a  word  more   vvliere  words  are 


ADAMS.  1.1 

v;uu,  but  tliat  U.  is  of  some  comfort  to  us  botli,  that  the  term  is  not  very 
distant,  at  which  we  are  to  deposit,  in  the  same  cerement,  our  sorrows  and 
sulfering  bodies;  and  to  ascend,  in  essence,  to  an  ecstatic  meeting  with 
the  friends  we  have  loved  and  lost,  and  whom  we  shall  still  love  and 
never  lose  again.  GoJ  bless  you  and  support  you  under  your  heavy 
afflictions.  Thoimas  Jefferson. " 

In  1820,  a  Convention  of  the  people  of  Massachusetts  was  called,  for 
the  purpose  of  revising  their  State  Constitution,  and  Mr.  Adams  was 
elected  a  member  from  Quincy.  The  Convention  testified  their  sense  of 
his  services  to  his  country,  and  their  respect  for  his  character,  by  electing 
him  unanimously  to  the  office  of  President,  passing  at  the  same  time  the 
following  highly  flattering  resolution. 

"  In  Convention,  November  15,  1820. 

"  Whereas,  the  Honorable  Jolin  Adams,  a  member  of  this  Convention, 
and  elected  the  President  thereof,  has,  for  more  than  half  a  century, 
devoted  the  great  powers  of  his  mind  and  his  profound  wisdom  and 
learning  to  the  service  of  his  country  and  mankind  : 

"  In  fearlessly  vindicating  the  rights  of  the  North  American  provinces 
against  the  usurpations  and  encroachments  of  the  superintendant  govern- 
ment : 

"  In  diffusing  a  knowledge  of  the  principles  of  civil  liberty  among  his 
fellow  subjects,  and  exciting  them  to  a  firm  and  resolute  defence  of  the 
privileges  of  freemen  : 

"In  early  conceiving,  asserting,  and  maintaining  the  justice  and  practi- 
cability of  establishing  the  independence  of  the  United  States  of  America : 

"In  giving  the  powerful  aid  of  his  political  knowledge  in  the  formation 
of  the  Constitution  of  this  his  native  state,  which  Constitution  became,  in 
a  great  measure,  the  model  of  those  which  were  subsequently  formed  : 

"In  conciliating  the  favor  of  foreign  powers,  and  obtaining  their  coun- 
tenance and  support  in  the  arduous  struggle  for  independence  : 

"  In  negotiating  the  treaty  of  peace,  which  secured  forever  the  sove- 
reignty of  the  United  States,  and  in  defeating  all  attempts  to  prevent  it, 
and  especially  in  preserving  in  that  treaty  the  vital  interest  of  the  New- 
England  States  . 

"  In  demonstrating  to  the  world,  in  his  Defence  of  the  Constitutions  of 
the  several  United  States,  the  contested  principle,  since  admitted  as  an 
axiom,  that  checks  and  balances,  in  legislative  power,  are  essential  to 
true  liberty  : 

"  In  devoting  his  lime  and  talents  to  the  service  of  the  nation,  in  the 
high  and  important  trusts  of  Vice-President  and  President  of  the  United 
States  : 

"  And,  lastly,  in  passing  an  honorable  old  age  in  dignified  retirement, 
in  the  practice  of  all  the  domestic  virtues  ;  thus  exhibiting  to  his.  country- 
men and  to  posterity  an  example  of  true  greatness  of  mind  and  of  genuine 
patriotism  : 

"  Therefore,   Resolved,    That  the  members  of  this  Conveation,  repre- 
senting the   people   of  the  Commonwealth  of  Massachusetts,,  do  joyfully 
avail  themselves  of  tiiis  opportunity  to  testify  their  respect  and  gratitude 
13 


92  ADAMS 

to  this  eminent  patriot  and  statesman,  for  the  great  services  rendered  ^y 
him  to  his  country,  and  their  high  gratification  that,  at  this  late  periou  of 
life,  he  is  permitted,  by  divine  Providence,  to  ass'ist  them  with  his  counsel 
in  revising  tlie  Constitution,  which,  forty  years  ago,  his  wisdom  and  pru- 
dence assisted  to  form. 

"  Resolved,  That  a  committee  of  twelve  be  appointed  by  the  chair,  to 
communicate  this  proceeding  to  the  Honorable  John  Adams,  to  inform 
him  of  his  election  to  preside  in  this  body,  and  to  introduce  him  to  the 
chair  of  this  Convention." 

This  station  he  declined  on  account  of  his  advanced  age,  being  then 
eighty-five  years  old,  but  he  was  able  to  attend  upon  the  Convention  and 
fulfd  his  duties  as  a  member. 

The  world  has  hardly  ever  seen  a  spectacle  of  more  moral  beauty  and 
grandeur,  than  was  presented  by  the  old  age  of  Mr.  Adams.  The 
violence  of  party  feeling  had  died  away,  and  he  had  begun  to  receive  that 
just  appreciation  which,  to  most  men,  is  not  accorded  till  after  death. 
He  had  been  always  happy  in  his  domestic  relations,  and  he  had  a  large 
circle  of  friends  and  acquaintances,  who  looked  up  to  him  with  affectionate 
admiration.  He  was  also  an  object  of  great  interest  to  intelligent 
strangers  from  all  parts  of  the  world,  all  of  whom  were  desirous  of  seeing 
a  man  who  done  so  much  for  the  glory  and  happiness  of  his  country. 
No  one  could  look  upon  his  venerable  form,  and  think  of  what  he  had 
done  and  suffered,  and  how  he  had  given  up  all  the  prime  and  strength 
of  his  life  to  the  public  good,  without  the  deepest  emotions  of  gratitude 
and  respect.  It  was  his  peculiar  good  fortune,  to  witness  the  complete 
success  of  the  institutions  which  he  had  been  so  active  in  creating  and 
supporting.  He  saw,  every  day,  the  influences  of  the  revolution 
widening  and  extending,  and  the  genial  light  of  freedom  continually 
adding  increase  to  the  wealth,  intelligence,  and  happiness  of  his  country- 
men. He  could  look  around  upon  the  thriving  towns,  the  smiling 
villages,  the  busy  factories,  the  crowded  warehouses  of  his  country,  and 
exclaim,  "  Behold  the  work  of  my  hands,  the  fruits  of  my  labors,  the 
result  of  my  toils,  dangers,  and  sacrifices."  It  was  his  privilege  also  to 
preserve  his  mind  unclouded  to  the  last.  He  always  retained  his  enjoy- 
ment of  books,  conversation,  and  reflection.  In  1(324,  his  cup  of  happi- 
ness was  filled  to  the  brim,  by  seeing  his  son  elevated  to  the  highest 
station  in  tlie  gift  of  the  people. 

The  fourth  of  July,  lts2(),  which  completed  the  half  century  since  the 
signing  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  arrived,  and  there  were  but 
three  of  the  signers  of  that  immortal  instrument  left  upon  earth,  to  hail 
its  morning  light.  And,  as  it  is  well  known,  on  that  day  two  of  these 
finished  their  eartldy  pilgrimage,  a  coincidence  so  remarkable,  as  to  seem 
miraculous.  For  a  few  days  before,  Mr.  Adams  had  been  rapidly  fail- 
ing, and  on  the  morning  of  the  fourth,  he  found  himself  too  weak  to  risQ 
from  his  bed.  On  being  requested  to  name  a  toast  for  the  customary 
celebration  of  the  day,  he  exclaimed,  "  Independence  forever." 
When  the  day  was  ushered  in,  by  the  ringing  of  bells,  and  the  firing  of 
cannon,  he  was  asked  by  one  of  his  attendants,  if  he  knew  what  day  it 


ADAMS.  93 

was?  He  replied,  "  O  yes;  it  is  the  glorious  fourth  of  July — God  hless  it 
— God  bless  you  all."  -» In  the  course  of  the  day  he  said,  "  It  is  a  (rrcat 
and  glorious  day."  The  last  words  he  uttered  were,  "  Jefferson  survives." 
But  he  had,  at  one  o'clock,  resigned  his  spirit  into  the  hands  of  his  God. 
When  the  news  was  spread  throughout  the  country  that  these  two 
men,  who  had  been  associated  together  in  so  many  important  labors,  and 
whose  names  wore  identified  with  the  glory  and  prosperity  of  their  country, 
had  both  died  on  the  same  day,  and  on  that  which  completed  the  half 
century  since  they  signed  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  of  which  one 
was  the  author,  and  the  other  the  most  powerful  advocate  and  defender  ; 
the  effect  was  solemn  and  thrilling  in  the  highest  degree.  It  seemed  a 
direct  and  special  manifestation  of  God's  power.  Tlie  general  feeling 
was,  (to  borrow  the  beautiful  words  of  one  of  their  eulogists,)  "  that  had 
the  prophet  lent  his  '  chariot  of  fire,'  and  his  '  horses  of  fire,'  their  ascent 
could  hardly  have  been  more  glorious."  In  all  parts  of  the  country  a 
day  was  set  apart,  by  the  large  towns,  for  the  solemn  commemoration  of 
their  death,  and  men  of  the  most  distinguished  talents  were  invited  to 
pronounce  their  eulogies.  All  political  prejudices  were  forgotten  in  the 
general  burst  of  feeling;  nothing  was  recollected  but  their  long  lives  of 
devoted  patriotism,  and  the  sublime  circumstances  which  attended  their 
close. 

The  character  of  Mr.  Adams  has  been  displayed  in  his  life  so  fully, 
that  only  a  few  remarks  need  now  be  made  upon  it.  He  was  a  man  of 
bold  and  ardent  temperament,  and  strong  passions,  and  was  occasionally 
led  by  them  into  imprudences  and  indiscretions.  But  his  motives  were 
always  high  and  honorable.  No  man  was  less  selfish,  or  less  swayed  by 
personal  considerations.  He  was  ready  to  sacrifice  every  thing  to  the 
public  good.  He  thought  for  himself,  and  expressed  his  sentiments  and 
opinions  with  great,  sometimes  with  too  great,  boldness.  He  did  not 
always  treat  with  proper  respect  the  views  of  those  who  differed  from 
him,  nor  show  a  sufficient  toleration  to  their  honest  prejudices.  But  his 
frank,  manly,  intrepid  character  and  bearing,  which  kept  nothing  in 
reserve,  and  permitted  his  weakness  and  his  strength  to  be  equally  seen, 
secured  him  the  warm  attachment  of  his  friends,  and  the  respect  of  his 
political  enemies.  His  intellectual  powers  were  of  a  high  order.  He 
had  much  of  that  vividness  of  conception,  and  glow  of  feeling,  which 
belong  to  the  temperament  of  genius.  But  there  was  nothing  that  was 
visionary  and  Utopian  in  his  mind ;  on  the  contrary,  it  was  distinguished 
by  a  large  share  of  the  practical  and  useful,  by  good  sense,  judgment, 
shrewdness,  and  knowledge  of  the  world.  He  had  read  and  studied,  both 
books  and  men,  with  great  attention  ;  his  writings  bear  witness  to  the 
former,  and  his  life  to  the  latter.  He  took  large  and  comprehensive 
views,  and  saw  a  great  way  ahead ;  we  have  already  remarked  in  his 
life,  that,  from  the  first  beginning  of  the  disturbances,  he  clearly  foresaw 
'  that  it  must  end  in  a  rupture  between  the  two  countries,  and  ar  appeal 
to  arms ;  and  in  this  opinion  he  was  almost  alone  for  some  time.'  Time 
has  also  shown,  how  correct  his  views  were,  with  regard  to  the  French 
Revolution,   though  they  were   those,   at  the  miDment,  of  a  very  small 


94  ADAMS. 

majority.  He  was  a  nervous,  eloquent,  and  impressive  speaker ;  and,  in 
this  respect,  had  a  decided  advantage  over  his  grejt  rival,  Mr.  Jefferson. 
In  their  written  compositions  there  was  a  marked  difference  ;  each  being 
characteristic  of  the  temperament,  education,  and  habits  of  thought  of  the 
two.  The  style  of  Mr.  Adams  was  vigorous,  condensed,  and  abrupt, 
sacrificing  elegance  to  strength,  going  straight  to  the  point  proposed, 
and  not  stopping  to  gather  ornaments  by  the  way  ;  that  of  Mr.  Jefferson 
was  more  marked  by  ease,  gracefulness,  finish,  and  a  happy  selection  of 
words,  and  by  a  vein  of  philosophical  reflection,  which  we  do  not  see 
in  the  writings  of  Mr.  Adams. 

The  eloquence  of  Mr.  Adams  has  been  delineated  in  a  passage  of  great 
power  and  splendor  by  Mr.  Webster.  Though  often  quoted,  it  is  of  such 
uncommon  merit,  both  in  thought  and  style,  that  we  have  no  hesitation 
in  transcribing  it. 

"  The  eloquence  of  Mr.  Adams  resembled  his  general  character,  and 
formed  indeed  a  part  of  it.  It  was  bold,  manly,  and  energetic  ;  and  such 
the  crisis  required.  When  public  bodies  are  to  be  addressed  on  momen- 
tous occasions,  when  great  interests  are  at  stake,  and  strong  passions 
excited,  nothing  is  valuable  in  speech,  farther  than  it  is  connected  with 
high  intellectual  and  moral  endowments.  Clearness,  force,  and  earnest- 
ness are  the  qualities  which  produce  conviction.  True  eloquence,  indeed, 
does  not  consist  in  speech.  It  cannot  be  brought  from  far.  Labor  and 
learning  may  toil  for  it,  but  they  will  toil  in  vain.  Words  and  phrases 
may  be  marshaled  in  every  way,  but  they  cannot  compass  it.  It  must 
exist  in  the  man,  in  the  subject,  and  in  the  occasion.  Affected  passion, 
intense  expression,  the  pomp  of  declamation,  all  may  aspire  after  it, — they 
cannot  reach  it.  It  comes,  if  it  comes  at  all,  like  the  outbreaking  of  a 
fountain  from  the  earth,  or  the  bursting  forth  of  volcanic  fires,  with 
spontaneous,  original,  native  force.  The  graces  taught  in  the  schools, 
the  costly  ornaments  and  studied  contrivances  of  speech,  shock  and 
disgust  men,  when  their  own  lives,  and  the  fate  of  their  wives,  their 
children,  and  their  country,  hang  on  the  decision  of  the  hour.  Then 
words  have  lost  their  power,  rhetoric  is  vain,  and  all  elaborate  oratory 
contemptible.  Even  genius  itself  then  feels  rebuked  and  subdued,  as  in 
the  presence  of  higher  qualities.  Then  patriotism  is  eloquent  :  then  self 
devotion  is  eloquent.  The  clear  conception,  outrunning  the  deductions 
of  logic,  the  high  purpose,  the  firm  resolve,  the  dauntless  spirit,  speaking 
on  the  tongue,  beaming  from  the  eye,  informing  every  feature,  and  urging 
the  whole  man  onward,  right  onward  to  his  object, — this,  this  is  elo- 
quence ;  or  rather,  it  is  something  greater  and  higher  than  eloquence, — 
it  is  action,  noble,  sublime,  godlike  action." 

The  personal  appearance  and  manners  of  Mr.  Adams  were  not 
particularly  prepossessing.  His  face,  as  his  portraits  manifest,  was 
intellectual  and  expressive,  but  his  figure  was  low  and  ungraceful,  and 
his  manners  were  frequently  abrupt  and  uncourteous.  He  had  neither 
the  lofty,  dignity  of  Washington,  nor  the  engaging  elegance  and 
gracefulness,  which  marked  the  manners  and  address  of  Jefferson. 

Mr  Adams  was   the  father  of  four   children,  of  whom  none  but  the 


ADAMS.  95 

flon.  JohnQuincy  Adams  are  now  living.  Mr.  Adani.s  left  to  this  son 
hi.s  mansion  house,  and  many  valuable  papers.  He  gave  to  the  town  of 
Quincy  a  lot  of  hand,  to  erect  a  church  for  the  society,  of  which  he  was 
for  si.xty  years  a  member.  This  edifice  is  now  completed,  and  is  one  of 
the  most  beautiful  churches  in  New-England,  lie  also  bequeathed 
another  lot  of  land  to  the  town  for  an  Academy,  and  his  library,  of 
more  than  two  thousand  volumes,  for  the  use  of  that  Academy. 


:=ii 


THOMAS     JEFFERSON. 

The  early  life  of  any  m;in  so  distinguished  as  the  subject  of  this 
memoir,  must  ever  be  interesting,  not  only  to  the  philosopher,  who  de- 
lights to  follow  the  gradually  expanding  mind,  from  the  weakness  of 
infancy,  through  all  the  stages  of  existence,  to  the  full  maturity  of  man- 
hood, and  to  mark  the  effect  of  even  trifling  causes  in  ennoblin^r  or 
debasing  the  mind,  and  in  forming  the  character;  but  also,  in  a  degree, 
to  all,  whose  interest  in  mankind  is  not  lost  in  self  When  we  find  a 
man,  to  whom  have  been  mtrusted  the  destinies  of  nations ;  who  has  con- 
structed and  set  in  motion  great  moral  machines,  whose  influence  and 
effects  have  been  felt  long  after  he  has  passed  away;  who  has  been  active 
in  promoting  either  the  good  or  the  evil  of  the  human  race;  we  naturally 
ask,  whence  he  has  sprung?  With  eager  curiosity  we  look  back,  and  in 
the  sports  of  the  child,  in  the  pursuits  and  occupations  of  youth,  we  seek 
the  origin  and  source  of  all  that  is  noble  and  exalted  in  the  man,  the 
germ  and  the  bud  from  which  have  burst  forth  the  fair  fruit  and  the 
beautiful  flower;  and  we  carefully  treasure  up  each  trifling  incident  and 
childish  expression,  in  the  hope  to  trace  in  them  some  feature  of  his 
after  greatness. 

Feeling  that  even  the  childhood  of  a  man  like  Thomas  Jefferson,  and 
the  growth  oi  those  feelings  and  opinions  which  afterwards  embodied 
themselves  in  the  Declaration  of  American  Independence,  would  be 
interesting  to  every  American,  we  should  deem  it  fortunate,  could  we 
give  even  a  short  sketch  of  his  early  life.  But  of  this,  or  of  his  family, 
we  have  few  accounts;  and  must,  therefore,  content  ourselves  with  a 
general  outline  of  his  after  life,  so  full  of  striking  events  and  useful  labors. 

Thomas  Jefferson,  the  third  President  of  the  United  States,  was  born 
on  the  second  day  of  April,  1743,  (Old  Style,)  at  Shadwell,  an  estate  own- 
ed by  his  father,  in  Albermarle  County,  Virginia,  and  near  to  Monticelio, 
where  he  afterwards  resided.  His  family  emigrated  at  a  very  early  period 
from  a  part  of  Wales,  near  Mount  Snowden,  as  is  supposed,  and  occu- 
pied a  most  respectable  situation  in  the  colony.  His  father,  Peter  Jeff<>r- 
son,  altliough  self  educated,  was  a  man  of  talent  and  science,  as  v^ould 
appear  from  the  fict,  that  he  was  appointed,  together  with  Joshua  Fry, 
tlien  Professor  of  Matiiematics,  in  William  and  Mary  College,  to  com- 
plete the  boundary  line  between  Virginia  and  North  Carolina,  which 
liad  been  begun  some  time  before;  and  also  to  make  the  first  map  of  the 
State,  since  tliat  made,  or  rather  conjectured,  by  Captain  Smith,  could 
.scarcely  be  called  one.  His  father  was  married  in  1739,  to  Jane,  daugh- 
ter of  IsJKun  llandolph,  by  whom  h«  bar)  six  daugliters  and  two  sons,  of 
whom  Thomas  was  tiie  elder. 


98 


JEFFERSON. 


At  the  uge  of  five  years,  Thomas  was  sent  to  an  English  school,  and 
at  the  age  of  nine,  was  placed  under  the  care  of  Mr.  Douglass,  with 
whom  he  continued  till  his  father's  death,  in  August,  1757 ;  by  which 
event  he  became  possessed  of  the  estate  of  Shad  well,  his  birth-place. 
The  two  years  after  liis  father's  decease  were  passed  under  the  instruc- 
tions of  the  Rev.  Mr.  Maury,  who  is  represented  to  have  been  a  fine 
classical  scholar,  at  the  termination  of  which  period,  that  is,  in  1760,  he 
entered  William  and  Mary  College,  where  he  remained  two  years. 
While  at  this  institution,  he  enjoyed  the  instruction  and  conversation  of 
Dr.  Small,  Professor  of  Mathematics;  and  we  do  not  know  how  we  can 
better  express  the  benefit  he  received  from  that  source,  than  in  Jeffer- 
son's own  words.  "  It  was  my  great  good  fortune,"  says  he,  in  the  short 
memoir  he  has  left  us,  "  and  probably  fixed  the  destinies  of  my  life,  that 
Dr.  William  Small,  of  Scotland,  was  then  Professor  of  Mathematics  ;  a 
man  profound  in  most  of  the  useful  branches  of  science,  with  a  happy 
talent  of  communication,  correct  and  gentlemanly  manners,  and  an 
enlarged  and  liberal  mind.  He,  most  happily  for  me,  became  soon 
attached  to  me,  and  made  me  his  daily  companion,  when  not  engaged 
in  the  school ;  and  from  his  conversation,  I  got  my  first  views  of  the 
expansion  of  science,  and  of  the  system  of  things  in  which  we  are  plac- 
ed. Fortunately,  the  philosophical  chair  became  vacant  soon  after  my 
arrival  at  college,  and  he  was  appointed  to  fill  it  per  interim :  and  he 
was  the  first  who  ever  gave,  in  that  college,  regular  lectures  in  Ethics, 
Rhetoric,  and  Belles  Lettres.  He  returned  to  Europe  in  17G2,  having 
previously  filled  up  the  measure  of  his  goodness  to  me,  by  procuring  for 
me,  from  his  most  intimate  friend,  George  Wythe,  a  reception  as  a 
student  of  law,  under  his  direction,  and  introduced  me  to  tlx;  acquain- 
tance and  familiar  table  of  Governor  Fauquier,  the  ablest  man  who  had 
ever  filled  that  oihce.  With  him  and  at  his  table.  Dr.  Small  and  Mr 
Wythe,  his  ainici  oinnium  horarum,  and  myself,  formed  a  partic  quarrec, 
and  to  the  habitual  conversations  on  these  occasions,  I  owed  much  instruc- 
tion. Mr.  Wythe  continued  to  be  my  faithful  and  beloved  Mentor  in 
youth,  and  my  most  affectionate  friend  through  life." 

In  1767,  Mr.  Jefferson  was  called  to  the  bar;  and  for  the  short  time 
h'e  continued  in  the  practice  of  his  profession,  rose  rapidly,  and  distin- 
guished himself  by  his  energy  and  acuteness  as  a  lawyer,  and  by  his 
enlarged  and  liberal  views.  But  the  times  called  for  greater  action  ;  and 
the  dull  pleadings  and  circumscribed  sphere  of  a  colonial  court  were  ill 
fitted  for  such  a  miiul  and  for  such  views  as  Jefferson's.  The  policy  of 
England,  never  kind  and  affectionate  towards  her  colonies,  whom  she 
was  disposed  to  treat  as  a  froward  child,  had  for  several  years  past, 
manifested  itself  in  more  open  violations  of  the  rights  of  her  American 
subjects.  Her  ministers  seemed  blinded  to  consequences,  and  wholly 
forgetful  that  the  same  spirit  of  lil)erty,  which  led  the  Pilgrims  across  the 
Atlantic  to  seek  a  refuge  from  the  oi)pressions  of  a  king  and  an  arch- 
bishop, would  compel  them,  now  that  the  arm  of  the  oppressor  had  fol- 
lowed them  across  the  waters,  to  resist  even  unto  blood  the  exactions  of 
a  Parliament.  This  spirit  of  resistance  was  already  roused  among  the 
colonists,  and  was  gradu;dly  spreading  itself  from  Massachusetts  Bay  to 


JEFFERSON  99 

the  Carolinas  ;  and  every  proceeding  of  l/io  mother  country  was  scruti- 
nized and  weighed  with  the  utmost  jcnlousy.  This,  then,  was  no  time 
for  mere  professional  hibor ;  the  political  arena  was  open,  and  tlio  courts 
of  law  were  soon  deserted  ;  the  rights  of  individuals  were  forgotten  for 
the  rights  of  nations;  the  contests  ibr  tilings  were  neglected,  in  the  con- 
test for  principles. 

'J'he  enlarged  views  which  Mr.  Jeffer.son  liad  ever  entertained,  soon 
led  him  to  take  an  active  part  in  political  life,  and  he  abandoned,  in  a 
great  measure,  the  profession  of  the  law.  In  17G9,  he  was  elected  a 
member  of  the  General  yVssembly  of  Virginia,  for  Albemarle  County, 
and  it  was  in  this  l)ody  that  he  made  his  first  effort  in  favor  of  the  eman- 
cipation of  slaves,  but  without  success;  for,  as  he  himself  remarks,  under 
a  regal  government,  and  while  every  thing  was  to  be  made  subservient 
to  the  interests  of  the  mother  country,  "nothing  liberal  could  expect 
success."  This  session  was  of  short  duration,  the  Assenddy  being  very 
early  dissolved  by  the  Governor,  Lord  Botetourt,  on  account  of  some 
offensive  resolutions  which  were  passed,  countenancing  the  proceedings 
of  Massachusetts.  Mr.  Jefferson  w;is,  however,  inunediately  reelected, 
and  continued  a  member  until  the  Revolution  put  an  end  to  the  meeting 
of  those  bodies. 

In  177IJ  the  Legislature  of  Virginia  appointed  a  committee  of  corres- 
pondence, of  which  Mr.  Jefferson  was  one,  to  communicate  with  similar 
committees,  which  should  be  appointed  in  tlie  other  parts  of  the  country, 
fjr  the  jnirpose  of  animating  the  i)eo[)le  of  the  different  colonies  in  their 
resistance  to  Britisb  aggression  ;  and  the  wisdom  of  this  measure  soon 
becauie  apparent  in  the  unity  of  operations  which  it  produced  during  that 
eventful  period,  and  in  the  conununity  of  sentiment  and  brotherhood 
among  the  inhabitants  of  the  several  colonies,  whose  cause  was  the  same, 
and  who  now  began  to  feel  themselves  one  nation. 

The  people  of  Virginia,  though  they  had  already  shown  themselves 
determined  not  to  submit  to  any  infringement  of  their  liberties,  were  yet 
fir  behind  Massachusetts  in  their  opposition  to  the  encroachments  of  the 
British  government.  They  had  not  yet  felt  the  full  weight  of  the  iron 
arm  of  oppression ;  the  acts  of  Parliament  had  pressed  most  heavily  on 
Ma.ssachusetts;  and  the  cup  of  her  wrongs  was  nearly  full,  when  the  Boston 
Port  Bill  com])leted  the  measure.  The  passage  of  this  bill  sent  a  shock 
through  the  colonies,  that  roused  them  to  a  consideration  of  their  situation; 
for  although  it  was  aimed  at  and  intended  to  operate  in  a  single  place, 
yet  it  showed  too  well  the  determination  of  the  government  to  de- 
stroy, one  by  one,  the  liberties  of  America;  it  taught  them  that  they 
must  live  and  die  the  slaves  of  absolute  power,  or  promptly  and  manfully 
make  common  cause  with  Massachusetts.  The  news  of  the  passage  of 
tliis  bill  was  received  while  the  Assembly  of  Virginia  was  in  session;  and 
through  the  agency  of  Patrick  Henry,  Jefferson,  and  a  few  other  members, 
a  resolution  was  passed,  setting  apart  the  first  day  of  June,  1774,  on  which 
the  act  was  to  go  into  operation,  as  a  day  of  fasting,  humiliation,  and 
prayer,  "  devoutly  to  implore  the  divine  interposition  for  averting  the 
heavy  calamities  which  threatened  destruction  to  their  civil  rights,  and 
the  evils  of  a  civil  war,  and  to  give  them  one  mind  to  oppose,  by  all  just 
and  proper  means,  every  injury  to  American  rights." 


100  JEFFERSON. 

This  resolution  was  of  course  highly  oft'ensive  to  the  royal  Governoi, 
Lord  Dunmore,  who  immediately  had  recourse  to  the  usual  expedient, 
and  dissolved  the  assembly.  He  could  not,  however,  prevent  the  mem- 
bers from  meeting  in  convention  as  private  individuals,  which  they 
immediately  did,  and  passed  resolutions,  recommending  the  people  of  the 
colony  to  elect  deputies  to  a  State  Convention,  for  the  purpose  of  con- 
sidering the  affairs  of  the  colony,  and  also  to  appoint  delegates  to  a 
a  Genel-al  Congress,  in  case  such  a  measure  should  be  agreed  to  by  the 
other  colonies.  Mr.  Jefferson  was  afterwards  chosen  a  member  of  the 
State  Convention,  which  met  in  pursuance  of  these  resolutions,  bu  was 
himself  unable  to  attend  from  sickness.  He  sent  them,  however,  a 
draught  of  some  instructions  for  the  delegates  to  the  General  Congress, 
which,  though  not  adopted,  were  published  by  the  convention,  under  the 
title  of  "  A  Summary  View  of  the  Rights  of  British  America."  The 
terms  in  which  the  rights  of  the  colonies  were  asserted,  the  authority 
claimed  by  the  Parliament  absolutely  and  totally  denied,  and  the  conduct 
of  the  King  and  the  administration  commented  upon,  were  esteemed  so 
bold  and  severe  by  the  majority  of  the  members,  that  they  refused  to 
adopt  them  ;  and,  in  consequence,  more  mild  and  temperate  instructions 
were  given.  The  pamphlet  soon  found  its  way  to  England,  where, 
after  undergoing  some  alterations  by  Mr.  Burke,  it  was  published,  and 
several  editions  circulated.  In  consequence  of  this  publication,  Mr. 
Jefferson  was  threatened  with  a  prosecution  for  high  treason  by  Lord 
Dunmore,  and  in  England  his  name  was  added  to  those  of  Hancock, 
Henry,  the  Adamses,  and  others,  in  a  bill  of  attainder  commenced  in 
Parliament,  but  suppressed  in  its  early  stages. 

The  doctrine  advocated  by  Mr.  Jefferson,  however  universally  admitted 
at  the  present  day,  must  then  have  been  esteemed  singularly  bold,  as  is 
indeed  evident  from  the  fact,  that  it  was  disapproved  by  some  of  the 
most  ardent  patriots  of  the  Revolution.  The  people,  attached  as  they 
were  to  England,  were  certainly  not  prepared  for  it  at  that  period.  The 
substance  01*11  is  given  by  Mr.  Jefferson  as  follows.  "  I  took  the  ground 
that,  from  the  beginning,  I  had  thought  the  only  one  orthodox  or  tena- 
ble, which  was,  that  the  relation  between  Great  Britain  and  these 
colonies,  was  exactly  the  same  as  that  of  England  and  Scotland,  after 
the  accession  of  James  and  until  the  Union,  and  the  same  as  her  present 
relations  with  Hanover,  having  the  same  executive  chief,  but  no 
other  necessary  political  connexion  ;  and  that  our  emigration  from  Eng- 
land to  this  country,  gave  her  no  more  rights  over  us,  than  the  emigra- 
tions of  the  Danes  and  Saxons,  gave  to  the  present  authorities  of  the 
mother  country  over  England.  In  this  doctrine,  however,  I  had  never 
been  able  to  get  any  one  to  agree  with  me  but  Mr.  Wythe.  He  con- 
curred in  it  from  the  first  dawn  of  the  question.  What  was  the  political 
relation  between  us  and  England?  Our  other  patriots,  Randolph,  the 
Lees,  Nicholas,  Pendleton,  stopped  at  the  half-way  house  of  John 
Dickinson,  who  admitted  that  England  had  a  right  to  regulate  our  com- 
merce, and  to  lay  duties  on  it  for  the  purposes  of  regulation,  but  not  of 
raising  revenue.  But  for  tliis  ground  there  was  no  foundation  in  com- 
pact, in  any    acknowledged  principles  of  colonization,    nor  in   reason ; 


JEFFERSON.  101 

expatriation  being  a  natural  right,  and  acted  on  as  such  by   all  nations, 
in  all  ages." 

The  proceedings  of  the  first  Congress  which  met  at  Philadelphia  on 
the  fifth  September,  1774,  in  pursuance  of  resolutions  passed  by  the 
several  colonics,  simihir  to  those  of  Virginia,  do  not  properly  belcmg  to 
tlie  life  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  who  was  not  a  member,  and  are  therefore  passed 
over  here  without  remark.  Before  the  meeting  of  the  second  Congress, 
however,  Mr.  Jefferson  was  elected  in  the  place  of  Peyton  Randolph, 
who,  as  Speaker  of  tlie  House  of  Burgesses  of  Virginia,  was  obliged  to 
attend  the  meeting  of  that  body,  and  accordingly  took  his  seat  on  the 
twenty-first  June,  1775,  and  was  very  soon  placed  on  several  very 
important  committees. 

As  Mr.  Jefferson,  with  his  colleagues,  Mr.  Lee  and  Mr.  Harrison, 
were  on  their  way  to  Philadelphia,  an  incident  is  said  to  have  occurred 
of  a  most  flattering  nature,  showing  the  confidence  placed  in  them  by 
their  fellow-citizens.  They  were  met  by  some  of  the  inhabitants  of  the 
colony,  who,  living  in  the  remoter  parts  of  the  country,  had  heard  only 
by  report  of  the  tyranny  which  was  preparing  for  them,  and  thus  ad- 
dressed :  "  You  assert  that  there  is  a  fixed  design  to  invade  our  rights 
and  privileges.  We  own  that  we  do  not  see  this  clearly,  but  since  you 
assure  us  that  it  is  so,  we  believe  the  fact.  We  are  about  to  take  a  very 
dangerous  step,  but  we  confide  in  you,  and  are  ready  to  support  you  in 
every  measure  you  shall  think  proper  to  adopt." 

In  August,  1775,  Mr.  Jefferson  was  reelected  by  the  Convention  of 
Virginia,  to  the  third  Congress,  and,  during  the  winter,  took  an  active 
part  in  all  its  proceedings. 

To  us  who  now  look  calmly  back  on  the  events  of  that  momentous 
period,  the  conduct  of  the  British  Ministry  seems  little  short  of  infatua- 
tion. When  the  American  colonists  first  raised  their  voice  against  the 
acts  of  the  Parliament,  it  was  but  to  obtain  a  redress  of  a  few  particular 
grievances ;  the  thought  had  not  occurred  to  them  of  a  separation  from 
the  mother  country,  and  had  it  been  but  whispered  to  them,  the  proposi- 
tion would  have  been  universally  rejected.  They  loved  their  father- 
land;  they  were  Englishmen,  or  the  sons  of  Englishmen,  and  they  look- 
ed up  to  the  institutions  and  the  customs  of  England,  with  the  deepest 
veneration.  They  would  have  endured  any  thing,  but  slavery,  every 
thing,  but  the  loss  of  those  rights,  which,  as  Englishmen,  they  believed 
unalienable,  and  which  they  held  dearer  than  existence  itself;  and  had 
the  British  Ministry  but  adopted  conciliatory  measures,  and  relaxed 
somewhat  of  their  pretensions,  they  might  still  have  retained  the  brightest 
jewel  of  the  British  crown.  But  instead  of  adopting  the  wise  counsels 
of  Chatham  and  Burke,  they  imposed  greater  burdens,  and  added  insult 
to  oppression,  till  it  was  too  late;  till  the  spirit  of  opposition  had  acquired 
a  fearful  and  resistless  energy  ;  till  the  cloud,  at  first  no  bigger  than  a 
man's  hand,  had  spread  over  the  whole  heavens,  and  the  storm  burst  with 
a  violence  tliat  swept  before  it  the  firmest  bulwarks  of  British  power. 
For  a  year  or  two  before  the  meeting  of  the  Congress  of '7G,  the  belief 
that  a  separation  from  the  mother  country  was  necessary,  had  prevailed 
among  the  leading   men  of  the  colonies,  and  was  now   fast  increasing 


102  JEFFERSON. 

among  the  great  body  of  the  people.  They  felt  that  the  period  foi 
reconciliation  had  gone  by  ;  the  blood  of  American  citizens  had  been 
shed  on  the  plains  "of  Lexington  and  Concord,  and  on  the  heights  of 
Blinker  Hill  and  nothing  was  now  left  but  a  resort  to  arms,  and  an  as 
sumi)tion  of  their  rights  as  an  independent  nation. 

On  Friday,  June  seventh,  1776,  in  conformity  with  the  instructions 
siven  them  by  the  Convention,  the  Virginia  delegates  in  Congress  moved, 
"  that  the  Congress  should  declare  that  these  United  Colonies  are,  and 
of  right  ought  to  be,  free  and  independent  States;  that  they  are  absolved 
froni'all  alfegiance  to  the  British  crown,  and  that  all  political  connexion 
between  them  and  the  State  of  Great  Britain,  is,  and  ought  to  be,  totally 
dissolved  ;  that  measures  should  be  immediately  taken  for  procuring  the 
assistance  of  foreiun  powers,  and  a  confederation  be  formed  to  bind  the 
colonists  more  closely  together."  A  proposition  like  this,  fraught  as  it 
was  with  the  most  momentous  consequences,  was  not  to  be  adopted 
hastily.  It  was  very  fully  discussed  on  the  Saturday  and  Monday  fol- 
lowinir,  when  the  further  consideration  of  it  was  postponed  to  the  first 
dav  of  July,  and  a  committee  of  five  were  appointed  in  the  mean  time  to 
draft  a  Declaration  of  Independence.  This  committee  consisted  of 
Thomas  Jefferson,  John  Adams,  Dr.  Franklin,  Roger  Sherman,  and 
Robert  R.  Livingston.  Mr.  Jefferson,  as  chairman  of  the  committee, 
was  desired  by  his  colleagues  to  prepare  the  draft. 

Here  let  us  pause  for  a  moment,  and  consider  the  causes,  which, 
operating  for  a  series  of  years,  had  at  last  led,  or  rather  compelled,  the 
colonists,  to  sever  the  ties  which  had  so  long  bound  them  to  England. 

The  measures  which  Great  Britain  had  adopted  towards  her  American 
colonies,  had  ever  been  most  arbitrary  and  unjust.  These  colonies  had 
trrown  up  entirely  without  her  aid  or  fostering  care.  Separated  by  the 
wide  Atlantic  from  every  civilized  nation,  unassisted  by  the  troops  or 
the  money  of  England,  they  had  struggled  successfully  against  all  the 
dantjers  and  disadvantages  of  their  situation.  With  a  savage  foe  con- 
tinually hovering  on  their  borders,  and  whose  incursions  were  every 
where  marked  by  the  blood  of  their  wives  and  children,  and  the  ashes 
of  their  dwellings,  the  settlers  had  still  subdued  the  forests,  cultivated 
the  soil,  built  up  flourishing  towns  over  every  part  of  the  Atlantic  States, 
and  sent  forth  their  ships  to  every  part  of  the  commercial  world.  When 
the  parent  saw  her  colonies  thus  rapidly  increasing  in  wealth  and  power, 
and  that,  so  far  from  being  a  burden  and  a  drawback,  they  could  be  made 
a  source  of  a  great  and  continually  growing  revenue,  it  was  then  that  she 
thought  of  protection.  From  that  moment  it  became  the  fixed  and 
determined  policy  of  the  British  government  to  make  America,  in  every 
thing,  contribute  to  the  wealtli,  the  importance,  and  the  glory  of  England; 
and  every  measure  tended  to  this  end,  no  matter  how  injurious  in  its 
effects  to  the  colonies.  One  of  the  first  encroachments  upon  their  rights 
was,  by  denying  them  the  exercise  of  free  trade  with  all  parts  of  the 
world.  In  order  to  make  them  a  source  of  profit.  Great  Britain  was  to 
he  the  depot  of  all  their  most  valuable  exports,  which  were  afterwards  to 
be  shipped  to  other  countries  by  the  British  merchant  for  his  own  benefit. 
All  the  most  necessary  articles  for  home  consumption  were  to  be  purclmsud 


JEFFERSON.  103 

of  llie  British  manufacturers,  at  such  prices  as  they,  fearing  no  competi- 
tion lr(»n  abroad,  might  choose  to  demand  ;  and,  to  enhance  this  profit, 
the  colonies  were  not  only  forbidden  to  purchase  of  any  other  nation  than 
Em^hmd,  but  even  to  manufacture  themselves.  Or  if  tliis  privilege  was 
in  any  case  granted  them,  they  were  prohibited  from  advancing  beyond 
the  first  stages,  and  were  only  allowed  to  ])repare  the  material  for  the 
hands  of  the  British  workman  ;  and  the  Governors  of  the  different  pro- 
vinces were  directed,  under  severe  penalties,  to  abate  tlie  manufactories 
and  mills  of  certain  sorts  as  common  nuiaonccs.  But  Great  Britain  did  not 
content  herself  with  barely  regulating  the  commerce  of  her  colonies,  she 
soon  interfered  with  their  domestic  alTairs,  and  made  manifest  her  deter- 
mination to  reduce  them  to  a  state  of  absolute  dependence  and  subjection. 
It  is  not  our  intention  here  to  particularize  all  the  various  encroachments 
upon  American  liberties ;  such  detail  would  far  exceed  the  narrow 
compass  of  this  work.  Let  the  Stamp  Act,  the  Tea  Act,  the  Boston 
Port  Bill,  bear  witness  to  those  invasions.  But  the  descendants  of  those 
men  who  had  dared  all  the  hardships  of  an  inhospitable  shore,  and  an 
unexplored  wilderness,  were  not  to  be  tamely  enslaved  ;  they  were  noi  the 
men  to  sit  quietly  by,  and  see  their  rights  and  liberties,  as  Englishmen, 
as  men,  one  by  one  taken  from  them,  without  raising  a  voice  or  an  arm 
in  their  defence.  They  believed,  that  although  the  Atlantic  rolled 
between,  they  were  still  entitled  to  the  same  rights  and  the  same  privi- 
leges as  British  subjects  in  the  old  world,  and  they  determined  to  contend 
for  those  rights.  When  the  course  of  oppression  began,  they  petitioned  ; 
those  petitions  were  but  the  occasion  of  new  injuries.  They  remonstrated 
respectfully,  but  firmly  ;  those  remonstrances  were  disregarded,  insult  was 
added  to  oppression,  and  every  opportunity  was  taken  to  irritate  and  ex- 
asperate them.  In  vain  did  Burke  raise  his  voice  against  this  mad  policy 
of  the  Ministry  ;  in  vain  did  Chatham  warn  them  of  the  disastrous  conse- 
quences. Led  on  by  a  blind  fate,  they  heeded  not,  they  stopped  not, 
till  America,  stript  of  every  resource,  and  driven  to  desperation,  could 
only  appeal  to  arms.  The  moment  when  that  appeal  was  to  be  made,  so 
fidl  of  interest,  so  big  with  the  destinies  of  a  world,  had  now  arrived. 
The  step  whicli  was  now  to  be  taken,  could  never  be  retraced  ;  the 
declaration  now  to  be  made  could  never  be  recalled  ;  once  made,  there 
could  be  no  hope  of  reconciliation  but  in  absolute^submission.  The 
Rubicon  was  before  them.  On  the  one  side  was  slavery  ;  on  the  other — 
clouds  and  darkness. 

What  must  have  been  the  feelings  of  that  man — what  the  emotions 
wliich  swelled  his  breast — who  was  charged  with  the  preparation  of  that 
Declaration,  which,  while  it  made  known  the  wrongs  of  America,  was 
also  to  publisli  her  to  the  world,  free,  sovereign,  and  independent?  tor 
himself  he  had  not  a  thought  ;  a  cold,  calculating  prudence,  in  vain 
warned  hiiu  how  great  was  the  risk,  how  few  the  chances  of  success  :  hi 
vain  told  him  of  his  country  i)illaged  by  foreign  troops,  and  deluged  in  the 
blood  of  its  own  citizens;  in  vain  pointed  to  the  gibbet,  the  rebel's  ditom. 
What  though  the  loss  of  all  things,  and  the  deatli  of  a  traitor  were  belore 
him — it  was  his  country  demanded  the  sacrifice,  and  it  was  cheerfidly  made. 
Through  all   the  darkness  of  the   present,   he  saw  the  brightness  of  the 


104 


JEFFERSON. 


future  ;  he  saw,  in  imagination,  his  country  the  abode  of  a  free  and  happy 
people,  and  he  was  content;  his  hand  trembled  not,  as  he  wrote,  America, 
Free  and  Independent. 

Living  as  we  now  do  in  a  free  land,  far  removed  from  all  the  troubles 
and  vicissitudes  of  war,  in  the  full  enjoyment  of  liberties,  which  seem  as 
necessary  to  our  existence  as  the  air  we  breathe,  we  can  hardly  conceive 
of  the  thoughts  which  must  have  crowded  on  the  mind  of  Jefferson,  while 
penning  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  A  man  of  weaker  mind,  or 
ess  firmness  and  decision  of  character,  would  have  been  overwhelmed, 
and  have  shrunk  in  dismay  from  the  task.  But  Jefferson  did  not  disap- 
point the  high  expectations  which  had  been  formed  of  him.  He  went  to 
his  task  with  the  full  assurance  that  his  cause  was  the  cause  of  liberty ; 
and  he  rose  from  it  confirmed  in  the  resolution,  to  die,  if  necessary,  in  its 
defence.  The  Declaration  of  Independence  is  one  of  the  most  remarka- 
ble papers  ever  written  ;  and  did  no  other  effort  of  the  mind  of  its  author 
exist,  that  alone  would  be  sufficient  to  stamp  his  name  with  immortality. 
The  Declaration,  as  drafted  by  Mr.  Jefferson,  was  by  him  submitted  to 
his  colleagues,  and,  after  a  few  unimportant  alterations  made  by  them, 
was  reported  by  the  committee,  and  read  on  Friday,  the  twenty-eighth  of 
June.  The  original  motion  made  by  the  Virginia  delegation,  namely, 
that  Congress  should  declare  the  colonies  free,  sovereign,,  and  indepen- 
dent, having  been  disposed  of  in  the  aflirmative,  on  Tuesday,  the  second 
of  July,  by  a  vote  of  all  the  States  except  New- York,  (whose  members  did 
not  consider  themselves  authorized  by  their  instructions  to  vote  on  this 
question,)  Congress  proceeded  to  a  consideration  of  the  Declaration,  which, 
after  being  debated  during  the  greater  parts  of  the  second,  third,  and 
fourth  of  July,  and  after  some  passages  which  were  thought  objectionable 
had  been  stricken  out,  and  some  other  alterations  made,  was  finally 
agreed  to  by  the  House,  and  signed  on  the  evening  of  the  fourth  by  all 
the  members  present,  except  Mr.  Dickinson. 

The  Declaration  of  Independence  is  so  intimately  connected  with  the 
name  of  Thomas  Jefferson,  that  any  sketch  of  his  life  would  seem  imper- 
fect without  it.  We  therefore  present  it  as  originally  reported  by  him, 
together  with  the  alterations  of  Congress. 

A  Declaration  by  the  Representatives  of  the  United  States  of  America, 
in  [GeJieralJ  Congress  assembled.* 

When  in  the  course  of  human  events,  it  becomes  neces- 
sary for  one  people  to  dissolve  the  polil;ical  bands  which 
have  connected  them  with  another,  and  to  assume  among 
the  powers  of  the  earth,  the  separate  and  equal  station  to 
which  the  laws  of  nature  and  of  nature's  God  entitle  them, 
a  decent  respect  to  the  opinions  of  mankind,  requires  that 
they  should  declare  the  causes  which  impel  them  to  the 
separation. 


*  The  parts  struck  out   by  CongresF  are  printed  in  italics,  and  enclosed  iii  brackets  ; 
imd  the  pats  added  are  placed  in  the  margin,  or  in  a  concurrent  column. 


JEFFERSON. 


105 


"We  hold  these  triillis  to  be  self  evident:  tliut  all  men 
are  created  equal ;  that  they  are  endowed  by  their  Crea- 
tor with  [inherent  and^  inalienable  rights  ;  that  among  certain 
these  are  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness  ;  that 
to  secure  these  rights,  governments  are  instituted  among 
men,  deriving  their  just  powers  from  the  consent  of  the 
governed;  that  whenever  any  form  of  government  becomes 
destructive  of  these  ends,  it  is  the  right  of  the  people  to 
alter  or  abolish  it ;  and  to  institute  new  government,  lay- 
ing its  foundation  on  such  principles,  and  organizing  its 
powers  in  such  form,  as  to  them  shall  seem  most  likely  to 
effect  their  safety  and  happiness.  Prudence,  indeed,  will 
dictate,  that  governments  long  established,  should  not  be 
changed  for  light  and  transient  causes ;  and  accordingly 
all  experience  hath  shown,  that  mankind  are  more  disposed 
to  suffer  while  evils  are  sufferable,  than  to  right  them- 
selves, by  abolishing  the  forms  to  which  they  are  accus- 
tomed. But  when  a  long  train  of  abuses  and  usurpations 
{begun  at  a  distinguished  period  and'\  pursuing  invariably 
the  same  object,  evinces  a  design  to  reduce  them  under 
absolute  despotism,  it  is  their  right,  it  is  their  duty,  to 
throw  off  such  government,  and  to  provide  new  guards  for 
their  future  security.  Such  has  been  the  patient  suffer- 
ance of  these  colonies ;  and  such  is  now  the  necessity 
which  constrains  them  to  \ejpunge'\    their   former  systems  alter 

of  government.  The  history  of  the  present  King  of  Great 
Britain,  is  a  history  of  {u,nre>nitting'\  injuries  and  usurpa-  repeated 
tions,  [among  lohich  appears  no  solitary  faet  to  contradict  all  having 
the  uniform  tenor  of  the  rest,  but  all  have'\  in  direct  object 
the  establishment  of  an  absolute  tyranny  over  these  states. 
To  prove  this,  let  f^icts  be  submitted  to  a  candid  world, 
[for  the  truth  of  zchich  we  pledge  a  faith  yet  unsullied  by 
falsehood.] 

He  has  refused  his  assent  to  laws  the  most  wholesome, 
and  necessary  for  the  public  good. 

He  has  forbidden  his  governors  to  pass  laws  of  immedi- 
ate and  pressing  importance,  unless  suspended  in  their 
operation,  till  his  assent  should  be  obtained,  and  when  so 
suspended,  he  has  utterly  neglected  to  attend  to  them. 

He  has  refused  to  pass  other  laws,  for  the  accommoda- 
tion of  large  districts  of  people,  unless  those  people 
would  rcruuiuish  the  right  of  representation  in  the  legis- 
lature, a  right  inestimable  to  them,  and  formidable  to  tyrants 
only. 

He  has  called  together  legislative  bodies  at  places  unu- 
sual, uncomfortable,  and  distant  from  the  depository  of 
their  public  records,  for  the  sole  purpose  of  fatiguing  them 
into  compliance  with  his  measures. 

He  has  dissolved  representatives  houses  repeatedly  [and 


IOC  JEFFERSON. 

continually]  for  opposing  with   manly   firmness,   his  inva- 
sions on  the  rights  of  the  people. 

He  has  refused  for  a  long  time  after  such  dissolutions, 
to  cause  others  to  be  elected,  whereby  the  legislative 
powers,  incapable  of  annihilation,  have  returned  to  the 
people  at  large  for  their  exercise,  the  state  remaining,  in 
the  mean  time,  exposed  to  all  the  dangers  of  invasion  from 
without,  and  convulsions  within. 

He  has  endeavored  to  prevent  the  population  of  these 
states  ;  for  that  purpose  obstructing  the  laws  for  naturali- 
zation of  foreigners,  refusing  to  pass  others  to  encourage 
their  migrations  hither,  and  raising  the  conditions  of  new 
appropriations  of  lands. 
obstructed  He  has  [siifend]  the  administration  of  justice,  {totalhj 

^  to  cease  in  some  of  these  states,]  refusing  his  assent  to  laws 

for  establishing  judiciary  powers. 

He  has  made  [our]  judges  dependant  on  his  will  alone, 
for  the  tenure  of  their  offices,  and  the  amount  and  payment 
of  their  salaries. 

He  has  erected  a  multitude  of  new  offices,  [bi/  a  self- 
assumed  poiver]  and  sent  hither  swarms  of  new  officers,  to 
harass  our  people,  and  eat  out  their  substance. 

He  has  kept  among  us  in  times  of  peace,  standing  armies 
[and  ships  oftvar]  without  the  consent  of  our  legislatures. 

He  has  affected  to  render  the  military  independent  of, 
and  superior  to,  the  civil  power. 

He  has  combined  with  others,  to  subject  us  to  a  jurisdic- 
tion foreign  to  our  constitutions,  and  unacknowledged   by 
our  laws,   giving    his  assent   to  their  acts   of  pretended 
legislation,   for  quartering  large  bodies  of  armed    troops 
among  us ;  for  protecting  them  by  a  mock  trial  from  pun- 
ishment  for  any  murders  which  they  should  commit  on 
the  inhabitants  of  these   states;  for  cutting  off  our  trade 
with  all  parts  of  the  world ;  for  imposing  taxes  on  us  with 
in  many  cases  out  our  consent ;  for  depriving  us   [  ]   of  the   benefits  of 
trial  by  jury  ;   for  transporting  us   beyond   seas,  to  be  tried 
for  pretended  offences;  for  abolishing  the  free  system  of 
English    laws,    in   a   neighboring    province;    establishing 
therein  an  arbitrary  government,  and   enlarging   its  boun- 
daries, so  as  to  render  it  at  once  an  example  and  fit  instru- 
ment for   introducing  the  same  absolute   rule   into  these 
colonies         [states;]  for  taking  away  our  charters,  abolishing  our  most 
valuable  laws,  and  altering  fundamentally  the  forms  of  our 
governments  ;  for   suspending  our  own   legislatures,    and 
declaring  themselves  invested  with  power  to  legislate   for 
us,  in  all  cases  whatsoever. 
l)y    declaring       He  has  abdicated  government  here,  [withdrawing  his  gov- 
us  out  of  his  ernors,  and  declaring  us  out  of  his  allegiance  and  protection.] 
protection, 
aiid  waiiinii  war  against  u** 


JEFFERSON.  107 

He  has  plundered  our  seas,  ravaged  our  coasts,  burnt 
our  towns,  and  destroyed  the  lives  of  our  people. 

He  is  at  this  time  traiisi)orting  large    armies  of  foreign 
mercenaries,  to  complete   the  works  of  death,  desolation, 
and  tyranny,  already  begun  with  circumstances  of  cruelty, 
and  perfidy,  [  ]  unworlhy  the  head  of  a  civilized  nation.      scarcely     pa- 
He  has  constrained  our  fellow-citizens  taken   captive  on  ralleled  in  llie 
the  high  seas,  to  Iwar  arms  against   their  country,   to  be-  most    barbar- 
conie  the  executioners  of  their  friends  and  brethren,  or  to  ous  ages,  and 
fall  themselves  by  their  hands.  totally 

He  has  [  ]  endeavored  to  bring  on  the  inhabitants  of  excited  do- 
our  frontiers,  the  merciless  Indian  savages,  whose  known  mestic  insur- 
rule  of  warfare,  is  an  undistinguished  destruction  of  all  rections  a- 
ages,  sexes,  and  conditions  [of  existence.^  mons  us  and 

r//e  has  incited  treasonable  insurrertiuns  of  our  felloxc-  j^^g 
citizens^  with  the  allurements  of  forfeiture,  and  confiscation 
of  our  property. 

He  has  tanged  cruel  war  against  human  nature  itself 
violating  its  most  sacred  rights  of  life  and  liberti/,  in  the 
persons  of  a  distant  people,  irho  never  ofendcd  him,  cap- 
tivating and  carrying  them  into  slavery  in  another  hemis- 
phere, or  to  incur  miserable  death  in  their  transportation 
thither.  This  piratical  wcnfarc,  the  opprobium  of  infidel 
powers,  is  the  loarfare  of  the  Christian  King  of  Great 
Britain.  Determined  to  keep  open  a  market,  where  men 
should  be  bought  and  sold,  he  has  prostituteil  his  negative 
for  suppressing  every  h^.-'islative  attempt  to  prohibit  or  to, 
restrain  this  execrable  commerce.  And  that  this  assemblag^Si 
of  horrors  might  want  no  fact  of  distinguished  die,  ke  i^^ 
now  exciting  those  very  people  to  rise  in  arms  awQ,t)g  us., 
and  to  purchase  that  liberty  of  ivhich  he  has  d';pr.iv.ed 
them,  by  murdering  the  people  on  whom  he  also  obtruded' 
them :  thus  j^f'ying  off  former  crimes  committed  against- 
the  liberties  of  one  people,  with  crimes  which  /iS  urges  them, 
to  commit  against  the  lives  of  an  other. "l 

In  every  stage  of  these  oppressions,  vye  have  petitioned' 
for  redress,  in  the  most  hundjle  terms:  our  repeated  peti- 
tions have  been  answered  o'^I^  oy  repeated  injuries. 

A  prince  whose  character  is  thus  marked  by  every  act 
which  may  define  a  tyrant,  is  unfit  to,  be  the  ruler  of  a  [  ]  jfee 

people,  [who  mean  to  be  free.  Future  ages  will  scarcely 
believe,  that  the  hardiness  of  otie  man  tulventured,  within, 
the  short  compass  of  twelve  years  only,  to  lay  a  foundation 
so  broad  and  so  undisguised  for  tyranny,  aver  a  people 
fostered  and  fxed  in  principles  of  freedom. ^ 

Nor  have  we  been  wanting  in  attentions  to  our  British 
bretlnen.     We  have  warned  them   from   time  to  time   of 
attempts   by   their   legislature,   to  extend  [a]  jurisdiction  an        unwar- 
over  [these  our  states.]     We   have   reminded  them  of  the  ranlable 

1^  iia 


108 


JEFFERSON. 


have 

and  we  have 
conjured 
them  by 
would    inevi- 
tably 


circumstances  of  our  emigration  and  settlement  here, 
[710  one  of  which  could  icarrant  so  strange  a  ijrctmsion : 
that  these  were  effected  at  the  expense  of  otir  own  blood  and 
treasure,  unassisted  by  the  wealth  or  the  strength  of  Great 
Britain  :  that  in  constituting  indeed  our  several  forms  of 
government ,  we  had  adopted  one  common  king,  thereby  lay- 
ing a  foundation  for  perpetual  league  and  amity  loith  them, 
hut  that  submission  to  their  Parliament,  was  'w  vart  of 
our  constitution,  nor  ever  in  idea,  if  history  may  be  credit- 
ed, and]  we  [  ]  appealed  to  their  native  justice  and  mag- 
nanimity, [as  uiell  as  to]  the  ties  of  our  common  kindred 
to  disavow  these  usurpations  which  \_were  likely  to]  inter- 
rupt our  connexion  and  correspondence.  They  too  have 
been  deaf  to  the  voice  of  justice  and  of  consanguinity, 
[and  tvhen  occasions  have  been  given  them,  by  the  regular 
course  of  their  laics,  of  removing  from  their  councils  the 
disturbers  of  our  harmony,  they  hare,  by  their  free  election, 
reestablished  them  in  power.  At  this  very  time,  too,  they 
are  permitting  their  Chief  Magistrate  to  send  over  not  only 
soldiers  of  our  common  blood,  but  Scotch  and  foreign  mer- 
cenaries, to  invade  and  destroy  us.  These  facts  have  given 
the  last  stab  to  agonizing  affection,  and  manly  sjnrit  bids 
us  to  renounce  forever  these  unfeeling  brethren.  We  must 
endeavor  to  forget  our  former  love  for  them,  and  hold  them 
as  ice  hold  the  rest  of  mankind,  enemies  in  tear,  in  peace 
friends.  We  might  have  been  a  free  and  a  great  people 
together;  but  a  communication  of  grandeur  and  of  free- 
dom, it  seems,  is  beloiv  their  dignity.  Be  it  so,  since  they 
will  have  it.  The  road  to  happiness  and  to  glory  is  open 
to  us  too.  We  will  tread  it  apart  from  them,  and']  acqui- 
esce in  the  necessity  which  denounces  our  [eternal]  sep- 
aration [  ]  ! 


We     must 
therefore 

and  hold  them 
as  we  hold  the 
rest  of  man- 
kind,enemies 
in  war,  in 
peace  friends. 

We  therefore,  the  representatives 
of  the  United  States  of  America,  in 
general  Congress  assembled,  do  in 
the  nan)c,  and  by  the  authority  of 
the  good  people  of  these  [states  re- 
ject and  renounce  all  allegiance  and 
auhjection  to  the  Kings  of  Great 
Britain,  and  cdl  others,  who  may 
hereafter  claim  by,  through,  or  rai- 
der them :  we  utterly  dissolve  all 
political  ccnnexion  which  m,ay  here- 


We  therefore,  the  representatives 
of  the  United  States  of  America,  in 
general  Congress  assembled,  appeal- 
ing to  the  Supreme  Judge  of  the 
world  for  the  rectitude  of  our  inten- 
tions, do  in  the  name,  and  by  the 
authority  of  the  good  people  of  these 
colonies,  solemnly  publish  and  de- 
clare, that  these  united  colonies  are, 
and  of  right  ought  to  be,  free  and 
independent  states ;  that  they  are 


JEFFERSON, 


109 


foforc  Jinve  snhsisfrd  hchrrcn  us  and 
the  people  or  Parlinmrnt  of  Great 
Britain;  and  fnalhj  we  do  assert 
and  dee /are  these  eolonies  to  be  free 
and  independent  states]  and  that,  as 
free  and  independent  states,  they 
have  full  power  to  levy  war,  con- 
clude peace,  contract  alliances,  es- 
tablish commerce,  and  to  do  all 
other  acts  and  things  which  inde- 
pendent states  may  of  right  do. 
And  for  the  support  of  this  declara- 
tion, we  mutually  pledge  to  each 
other  our  lives,  our  fortunes,  and 
our  sacred  honor. 


absolved  from  all  allegiance  to  the 
British  crown,  and  that  all  political 
connexion  between  them  and  the 
state  of  Great  Britain  is,  and  ought 
to  be,  totally  dissolved  ;  and  that, 
as  free  and  independent  states,  they 
have  full  power  to  levy  war,  con- 
clude peace,  contract  alliances,  es- 
tablish commerce,  and  to  do  all 
other  acts  and  things,  which  inde- 
pendent states  may  of  right  do. 

And  for  the  support  of  this  decla- 
ration, with  a  firm  reliance  on  the 
protection  of  Divine  Providence,  we 
mutually  pledge  to  each  other  our 
lives,  our  fortunes,  and  our  sacred 
honor. 


Mr.  Jefferson  continued  an  active  member  of  the  second  Congress, 
and  was  appointed,  together  with  Dr.  Franklin  and  Silas  Deane,  a  Com- 
missioner to  the  Court  of  France,  to  negotiate  treaties  of  alliance  and 
commerce  with  that  nation,  but  was  compelled,  on  account  of  the  state  of 
his  health,  and  other  causes  of  a  private  nature,  to  decline  the  appoint- 
ment. During  the  year  1776,  the  people  of  Virginia  had  been  occupied 
in  forming  a  constitution  and  plan  of  government  for  that  state,  and  now 
that  the  more  important  measures  of  Congress  had  been  carried,  and  the 
bark  of  Independence  fairly  launched,  and  though  still  tossing  upon  a 
wide  and  tempestuous  sea,  was  yet  under  the  guidance  of  bold  hearts  and 
strong  hands,  Mr.  Jefferson  turned  his  attention  to  his  native  state,  and 
ihinkino-  that  he  could  be  of  more  use  in  her  counsels,  resigned  the  seat 
to  which  he  had  been  elected  in  the  third  Congress,  in  September,  1776, 
and  having  been  returned  a  member  of  the  state  legislature,  immediate- 
ly took  his  seat  in  that  body  in  the  following  October. 

Early  in  the  session,  a  committee  was  appointed  in  pursuance  of  a  mo- 
tion made  by  Mr.  Jefferson,  to  make  a  careful  revision  of  the  laws  of  the 
state.  This  committee  consisted  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  Edmund  Pendleton, 
George  Mason,  Thomas  L.  Lee,  and  George  Wythe,  the  former  instructor 
of  Jefferson,  and  afterwards  Chancellor  of  Virginia.  From  this  commit- 
tee Mr.  Mason  and  Mr.  Lee  soon  excused  themselves,  considering  them- 
selves as  not  qualified  for  the  undertaking,  on  account  of  their  not  being 
lawyers.  The  work  was  therefore  divided  between  the  other  three  mem- 
bers, who  in  June,  1779,  reported  to  the  legislature  a  code  of  laws, 
comprised  in  the  compass  of  one  hundred  and  twenty -six  bills.  A  few 
of  these  were  from  time  to  time  passed  by  the  legislature,  as  occasion  or 
necessity  required,  but  the  greater  part  were  deferred  until  after  the  peace 
in  1785,  when  most  of  them  were  enacted  with  little  alteration. 

The  labors  of  Mr.  Jeflferson,  while  a  member  of  this  committee,  were 
so  various  and  so  extensive,  that  it  would  be  impossible  to  convey  an 
adequate  idea  of  them,  without  encroaching  upon  other  matters,  of  equal 


110  JEFFERSON. 

Importance,  and,  perchance,  of  more  interest.  Mr.  Jefferson  has  perhaps 
been  considered  by  many,  as  an  innovator;  as  too  fond  of  destroying  the 
old  established  customs  and  laws  of  society,  and  substituting  in  their 
place,  the  fanciful  theories  of  his  own  brain.  He  had,  it  is  true,  no 
veneration  for  old  laws  and  customs,  merely  because  they  were  old  ;  he 
looked  alone  to  their  justice,  and  their  adaptedness  to  human  nature,  and 
the  existing  state  of  things  ;  and  if  he  found  not  those  qualities  in  them, 
their  antiquity  was  no  protection.  He  was  not  willing  to  live  under  a  bad 
law,  because  his  fithers  had  done  so,  when  a  better  one  could  be  obtain- 
ed. But  whether  the  charge  of  love  of  innovation  be  just  or  not,  it  must 
be  confessed  by  all,  that  the  alterations  introduced  by  his  means,  into  tlie 
constitution  and  laws  of  Virginia,  were  changes  of  the  most  beneficial 
nature.  Many  of  these  were  important,  as  tending  to  abolish  those  cus- 
toms of  the  old  countries,  which,  whenever  introduced,  or  suffered  to  re- 
main in  a  newly  established  nation,  must  prove  serious  obstructions  to  its 
growth  and  prosperity — such,  for  instance,  as  the  laws  converting  estates 
tail  into  fee-simple,  abolishing  the  right  of  primogeniture,  and  establish- 
ing the  freedom  of  religious  opinion.  To  these  may  be  added  the  laws 
for  the  general  establishment  of  schools,  and  the  abolishment  of  the  slave 
trade — all  these  were  proposed,  and  eventually  carried,  though  with  modi- 
fications in  some  cases,  almost  exclusively  by  the  exertions  of  Mr.  Jeffer- 
son. "  I  considered,"  says  Mr.  Jefferson,  "  four  of  these  bills,  passed 
or  reported,  as  forming  a  system,  by  which  every  fibre  would  be  eradi- 
cated, of  ancient  or  future  aristocracy;  and  a  foundation  laid  for  a  go- 
vernment truly  republican.  The  repeal  of  the  laws  of  entail,  would  pre- 
vent the  accumulation  and  perpetuation  of  wealth,  in  select  families,  and 
preserve  the  soil  of  the  country  from  being  daily  more  and  m'ore  absorbed 
in  mortmain.  The  abolition  of  primogeniture,  and  equal  partition  of 
inheritances,  removed  the  feudal  and  unnatural  distinctions  which  made 
one  member  of  every  family  rich,  and  all  the  rest  poor,  substituting  equal 
partition,  the  best  of  all  Agrarian  laws.  The  restoration  of  the  rights  of 
conscience,  relieved  the  people  from  taxation,  for  the  support  of  a  religion 
not  theirs;  for  the  establishment"  (that  is,  of  the  Church  of  England,) 
"  was  truly  the  religion  of  the  rich,  the  dissenting  sects  being  entirely 
composed  of  the  less  wealthy  people  ;  and  these,  by  the  bill  for  a  general 
education,  would  be  qualified  to  understand  their  rights,  to  maintain 
them,  and  to  exercise  with  intelligence  their  parts  in  self  government  : 
and  all  this  would  be  effected,  without  the  violation  of  a  single  natural 
right,  of  any  one  individual  citizen." 

In  June,  1770,  Mr.  Jefferson  was  elected  successor  to  Mr.  Henry,  as 
Governor  of  Virginia,  a  situation  of  peculiar  difficulty,  to  one  so  entirely 
unused  to  military  matters.  Yet  even  here  his  genius  showed  itself 
equal  to  every  emergency,  and  every  thing  was  done  by  him  that  could 
be,  to  protect  the  state  from  the  attacks  made  by  the  traitor  Arnold 
on  the  seal)oard,  and  Tarlton  and  Cornwallis  on  the  southern  frontier: 
but  in  1781,  the  term  for  which  he  was  elected  having  expired,  believing 
that  the  people  would  be  better  satisfied  with  having  a  military  man  at 
the  head  of  affnirs,  and  the  defence  of  the  country  Ijetter  conducted,  he 
resigned  the  office  and  was  succeeded  by  General  Nelson. 


JEFFERSON.  Ill 

But  two  (lays  afier  bis  resignation,  Mr.  Jefferson  narrowly  escaped 
beinc  made  a  prisoner  by  Tarkon,  wbo,  witb  bis  regiment  of  borse,  had 
been  despatched  by  Lord  Cornwallis,  for  tbe  purpose  of  surj)rising  tbe 
Governor,  and  tbe  members  of  tbe  Assembly,  tben  in  session  at  Charlottes- 
ville. Notice  of  tbe  approach  of  tbe  enemy  was,  however,  brought  to 
Charlottesville  so  early,  that  the  members  bad  time  to  escape. 

Mr.  Jefferson  was  at  breakfast  with  bis  family  and  some  guests,  when 
the  intelligence  of  this  movement  was  received  at  Monticello.  lie  im- 
mediately sent  off  bis  family  to  a  place  of  safety,  while  he  himself  re- 
mained to  make  some  arrangements  in  his  house,  and  while  so  occupicui, 
a  neighbor  rode  up  to  inform  him  that  the  enemy  were  then  actually 
ascending  tbe  bill  at  full  speed,  and  so  near  were  they,  that  he  had  barely 
time  to  tiirow  himself  upon  bis  horse  and  plunge  into  tbe  woods,  by 
which  means  be  escaped  the  search  that  was  made  for  him. 

Soon  after  Mr.  Jefferson's  retirement  from  office,  however,  some  mem- 
bers of  the  then  legislature,  believing,  or  pretending  to  believe,  that  he 
bad  been  remiss,  and  culpably  negligent,  in  the  measures  which  he  had 
adopted  for  tbe  defence  of  tbe  seaboard,  at  the  time  of  Arnold's  descent 
upon  Richmond,  moved  for  an  investigation  of  bis  conduct.  To  this 
neither  Mr.  Jefferson  or  bis  friends  made  any  opposition,  and  at  tbe  ses- 
sion of  the  legislature,  when  the  investigation  was  to  have  taken  place, 
the  movers,  convincecl  that  there  was  no  ground  for  complaint,  wholly  de- 
clined the  farther  prosecution  of  the  charges. 

It  has  been  a  distinguishing  feature  in  the  lives  of  some  of  tbe  most 
celebrated  characters  tbe  world  has  ever  produced,  that,  amidst  the  con- 
fusion of  war  or  the  cares  of  state,  they  have  still,  with  that  true  econo- 
my so  little  understood,  the  economy  o? minvtrs,  found  time  to  devote  to 
the  cause  of  literature  and  science.  It  was  so  with  Mr.  Jefferson  at  this 
period.  Notwithstanding  tbe  conspicuous  part  he  had  taken  in  public 
affairs,  and  the  laborious  duties  be  bad  been  called  upon  to  perform, 
amidst  all  tbe  tumult  of  a  civil  war,  be  bad  still  found  time  for  works  of  a 
m.ore  peaceful  nature.  During  the  year  1781,  M.  de  Marbois,  Secretary 
of  the  French  Legation  in  tbe  United  States,  having  been  instructed  by 
his  own  Court,  to  obtain  all  useful  statistical  information  concerning  tbe 
American  States,  that  was  in  his  j)ower,  addressed  some  inquiries  to  Mr. 
Jefferson,  concerning  Virginia.  Mr.  Jefferson  had  ever  been  in  the 
habit  of  committing  to  writing,  all  tbe  information  be  could  at  any  time 
collect,  and  the  numerous  memoranda  he  bad  in  this  way  obtained,  now 
furnished  him  with  materials  for  his  answers  to  M.  de  Marbois' questions. 
These  be  replied  to  at  great  length,  giving  a  most  interesting  statement 
of  tbe  natural  history,  tbe  soil,  productions,  institutions,  and  statistics  of 
his  native  state.  This  work  was  afterwards  published  by  him,  under  the 
title  of  "  Notes  on  Virginia." 

But  in  tliose  times  of  emergency  and  danger,  talents  of  so  high  an 
order  as  Mr.  Jefferson's,  could  not  long  be  spared  by  bis  country,  and 
she  therefore  soon  made  a  new  call  for  his  services.  In  tbe  early  part  of 
1781,  Mr.  Jefferson  had  been  appointed  a  Minister  Plenipotentiary,  to- 
o-ether  with  Mr.  Adams,  Mr.  Jay,  Mr.  Laurens,  and  Dr.  Franklin,  for 
the  negotiation  of  peace  which  was  then  expected  to  take  place.     His  ill 


112  JEFFERSON. 

health,  and  the  situation  of  afliiirs  at  home,  however,  compelled  him  to 
decline  the  appointment,  and  no  progress  was  ever  made  in  regard  to  the 
treaty.  In  1782,  he  was  again  appointed  a  commissioner  for  the  same 
purpose,  and  the  hope  of  promoting  the  public  interests,  and  at  the  same 
time  of  restoring  his  own  health  by  a  change  of  climate,  induced  him  to 
accept  the  appointment ;  but  before  his  embarkation,  news  was  received 
that  the  preliminaries  of  peace  had  already  been  signed  by  the  other 
ministers,  and  he  was  therefore  excused. 

In  1783  and  4,  we  find  Mr.  Jefferson  again  in  Congress,  and  active  in 
all  important  measures,  especially  as  chairman  of  the  committee  upon  the 
state  of  the  treasury,  and  also  of  the  committee  to  which  was  referred  the 
definitive  treaty  of  peace  between  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States, 
which  was  finally  ratified  by  this  Congress,  on  the  fourteenth  January, 
1784.  On  the  seventh  May,  of  the  same  year,  in  pursuance  of  a  vote  of 
Congress,  Mr.  Jefferson  was  appointed,  together  with  Mr.  Adams,  and 
Dr.  Franklin,  who  were  then  in  Europe,  a  Minister  Plenipotentiary  for 
the  purpose  of  forming  treaties  of  commerce  with  foreign  nations,  and 
accordingly  embarked,  with  his  eldest  daughter,  at  Boston,  on  the  fifth 
of  July,  and,  after  a  pleasant  voyage,  arrived  at  Paris  on  the  sixth  of 
August,  where  he  was  immediately  joined  by  Dr.  Franklin,  and  soon 
after  by  Mr.  Adams.  The  commissioners  were  by  no  means  as  suc- 
cessful in  their  attempts  to  form  treaties,  as  had  been  anticipated,  and  at 
the  end  of  a  year,  spent  in  almost  fruitless  negotiations,  the  only  powers 
with  whom  treaties  had  been  effected,  were  Prussia  and  Morocco,  and 
their  commission  expired  without  any  thing  of  importance  having  been 
accomplished. 

In  February,  1786,  Mr.  Jefferson,  who  had  been  previously  appointed 
to  succeed  Dr.  Franklin,  as  Minister  to  France,  at  the  solicitation  of  Mr. 
Adams,  then  at  the  Court  of  St.  James,  went  over  to  England,  in  the 
hope  of  effecting  a  treaty  of  commerce  with  that  nation  :  how  dis- 
couraging was  his  reception,  can  best  be  learnt  from  his  own  words. 
"  On  my  presentation,"  says  he,  "  as  usual,  to  the  King  and  Queen  at 
their  levees,  it  was  impossible  for  any  thing  to  be  more  ungracious,  than 
their  notice  of  Mr.  Adams  and  myself.  I  saw  at  once,  that  the  ulcera- 
tions of  mind  in  that  quarter,  left  nothing  to  be  expected  on  the  subject 
of  my  attendance ;  and  on  the  first  conference  with  the  Marquis  of 
Caermarthen,  the  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs,  the  distance  and  disinclina- 
tion \vhich  he  betrayed  in  his  conversation,  the  vagueness  and  evasions 
of  his  answers  to  us,  confirmed  me  in  the  belief  of  their  aversion  to  have 
any  thing  to  do  with  us."  Mr.  Jefferson,  therefore,  finding  his  visit  fruit- 
less, returned  to  Paris  on  the  thirtieth  of  April,  after  an  absence  of  seven 
weeks. 

It  would  be  useless,  in  this  hasty  sketch,  to  attempt  to  give  any  account 
of  the  various  diplomatic  transactions  in  which  Mr.  Jefferson  was  engag- 
ed, during  his  residence  in  France,  a  period  of  little  more  than  five  years, 
from  August,  1784,  to  October,  1789,  especially,  as  they  would  not  be 
cf  great  interest  to  the  general  reader.  As  the  representative  of  a  new 
country  at  a  foreign  court,  there  was,  of  course,  much  to  be  done  by  him, 
yet  there  was  notliing  which  required  the  exercise  of  any  great  talents  or 


JEFFERSON.  113 

powers  of  mind,  at  least  when  compared  witli  tlie  scenes  of  deep  and 
eventful  interest  through  which  we  have  lately  followed  him ;  and  after 
contemplating  such  scenes  and  such  transactions,  the  mere  details  of 
business  and  diplomatic  negotiations  must  necessarily  appear  dull  and 
even  insignificant.  But  the  years  passed  hy  Mr.  Jefferson  in  Europe, 
althoufli  not  now  so  interesting  to  most  readers,  as  the  other  periods  of 
his  life,  was  still  one  of  great  enjoyment  to  him.  Fond  as  he  had  ever  been 
of  science,  the  stirring  scenes  in  which  he  had  been  called  to  take  so 
conspicuous  a  part,  had  allowed  him  little  time  for  study  and  investiga- 
tion :  that  time,  it  is  true,  had  been  carefully  employed,  but  he  now  found 
full  opportunity  for  the  free  indulgence  of  his  literary  and  scientific  tastes. 
In  the  most  polite  court  in  Europe,  surrounded  by  the  most  learned  m9n 
of  the  age,  honored  and  esteemed  by  them,  not  only  as  a  statesman,  but 
as  a  philosopher,  he  led  a  life  most  congenial  to  a  mind  like  his,  so  eager 
in  the  pursuit  of  knowledge,  and  so  capable  of  enjoying  all  that  was 
elegant  and  refined.  He  was,  too,  the  friend  of  Franklin,  and  so  great 
was  the  enthusiasm  felt  by  the  French  people  for  that  remarkable  man, 
that  to  be  his  friend,  was  of  itself,  apart  fr»m  all  other  circumstances  of 
public  character,  a  sufhcient  passport  to  the  society  and  friendship  of 
Condorcet,  Buffon,  D'Alembert,  and  all  the  wise  and  learned  of  the 
French  capital.  To  the  happiness  Mr.  Jefferson  experienced  there,  and 
the  many  pleasant  attachments  formed  there,  must  be  in  part  attributed 
the  strono-  preference  he  ever  afterwards  exhibited  towards  that  nation. 
In  his  memoirs,  when  speaking  of  his  departure  from  France  on  his  re- 
turn to  America,  he  adds,  "  And  here  I  cannot  leave  this  great  and 
good  country,  without  expressing  my  sense  of  its  preeminence  of  charac- 
ter among  the  nations  of  the  earth.  A  more  benevolent  people  I  have 
never  known,  nor  greater  warmth  and  devotedness  in  their  select  friend- 
ships. Their  kindness  and  accommodation  to  strangers  is  unparalleled, 
and  the  hospitality  of  Paris  is  beyond  any  thing  I  had  conceived  to  be 
practicat)le  in  a  large  city.  Their  eminence  too  in  scence,  the  commu- 
nicative dispositions  of  their  scientific  men,  the  politeness  of  the  general 
manners,  the  ease  and  vivacity  of  their  conversation,  give  a  charm  to 
their  society,  to  be  found  no  where  else.  In  a  comparison  of  this  with 
other  countries,  we  have  the  proof  of  primacy,  which  was  given  to  The- 
mistocles  after  the  battle  of  Salamis.  Every  general  voted  to  himself  the 
first  reward  of  valor,  and  the  second  to  Themistocles.  So,  ask  the  trav- 
elled inhabitant  of  any  nation.  In  what  country  on  earth  would  you  rather 
live?  Certainly  in  my  own,  where  are  all  my  friends,  my  relations,  and 
the  earliest  and  sweetest  affections  and  recollections  of  my  life.  Which 
would  be  your  second  choice?    France." 

Yet  notwithstanding  his  love  of  France  and  its  society,  America  still 
held  the  first  place  in  his  heart,  and,  amidst  all  the  refinement  and  learn- 
ino- of  Paris,  he  often  sighed  for  the  retirement  of  Monticello.  In  a  letter 
to  the  Baron  Geismer,  dated  at  Paris,   September   sixth,  1785,  he   says, 

The  character  in  which  I  am  here,  at  present,  confines  me  to  this 
place,  and  will  confine  me  as  long  as  I  contiime  in  Europe.  How  long 
this  will  be,  I  cannot  tell.  I  am  now  of  an  age,  which  does  not  easily 
accommodate  itself  to  new  manners  and  new  modes  of  living,  and   I  am 


114  JEFFERSON. 

savapc  enough  to  piefer  the  woods,  the  wiWs,  and  the  independence  of 
Monticello,  °o  all  tlie  brilliant  pleasures  of  this  gay  capital.  I  shall 
therefore  rejoin  myself  to  my  native  country,  with  new  attachments,  and 
with  exaggerated  esteem  for  its  advantages ;  for  though  there  is  less 
wealth  there,  there  is  more  freedom,  more  ease,  and  less  misery." 

Mr.  Jefferson  was  naturally  led,  during  his  residence  in  Europe,  to  com- 
pare the  state  of  the  French  people,  their  advancement  in  morals,  in 
science,  and  the  arts  of  life,  with  his  own  countrymen.  As  a  citizen  of  a 
new  republic,  where  perfect  freedom  of  religious  opinions  existed,  and 
where  the  only  end  of  government  was  to  improve  the  people,  and  deeply 
anxious  as  to  the  result  of  the  great  experiment  which  was  then  on  trial, 
Whether  the  people, could  rule  themselves?— he  was  constantly  watching 
the  effects  of  the  government,  and  the  long  established  institutions  of 
France,  on  the  character  and  happiness  of  the  people,  and  instituting 
comparisons  between  the  inhabitants  of  that  and  of  his  own  land;  and 
although  America  was  even  then  suffering  all  the  evils  which  a  long  and 
bloody^war,  carried  on  in  the  midst  of  her  own  territories,  had  inflicted 
on  her,  the  result  of  his  observations  was  uniformly  in  her  favor.  In  a 
letter  to  Mr.  Bellini,  dated  Paris,  1785,  he  thus  expresses  himself—"  Be- 
hold me  at  length  on  the  vaunted  scene  of  Europe !  It  is  not  necessary 
for  your  information,  that  I  should  enter  into  details  concerning  it.  But 
you  are,  perhaps,  curious  to  know  how  this  new  scene  has  struck  a  sa- 
vage of  the  mountains  of  America.  Not  advantageously,  I  assure  you. 
1  find  the  general  ftue  of  humanity  here  most  deplorable.  The  truth  of 
Voltaire's  observation  offers  itself  perpetually,  that  every  man  here  must 
be  either  the  hammer  or  the  anvil.  While  the  great  mass  of  the  people 
are  thus  suffering  under  physical  and  moral  oppression,  I  have  endeavor- 
ed to  examine  more  nearly  the  condition  of  the  great,  to  appreciate  the 
true  value  of  the  circumstances  in  their  situation,  which  dazzle  the  bulk 
of  spectators,  and,  especially,  to  compare  it  with  that  degree  of  happiness 
which  is  enjoyed  Hi  America  by  every  class  of  people.  Intrigues  of  love 
occupy  the  younger,  and  those  of  ambition  the  elder  part  of  the  great. 
Conjugal  love  having  no  existence  among  them,  domestic  happiness,  of 
which  that  is  the  basis,  is  utterly  unknown.  In  lieu  of  this,  are  substitut- 
ed pursuits  which  nourish  and  invigorate  all  our  bad  passions,  and  which 
offer  only  moments  of  ccstacy,  amidst  days  and  months  of  restlessness 
and  torment.  Much,  very  much  inferior,  this,  to  the  tranquil,  permjr- 
nent  felicity,  with  which  domestic  society  in  America  blesses  most  of  its 
inhabitants  ;  leaving  them  to  follow  steadily  those  pursuhs  which  health 
and  reason  approve,  and  rendering  truly  delicious  the  intervals  of  tho.se 
pursuits. 

"  In  science  the  mass  of  tlie  people  is  two  centuries  behind  ours  ;  their 
literati,  half  a  dozen  years  before  us.  With  respect  to  what  are  termed 
polite  manners,  without  sacrificing  too  nnich  the  sincerity  of  language,  I 
would  wish  my  coiuitrymen  to  adopt  just  so  much  of  European  politeness, 
as  to  be  ready  to  make  all  those  little  sacrifices  of  self,  which  really  ren- 
der European  manners  amiable,  and  relieve  society  from  the  disagreeable 
scenes  to  which  rudeness  often  subjects  it.  Here,  it  seems  that  a  man 
jiight  pass  a  life  without  encountering  a  single  rudeness.     In  the  plea- 


JEFFERSON.  115 

suros  of  the  table  tliey  are  far  before  us,  because  with  pood  taste  they  unite 
tetn])erance.  Tliey  do  not  terminate  the  most  social)le  meals  by  traiis- 
forniinir  themselves  into  brutes.  I  have  never  yet  seen  a  man  druidc  in 
France,  even  amonir  the  lowest  of  the  pcojjle.  Were  I  to  proceed  to  tell  you 
liow  much  1  enjoy  tiieir  architecture,  sculpture,  painting,  music,  I  should 
want  words.  It  is  in.these  acts  they  shine.  The  last  of  them,  particu- 
larly, is  an  enjoyment,  the  deprivation  of  which  with  us  cannot  be  calcu- 
lated. I  am  almost  ready  to  say,  it  is  the  only  thing  which  from  my 
heart  I  envy  them,  and  which,  in  spite  of  all  the  authority  of  the  Deca- 
logue, I  do  covet." 

In  another  letter  to  Mr.  Wythe,  dated  Paris,  August,  178(5,  when 
speaking  of  the  revision  of  the  laws  in  wliich  the  Assembly  of  Virginia 
had  been  engaged,  he  writes — "  I  think,  by  far  the  most  important  bill 
incur  whole  code,  is  that  for  the  dillusion  of  knowledge  among  the  peo- 
ple. No  other  sure  foundation  can  be  devised  for  the  preservation  of 
freedom  and  happiness.  W  any  body  thinks  that  kings,  no!)lcs,  or 
priests,  are  good  cons(!rvators  of  the  public  happiness,  send  him  here.  It 
is  the  best  school  in  the  universe,  to  cure  him  of  that  folly.  He  will  see 
here  witli  his  own  eyes,  that  these  descriptions  of  men  are  an  abandoned 
confederacy  against  the  happiness  of  th(!  mass  of  the  people.  The  om- 
nipotence of  their  effect  cannot  be  better  proved,  than  in  this  country 
particularly,  where  notwithstanding  tlie  finest  soil  upon  earth,  the  finest 
climate  under  heaven,  and  a  people  of  the  most  benevolent,  the  most  gay 
and  amiable  character,  of  wliich  the  human  form  is  susceptible;  where 
such  a  people,  I  say,  surrounded  by  so  many  blessings  from  nature,  are 
loaded  with  misery  by  kings,  nobles,  and  priests,  and  by  them  alone. 
Preach,  my  dear  Sir,  a  crusade  against  ignorance ;  establish  and  im- 
prove the  law  for  educating  the  co-nmon  people.  Let  our  countrymen 
know,  that  the  people  alone  can  protect  us  against  these  evils,  and  that 
the  tax  which  will  be  paid  for  this  purpose,  is  not  more  than  the  thou- 
sandth part  of  what  will  be  paid  to  kings,  priests,  and  nobles,  who  will 
rise  up  among  us  if  we  leave  the  people  in  ignorance." 

During  Mr.  Jefferson's  residence  in  Europe,  his  official  duties  demand- 
ed so  much  of  his  attention,  and  confined  him  so  closely  to  Paris,  that  he 
had  t'ew  opportunities  for  visiting  the  other  parts  of  the  continent.  We 
have  already  mentioned,  that  soon  after  his  appointment,  at  the  request 
of  Mr.  Adams,  and  in  the  hope  of  effecting  a  conuuercial  treaty  with 
England,  he  visited  London.  He  also  went  to  the  Hague  at  a  later 
period,  to  meet  Mr.  Adams,  for  the  purpose  of  negotiating  a  loan  to  Con- 
gress, and  returned  thence  along  the  banks  of  the  Rhine.  In  the  early 
part  of  1787,  having  sufiered  much  from  a  dislocated  wrist,  he  was  in 
duced  to  try  the  warm  mineral  springs  of  Aix,  in  Provence,  in  the  hope 
that  they  would  prove  beneficial,  out  not  finding  them  of  the  service  he 
had  expected,  he  took  the  opportunity  to  visit  the  southern  provinces  of 
Franco,  and  the  northern  parts  of  Italy ;  and  the  short  journal  he  has  left 
us,  is  enough  to  make  us  regret  that  he  had  not  possessed  more  leisure, 
or  that  fortune  had  not  made  him  a  traveller. 

While  in  Paris,  Mr.   JeHbrson   became  acquainted  with  Ledyard,  the 
celebrated  American  traveller,  who  had  come  there  with  the  intention  of 
16 


116  JEFFERSON. 

forming  a  company  for  the  prosecution  of  the  fur  trade  on  the  northwest 
coast,  and  in  which  plan  he  found  an  active  coadjutor  in  Paul  Jones, 
who  was  at  that  time  in  France.  Not  succeeding  in  this,  Mr.  Jefferson 
suggested  to  him  the  idea  of  a  journey  through  the  Russian  dominions  to 
Kamschatka ;  thence  to  cross  to  Nootka  Sound,  and  return  across  the 
continent  of  America  to  the  United  States.  This  plan  was  readily  adopt- 
ed by  Ledyard,  who  was  eager  for  any  expedition  of  discovery,  whether 
to  the  frozen  regions  of  Siberia,  or  the  burning  deserts  of  Africa.  Mr. 
Jefferson  accordingly  undertook  to  obtain  the  permission  of  the  Empress 
Catharine,  for  him  to  journey  through  her  dominions.  This,  however, 
was  peremptorily  refused  by  the  Empress.  But  Ledyard,  once  started  in 
an  enterprise,  was  not  to  be  deterred  by  an  obstacle  of  this  nature  ;  he 
therefore  left  Paris  for  St.  Petersburg,  thinking  that  in  person  he  might 
obtain  the  necessary  permission.  Not  finding  the  Empress  at  St.  Peters- 
burg, and  unwilling  to  suffer  any  delay,  he  proceeded  without  it,  and  had 
actually  arrived  on  the  banks  of  the  Lena,  and  within  a  few  days'  journey 
of  Kamschatka,  when  he  was  overtaken  by  officers  despatched  after  him, 
brought  back  to  the  frontiers  of  Russia,  and  there  dismissed. 

Hitherto  we  have  regarded  Mr.  Jefferson  merely  as  a  statesman,  but  it 
is  not  in  this  light  only  that  he  is  to  be  viewed.  During  all  the  time  of 
his  residence  abroad,  the  numerous  letters  to  his  friends  in  America,  de- 
tailing all  the  new  discoveries  made  in  science  and  the  arts,  prove  how 
deeply  he  was  interested  in  those  subjects ;  and  the  following  letter  will 
show  how  readily  he  could  turn  from  the  cares  of  state,  to  familiar  inter- 
course of  the  lightest  and  most  sportive  kind.  Of  the  lady  to  whom  it 
was  addressed  we  know  nothing,  but  we  are  confident  its  playfulness  and 
the  goodness  of  heart  which  it  exhibits,  will  prove  an  ample  apology  for 
the  length  of  the  extract. 

"  To  Mrs.  Cosway. 

"  Paris,  October  12,  178G. 
"  My  dear  Madam, 

"  Having  performed  the  last  sad  office  of  handing  you  into  your  car- 
riage, at  the  pavilion  de  St.  Denis,  and  seen  the  wheels  get  actually  into 
motion,  I  turned  on  my  heel  and  walked,  more  dead  than  alive,  to  the 
opposite  door,  where  my  own  was  awaiting  me.  Mr.  Danquerville  was 
missing.  He  was  sought  for,  found,  and  dragged  down  stairs.  We  were 
crammed  into  the  carriage,  like  recruits  for  the  Bastile  ;  and  not  having 
soul  enough  to  give  orders  to  the  coachman,  he  presumed  Paris  our  des- 
tination, and  drove  off.  After  a  considerable  interval,  silence  was  broke, 
with  a.  "  Je  suis  vraiment  affiige  du  depart  de  ccs  hons  gens."  This  was 
a  signal  for  mutual  confession  of  distress.  We  began  immediately  to 
talk  of  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Cosway,  of  their  goodness,  their  talents,  their  amia- 
bility; and  though  we  spoke  of  nothing  else,  we  seemed  hardly  to  have 
entered  into  the  matter,  when  the  coachman  announced  the  Rue  St. 
Denis,  and  that  we  were  opposite  Mr.  Danquerville's.  He  insisted  on 
descending  there,  and  traversing  a  short  passage  to  his  lodgings,  I  was 
carried  home.  Seated  by  my  fireside,  solitary  and  sad,  the  following 
dialogue  took  place  between  my  Head  and  my  Heart. 

"  Head.     Well,  friend,  you  seem  to  be  in  a  pretty  trim. 


JEFFERSON.  117 

"  Heart.  I  am  indeed  the  most  wretched  of  all  earthly  beings.  Ovcr- 
vvhchiicd  with  trrief,  every  fibre  of  my  frame  distended  beyond  its  natural 
powers  to  bear,  I  would  willingly  meet  whatever  catastrophe  should  leave 
me  no  more  to  feel  or  to  fear. 

"  Head.  These  are  the  eternal  consequences  of  your  warmth  and  pre^ 
cipitation.  This  is  one  of  the  scrapes  into  which  you  are  ever  leading 
us.  You  confess  your  follies,  indeed ;  but  still  you  hug  and  cherish 
them  ;  and  no  reformation  can  be  hoped,  where  there  is  no  repentance. 

"  Heart.  Oh  !  my  friend,  this  is  no  moment  to  upbraid  my  foibles.  I 
am  rent  into  fragments  by  the  force  of  my  grief !  If  you  have  any  balm, 
pour  it  into  my  wounds ;  if  none,  do  not  harrow  them  by  new  torments. 
Spare  me  in  this  awful  moment.  At  any  other,  I  will  attend  with  pa- 
tience to  your  admonitions. 

"  Head.  On  the  contrary,  I  never  found  that  the  moment  of  triumph, 
with  you,  was  the  moment  of  attention  to  my  admonitions.  While  suffer- 
ing under  your  follies,  you  may  perhaps  be  made  sensible  of  them  ;  but 
the  paroxysm  over,  you  fimcy  it  can  never  return.  Harsh,  therefore,  as 
the  medicine  may  be,  it  is  my  office  to  administer  it.  *  *  *  *  * 
«  *  *  *  J  \vish  to  make  you  sensible  how  imprudent  it  is  to  place 
your  afiections  without  reserve  on  objects  you  must  so  soon  lose,  and 
whose  loss,  when  it  comes,  must  cost  you  such  severe  pangs.  Remember 
the  last  night.  You  knew  your  friends  were  to  leave  Paris  to-day.  This 
was  enough  to  throw  you  into  agonies.  All  night  you  tossed  us  from  one 
side  of  the  bed  to  the  other ;  no  sleep,  no  rest.  The  poor  crippled  wrist, 
too,  never  left  one  moment  in  the  same  position  ;  now  up,  now  down,  now 
here,  now  there  ;  was  it  to  be  wondered  at  if  its  pains  returned  ?  The 
surgeon  then  was  to  be  called,  and  to  be  rated  as  an  ignoramus,  because 
he  could  not  divine  the  cause  of  this  extraordinary  change.  In  fine,  my 
friend,  you  must  mend  your  manners.  This  is  not  a  world  to  live  at 
random  in,  as  you  do.  To  avoid  those  eternal  distresses,  to  which  you 
are  forever  exposing  us,  you  must  learn  to  look  forward  before  you  take  a 
step,  which  may  interest  our  peace.  Every  thing  in  this  world  is  matter 
of  calculation.  Advance,  then,  with  caution ,  the  balance  in  your  hand. 
Put  into  one  scale  the  pleasures  which  any  object  may  offer  ;  but  put 
fairly  into  the  other  the  pains  which  are  to  follow,  and  see  which  prepon- 
derates. The  making  an  acquaintance  is  not  a  matter  of  indifference. 
When  a  new  one  is  proposed  to  you,  view  it  all  round.  Consider  what 
advantages  it  presents,  and  to  what  inconveniences  it  may  expose  you. 
Do  not  bite  at  the  bait  of  pleasure,  till  you  know  there  is  no  hook  beneath 
it.  The  .art  of  life  is  the  art  of  avoiding  pain;  and  he  is  the  best  pilot, 
who  steers  clearest  of  the  rocks  and  shoals  with  which  it  is  beset.  Pleasure 
is  always  before  us,  but  misfortune  is  at  our  side  ;  while  running  after 
that,  this  arrests  us.  The  most  effectual  means  of  being  secure  against 
pani,  is  to  retire  within  ourselves,  and  to  suffice  for  our  own  happiness. 
Those  which  depend  on  ourselves,  are  the  only  pleasures  a  wise  man  will 
count  on ;  for  nothing  is  our  own,  which  another  may  deprive  us  of 
Hence  the  inestimable  value  of  intellectual  pleasures.  Ever  in  our  own 
power,  always  leading  us  to  something  new,  never  cloying,  we  ride  secure 
and  sublime  above  the  concerns  of  this  mortal  world,  contemplating  truth 


113  JEFFERSON. 

and  nature,  matter  and  motion,  the  laws  which  bind  up  their  cxiytcnce, 
and  that  eternal  Being,  who  made  and  bound  them  up  by  those  laws. 
Let  this  be  our  employ.  Leave  the  bustle  and  tumult  of  society  to  those 
who  have  not  talents  to  occupy  themselves  without  them.  Friendship  is 
but  another  name  for  an  alliance  with  the  follies  and  the  misfortunes  of 
others.  Our  own  share  of  miseries  is  sufficient.  Why  enter,  then,  as 
vohmtecrs  into  those  of  another?  Is  there  so  little  gall  poured  into  our 
cup,  that  we  must  need  help  to  drink  that  of  our  neighbor  ?  A  friend 
dies  or  leaves  us  :  we  feel  as  if  a  limb  was  cut  off.  He  is  sick  :  we  must 
watch  over  him  and  participate  of  his  pains.  His  fortune  is  shipwrecked  : 
ours  must  be  laid  under  contribution.  He  loses  a  child,  a  parent,  or  a 
partner  :  we  must  mourn  the  loss  as  if  it  were  our  own. 

ILart.  And  what  more  sublime  delight,  thari  to  mingle  tears  with 
one  whom  the  hand  of  Heaven  hath  smitten  !  to  watch  over  the  bed  of 
sickness,  and  to  beguile  its  tedious  and  its  painful  moments!  to  share 
our  bread  with  one  to  whom  misfortune  has  left  none  !  This  world 
abounds  indeed  with  misery ;  to  lighten  its  burden,  we  must  divide  it  with 
one  another.  But  let  us  now  try  the  virtue  of  your  mathematical  balance  ; 
and  as  you  have  put  into  one  scale  the  burdens  of  friendship,  let  me  put 
its  comforts  into  the  other.  "When  languishing,  then,  under  disease,  how 
grateful  is  the  solace  of  our  friends !  how  are  we  penetrated  with  their 
assiduities  and  attentions  !  how  much  are  we  supported  by  their  encourage- 
ments and  kind  offices!  When  Heaven  has  taken  from  us  some  object 
of  our  love,  how  sweet  is  it  to  have  a  bosom  whereon  to  recline  our  heads, 
and  into  which  we  may  pour  the  torrent  of  our  tears  !  Grief  with  such  a 
comfort  is  almost  a  luxury.  In  a  life  where  we  are  perpetually  exposed 
to  want  and  accident,  yours  is  a  wonderful  proposition,  to  insulate  our- 
selves, to  retire  from  all  aid,  and  to  wrap  ourselves  in  the  mantle  of  self- 
sufficiency  !  For  assuredly,  nobody  will  care  for  him,  who  cares  for 
nobody.  But  friendship  is  pjecious,  not  only  in  the  shade,  but  in  the 
sunshine  of  life  ;  and  thanks  to  a  benevolent  arrangement  of  things,  the 
greater  part  of  life  is  sunshine.  I  will  recur  for  proof  to  the  days  we  have 
lately  passed.  On  these,  indeed,  the  sun  shone  brightly  !  How  gay  did 
the  face  of  nature  appear  !  Hills,  valleys,  chateaux,  gardens,  rivers,  every 
object  wore  its  liveliest  hue!  Whence  did  they  borrow  it  ?  From  the 
presence  of  our  charming  companion.  They  were  pleasing,  because  she 
seemed  pleased.  Alone,  the  scene  would  have  been  dull  and  insipid  : 
the  participation  of  it  with  her  gave  it  relish.  Let  the  gloomy  monk, 
sequestered  from  the  world,  seek  unsocial  pleasures  in  the  bottom  of  his 
cell!  Let  the  sublimated  philosopher  grasp  visionary  happiness,  while 
pursuing  phantoms  dressed  in  the  garb  of  truth  !  Their  supreme  wisdom  ^ 
is  supreme  folly,  and  they  mistake  for  happiness  the  mere  absence  of  pain. 
Had  they  ever  felt  the  solid  pleasure  of  one  generous  spasm  of  the  heart, 
they  would  exchange  for  it  all  the  frigid  speculations  of  their  lives,  which 
you  have  been  vaunting  in  such  elevated  terms.  Believe  me,  then,  my 
friend,  that  that  is  a  miserable  arithmetic,  which  could  estimate  friendship 
at  nothing,  or  at  less  than  nothing.  Respect  for  you  has  induced  me  to 
enter  into  this  discussion,  and  to  hear  principles  uttered,  which  I  detest 
and  abjure.     Respect  for  myself  now  obliges  me   to  recall   you  into  the 


JEFFERSON.  119 

proper  limits  of  your  ofTice.  When  n.iturc  assigned  us  the  same  ha])ita- 
tion,  she  gave  us  over  it  a  divided  empire.  To  you  slie  allotted  the  field 
of  science,  to  me  that  of  morals.  When  the  circle  is  to  be  .sfjuared,  or 
the  orbit  of  a  comet  is  to  be  traced,  when  the  arch  of  greatest  strength  or 
the  solid  of  least  resistance  is  to  be  investigated,  take  up  the  problem ;  it 
is  yours ;  nature  has  given  me  no  cognizance  of  it.  In  like  manner,  in 
denying  to  you  the  feelings  of  sympathy,  of  benevolence,  of  gratitude,  of 
justice,  of  love,  of  friendship,  she  has  excluded  you  from  their  control. 
To  these  she  has  adapted  the  mechanism  of  the  heart.  Morals  were  too 
essential  to  the  happiness  of  man,  to  be  risked  on  the  uncertain  combina- 
tions of  the  head.  Slie  laid  their  foundation,  therefore,  in  sentiment,  not 
in  science.  That  she  gave  to  all,  as  necessary  to  all ;  this  to  a  i'ew  only, 
as  suihcing  with  a  few.  I  know,  indeed,  that  you  pretend  authority  to  the 
sovereign  control  of  our  conduct  in  all  its  parts  ;  and  a  respect  for  your 
grave  saws  and  maxims,  a  desire  to  do  what  is  right,  has  sometimes 
induced  me  to  conform  to  your  counsels.  A  few  facts,  however,  which  I 
can  readily  recall  to  your  memory,  will  suffice  to  prove  to  you,  that  nature 
has  not  organized  you  for  our  moral  direction.  When  the  poor  wearied 
soldier,  whom  we  overtook  at  Chickahominy,  with  his  pack  on  his  back, 
begged  us  to  let  him  get  up  behind  our  ciiariot,  you  began  to  calculate 
that  the  road  was  full  of  soldiers,  and  that  if  all  should  be  taken  up,  our 
horses  would  fail  in  their  journey.  We  drove  on  therefore.  But  soon 
becoming  sensible  you  had  made  me  do  wrong,  that  though  we  cannot 
relieve  all  the  distressed,  we  should  relieve  as  many  as  we  can,  I  turned 
about  to  take  up  the  soldier,  but  he  had  entered  a  by-path,  and  was  no 
more  to  be  found  ;  and  from  that  moment  to  this,  I  could  never  find  him 
out  to  ask  his  forgiveness.  Again,  when  the  poor  woman  came  to  ask 
charity  in  Philadelphia,  you  whispered  that  she  looked  like  a  drunkard, 
and  that  half  a  dollar  was  enough  to  give  her  for  the  alehouse.  Those 
who  want  the  dispositions  to  give,  easily  find  reasons  why  they  ought  not 
to  give.  When  I  sought  her  out  afterwards,  and  did  what  I  should  have 
done  at  first,  you  know  that  she  employed  the  money  immediately  towards 
placing  her  child  at  school.  If  our  country,  when  pressed  with  wrongs 
at  the  j)oint  of  the  bayonet,  had  been  governed  by  its  heads  instead  of  its 
hearts,  where  should  we  have  been  now  ?  Hanging  on  a  gallows  as  high 
as  Hainan's.  You  began  to  calculate,  and  to  compare  wealth  and  numbers ; 
we  threw  up  a  few  pulsations  of  our  blood  ;  we  supplied  enthusiasm  against 
wealth  and  numbers  ;  we  put  our  existence  to  the  hazard,  when  the  hazard 
seemed  against  us,  and  we  saved  our  country  :  justifying,  at  the  same  time, 
the  ways  of  Providence,  whose  precept  is  to  do  always  what  is  right,  and 
leave  the  issue  to  Him.  In  short,  my  friend,  as  far  as  my  recollection  serves 
me,  I  do  not  know  that  I  ever  did  a  good  thing  on  your  suggestion,  or  a 
dirty  one  without  it.  I  do  forever,  then,  disclaim  your  interference  in  my 
province.  Fill  paper  as  you  please  with  triangles  and  squares;  try  how 
many  ways  you  can  hang  and  combine  them  together  :  I  shall  never  envy 
nor  control  your  sublime  delights.  But  leave  me  to  decide  when  and  where 
friendships  are  to  be  contracted.  You  say  I  contract  them  at  random. 
So  you  said  the  woman  at  Philadelphia  was  a  drunkard.  I  receive  none 
into  my  esteem,  till  I   know  tliey  are  worthy  of  it.     Wealth,  title,  office, 


120  JEFFERSON. 

are  no  recommendations  to  my  friendship.  On  the  contrary,  great  good 
qualities  are  requisite  to  make  amends  for  their  having  wealth,  title,  and 
office.  You  confess  that,  in  the  present  case,  I  could  not  have  made  a 
worthier  choice.  You  only  object  that  I  was  so  soon  to  lose  them.  We 
are  not  immortal  ourselves,  my  friend;  how  can  we  expect  our  enjoyments 
to  be  so  ?  We  have  no  rose  without  its  thorn,  no  pleasure  without  its  alloy. 
It  is  the  law  of  our  existence,  and  we  must  acquiesce.  It  is  the  condition 
annexed  to  all  our  pleasure,  not  by  us  who  receive,  but  by  Him  who  gives 
them.  True,  this  condition  is  pressing  cruelly  on  me  at  this  moment.  I 
feel  more  fit  for  death  than  life  ;  but  when  I  look  back  on  the  pleasures 
of  which  it  is  the  consequence,  I  am  conscious  they  were  worth  the  price 
I  am  paying.  Notwithstanding  your  endeavors,  too,  to  damp  my  hopes, 
I  comfort  myself  with  expectations  of  their  promised  return.  Hope  is 
sweeter  than  despair,  and  they  were  too  good  to  mean  to  deceive  me. 
"  In  the  summer,"  said  the  gentleman  ;  but  "  in  the  spring,"  said  the 
lady ;  and  I  should  love  her  forever,  were  it  only  for  that.  Know  then, 
my  friend,  that  I  have  taken  these  good  people  into  my  bosom ;  that  I 
hove  lodged  them  in  the  warmest  cell  I  could  find;  that  I  love  them,  and 
will  continue  to  love  them  through  life  ;  that  if  fortune  should  dispose 
them  on  one  side  the  globe  and  me  on  the  other,  my  affections  shall 
pervade  its  whole  mass  to  reach  them.  Knowing,  then,  my  determina- 
tion, attempt  not  to  disturb  it.  If  you  can  at  any  time  furnish  matter  for 
their  amusement,  it  will  be  the  office  of  a  good  neighbor  to  do  it.  I  will, 
in  like  manner,  seize  any  occasion  which  may  offer,  to  do  the  like  good 
turn  for  you  with  Condorcet,  Rittenhouse,  Madison,  La  Cretelle,  or  any 
other  of  those  worthy  sons  of  science,  whom  you  so  justly  prize. 

"  I  thought  tViis  a  favorable  proposition  whereon  to  rest  the  issue  of  the 
dialogue.  So  I  put  an  end  to  it  by  calling  for  my  nightcap.  Methinks, 
I  hear  you  wish  to  Heaven  T  had  called  a  little  sooner,  and  so  spared  you 
the  ennui  of  such  a  sermon." 

In  October,  1789,  Mr.  Jefferson  having  obtained  from  government  the 
permission  he  had  long  solicited,  to  return  home  for  a  short  time,  em- 
barked at  Havre  for  the  United  States.  It  was  not  his  intention,  at  that 
time,  to  resign  his  station  at  the  Court  of  Versailles.  France,  ever  a  de- 
sirable residence  to  him,  was  at  this  time  an  object  of  the  strongest  inte- 
rest. The  flame  of  revolution  which  had  been  kindled  in  America  had 
already  touched  the  shores  of  Europe,  and  the  spirit  of  republicanism  was 
rapidly  spreadmg  through  all  classes  of  people  in  France.  To  Mr.  Jef- 
ferson, to  the  citizen  of  a  country,  itself  just  emancipated,  just  escaped 
from  servitude,  the  struggle  which  was  now  rapidly  approaching  between 
the  people  and  the  throne,  between  liberty  and  long  established  oppres- 
sion, was  one  of  peculiar  interest,  desirous  as  he  must  have  been  to  see 
the  rights  and  principles  for  which  he  had  so  successfully  contended  in 
America,  transplanted  and  flourishing  in  the  soil  of  Europe.  It  was 
therefore  his  intention,  after  a  short  visit  to  his  native  country,  to  return 
and  resume  his  office.  Immediately,  however,  upon  his  arrival  at  Nor- 
folk, in  the  latter  part  of  November,  he  was  met  by  a  letter  from  General 
Washington,  containing  an  appointment  to  be  Secretary  of  State.  To 
this  Mr.  Jefferson  replied,  stating  his  desire  to  return   to  France,  but  at 


JEFFERSON.  121 

the  same  time  assuring  the  President  of  his  willlngneae  to  remain,  coiila 
his  services  be  more  beneficial  to  his  country  at  home.  A  second  Icttei 
from  the  President,  expressing  the  same  wish  as  the  former,  but  givincr 
him  tlic  clioice  of  tlie  two  situations,  induced  him  to  forego  his  own  in- 
clinations, and  accept  the  appointment.  During  Mr.  Jefferson's  long 
absence,  great  changes  had  taken  place  in  the  United  States.  Tlie 
country  which  he  had  left  five  years  before,  just  emerging  from  a  pro- 
tracted and  exhausting  war,  without  a  government,  and  in  almost  as 
great  danger  from  the  internal  dissensions,  which  were  naturally  to  be 
expected  among  a  people  so  peculiarly  situated,  as  she  had  previously 
been,  from  external  enemies,  he  now  beheld  flourishing,  and  happy,  and 
rapidly  increasing  in  wealth  and  population.  During  that  interval,  the 
Federal  Constitution  had  been  adopted,  a  government  organized,  and  at 
its  head  the  gratitude  of  a  free  people  had  placed  that  man,  who  had  so 
successfully  conducted  her  armies,  and  who,  as  the  first  President  of  the 
Western  Republic,  proved  himself  as  wise  in  counsel,  as  he  had  before 
shown  himself  victorious  in  war. 

Mr.  Jefferson  immediately  entered  upon  the  duties  of  his  station,  and_ 
during  his  continuance  in  office,  he  ever  discharged  them  with  the 
greatest  zeal  and  ability.  We  can  here,  of  course,  speak  only  in  general 
terms  :  to  enter  into  a  detail  of  the  whole  course  of  his  administration 
A'ould  be  impossible,  without  at  the  same  time  writing  the  political  histo- 
ry of  the  country.  The  duties  assumed  by  him  were  of  the  most  arduous 
and  responsible  nature,  embracing  the  superintendance^  both  of  domestic 
afi}iirs,  and  of  foreign  relations  :  and  they  were  at  that  time  more  difhcult 
from  the  infancy  both  of  the  office  and  the  government.  Nevertheless, 
our  intercourse  with  foreign  nations,  for  the  management  of  which,  Mr. 
Jefferson  was  eminently  qualified  by  his  former  diplomatic  experience, 
was  so  conducted,  that  the  interests  and  rights  of  the  citizen  were  pro- 
tected, and  the  honor  and  dignity  of  the  nation  supported,  without 
any  infringement  of  the  rights  of  others;  and  in  the  home  department, 
the  numerous  reports  and  state  papers  on  subjects  of  the  highest  impor- 
tance, which  from  time  to  time  he  laid  before  Congress,  furnish  abun- 
dant proof  of  his  talents  and  industry. 

At  the  close  of  the  year  1793,  Mr.  Jeflferson,  finding  himself  one  of  an 
administration,  from  a  majority  of  whose  members  he  diflfered  in  views, 
which  were  every  day  becoming  of  more  and  more  importance,  and  that 
he  could  not  consistently  act  with  them,  in  the  measures  which  would  be 
adopted,  especially  in  regard  to  our  foreign  relations,  retired  from  the 
office  of  Secretary  of  State.  Party  spirit,  never  long  asleep  in  any  coun- 
try, and  least  of  all  in  a  republic,  had  already  risen  high  in  America,  and 
the  whole  body  of  the  people,  from  the  first  statesman  in  the  cabinet, 
down  to  the  merest  village  alehouse  politician,  were  ranged  under  the 
banners  of  one  or  the  other  of  the  contending  parties.  To  that  one 
of  these  parties,  known  by  the  name  of  Democratic,  Mr.  Jefferson  found 
himself  strongly  drawn  by  the  whole  course  of  his  previous  habits  and 
opinions.  The  other  members  of  the  cabinet,  however,  were  attached 
to  the  opposite  party  ;  and  Mr.  Jefferson,  therefore,  thought  himself  call- 
ed upon  to  withdraw. 


122  JEFFERSON. 

For  a  lime,  tlierefore,  Mr.  Jefferson  retired  from  public  life,  and  de- 
voted himself  to  the  cultivation  of  his  estate,  and  to  those  literary  and 
scientific  pursuits  of  which  he  was  so  fond;  and  at  Monticello,  in  the 
bosom  of  his  family,  and  undisturbed  by  the  calls  of  office,  he  experienced, 
for  a  few  years,  the  domestic  happiness  and  quiet,  he  was  so  well  fitted  to 
enjoy.  He  was  about  this  time,  too,  chosen  President  of  the  American 
Philosophical  Society,  as  successor  to  Rittenhouse,  and,  for  the  long 
period  that  he  filled  the  chair,  was  active  in  promoting,  in  every  way  in 
his  power,  the  prosperity  of  the  institution.  Mr.  Jeffer.son,  however,  was 
not  long  permitted  to  remain  a  private  citizen.  In  September,  1796, 
General  Washington,  the  only  person  who  could  unite  the  affections  of 
the  whole  people,  in  his  Farewell  Address  to  the  people  of  the  United 
States,  declined  being  any  longer  considered  a  candidate  for  the  office 
of  Chief  Magistrate.  The  two  great  parties,  into  which  the  nation  was 
divided,  therefore,  immediately  brought  forward  their  candidates.  Mr. 
Adams  was  nominated  by  the  one,  and  Mr.  Jefferson  by  the  other ;  and 
at  the  election  which  took  place  in  the  fall  of  that  year,  Mr.  Adams  was 
chosen  President,  and  Mr.  Jefferson  Vice-President,  for  the  four  years 
next  ensuing.  As  the  principal  duty  of  the  Vice-President,  unless  in 
case  of  the  death  of  the  President,  is  merely  to  preside  in  the  Senate, 
much  of  these  four  years,  except  during  the  sessions  of  Congress,  was 
spent  by  Mr.  Jefferson  in  the  tranquillity  of  Monticello. 

Iji  ISOl,  Mr.  Jefferson,  who  had  again  been  nominated  as  a  candidate, 
in  opposition  to  Mr.  Adams,  received  a  majority  of  the  votes  of  the  peo- 
ple. But  as  the  number  of  votes  given  for  Mr.  Jefferson  and  for  Mr. 
Burr,  who  had  been  nominated  by  the  democratic  party  for  Vice-Presi- 
dent, were  equal,  and  the  constitution  did  not  require  that  the  votes 
should  specify  the  office  to  which  each  one  was  respectively  elected, 
neither  having  such  a  majority  as  was  necessary  to  a  choice,  the  election 
devolved  upon  the  House  of  Representatives.  When  the  election  came 
on,  the  opponents  of  Mr.  Jefferson  threw  their  votes  for  Mr.  Burr,  and  it 
was  not  until  after  thirty-five  unsuccessful  ballots,  that  Mr.  Jefferson  was 
elected  President,  and  Mr.  Burr  became,  of  course,  Vice-President. 

On  the  fourtli  of  March,  1801,  Mr.  Jefferson  took  the  oath  of  office, 
and  delivered  his  inaugural  address  in  presence  of  both  houses  of  Con- 
gress. After  declaring  his  diffidence  and  distrust  of  his  own  powers,  in 
the  conduct  of  the  affairs  of  so  vast  a  nation,  he  thus  expresses  the  hope 
that  all  parties  would  unite  in  the  support  of  the  government  and  the 
union.  "  Let  us  then,  fellow-citizens,  unite  with  one  heart  and  one 
mind  ;  let  us  restore  to  social  intercourse  that  harmony  and  affection, 
without  which  liberty,  and  even  life  itself,  are  but  dreary  things.  And 
let  us  reflect  that,  having  banished  from  our  land  that  religious  intolerance 
under  which  mankind  so  long  bled  and  suffered,  we  have  yet  gained  little, 
il  we  countenance  a  political  intolerance,  as  despotic,  as  wicked,  and 
capable  of  as  bitter  and  bloody  persecutions.  During  the  throes  and 
convulsions  of  the  ancient  world,  during  the  agoniz'ing  spasms  of  infuri- 
ated man,  seeking  through  blood  and  slaughter  his  long  lost  liberty,  it 
was  not  wonderful  that  the  agitation  of  the  billows  should  reach  even  this 
distant  and  peaceful   shore  ;  that  this  should   be  more   felt  and  feared  by 


JEFFERSON.  123 

5ome,  and  less  by  olhers;  and  should  divide  opinions  as  to  measures  of 
safety  ;  but  every  difference  of  opinion  is  not  a  difference  of  principle. 
We  liave  called  by  different  names  brethren  of  the  same  principle.  We 
are  all  republicans;  we  are  all  federalists.  If  there  be  any  among  us  who 
would  wish  to  dissolve  this  union,  or  to  change  its  republican  form,  let 
them  stand  undisturbed  as  monuments  of  the  safety  with  which  error  of 
opinion  may  be  tolerated,  where  reason  is  left  free  to  combat  it.  I  know, 
indeed,  that  some  honest  men  fear  that  a  republican  government  cannot 
be  strong  ;  that  this  government  is  not  strong  enough.  But  would  the 
honest  patriot,  in  the  full  tide  of  successful  experiment,  abandon  a  govern- 
ment which  has  so  far  kepi  us  free  and  firm,  on  the  theoretic  and  vision- 
ary fear,  that  this  government,  the  world's  best  hope,  may,  by  possibility, 
want  energy  to  preserve  itself?  1  trust  not.  I  believe  this,  on  the  corj- 
tf  ary,  the  strongest  government  on  earth.  I  believe  it  the  only  one,  where 
every  man,  at  the  call  of  the  law,  would  fly  to  the  standard  of  the  taw, 
and  would  meet  invasionsof  the  public  order  as  his  own  personal  concern. 
Sometimes  it  is  said  that  man  cannot  be  trusted  with  the  government  of 
himself  Can  he  then  be  trusted  with  the  government  of  others  1  Or 
have  we  found  angels,  in  the  form  of  kings,  to  govern  him  f  Let  history 
answer  this  question." 

lie  then  proceeds  to  give,  in  the  following  summary  manner,  a  brief 
statement  of  the  principles  which  were  to  be  the  rule  of  his  administra- 
tion. "  About  to  enter,  fellow-citizens,  on  the  exercise  of  duties  which 
cdmprehend  every  thing  dear  and  valuable  to  you,  it  is  proper  you  should 
understand  what  I  deem  the  essential  principles  of  our  government,  and, 
consequently,  those  which  ought  to  shape  its  administration.  I  will  com- 
press them  within  the  narrowest  compass  they  will  bear,  stating  the 
general  principle,  but  not  all  its  limitations.  Equal  and  exact  justice  to 
all  men,  of  whatever  state  or  persuasion,  religious  or  political  ; — peace 
commerce,  and  honest  friendship  with  all  nations,  entangling  alliances 
with  none  ; — the  support  of  the  state  governments  in  all  their  rights  ^s 
the  most  competent  administrations  for  our  domestic  concerns  and  t!?e 
surest  bulwarks  against  anti-republican  tendencies  ; — the  preservaUon  of 
the  general  government  in  its  whole  constitutional  vio-or,  as  the  sheet 
anchor  of  our  peace  at  home,  and  safety  abroad ; — a  jealous  care  of  tlie 
rights  of  election  by  the  people,  a  mild  and  safe  corrective  of  abusies.  which 
are  lopped  by  the  sword  of  revolution,  where  peaceable  v^medies  a;;e  un- 
provided ; — absolute  acquiescence  in  the  decisions  of  the  majority,  the 
vital  principle  of  republics,  from  which  is  no  appeal  but  to  force,  the  vital 
principle  and  immediate  parent  of  despotism  ; — a  well  disciplined  militia, 
our  best  reliance  in  peace,  and  for  the  first  moments  of  war,  till  reo"ulars 
may  relieve  them  ; — the  supremacy  of  the  civil  over  the  military  authority  ; 
— economy  in  the  public  expense,  that  labor  may  be  liirhtly  burdened  ;-- 
the  honest  payment  of  our  debts,  and  sacred  preservatioij,  of  the  public 
faith  ; — encouragement  of  agriculture,  and  of  commerce  as  its  handmaid; 
—the  diffusion  of  information,  and  arraignment  of  all  abuses  at  the  bar 
of  the  public  reason ; — freedom  of  religion,  freedom  of  the  press,  and 
freedom  of  person,  under  the  protection  of  the  habeas  corpus,  and  trials 
by  juries  impartially  selected.  These  principles  form  the  bright  constel- 
17 


124  JEFFERSON. 

lation  which  has  gone  before  us,  and  guided  our  skips  through  an  age  of 
revolution  and  reformation.  The  wisdom  of  our  sages  and  blood  of  our 
heroes  have  been  devoted  to  their  attainment ;  they  should  be  the  creed 
of  our  political  faith,  the  text  of  civic  instruction,  the  touchstone  by 
which  to  try  the  services  of  those  we  trust ; — and  should  we  wander  from 
them  in  moments  of  error  or  of  alarm,  let  us  hasten  to  retrace  our  steps, 
and  to  regain  the  road  which  alone  leads  to  peace,  liberty,  and  safety." 

The  democratic  party  having  now  gained  the  ascendency  in  the 
national  councils,  the  policy  of  the  country  underwent  considerable 
changes.  Of  the  merits  of  the  different  measures  sanctioned  and  pur- 
sued by  the  respective  administrations,  it  is  not  necessary  here  to  speak ; 
the  distinctions  which  then  prevailed,  and  led  to  so  much  bitterness  and 
hostility,  are  passed  away,  and  the  measures  of  government  are  now  to 
be  adjudged  wise  or  unwise,  beneficial  or  injurious,  without  reference  to 
the  party  from  which  they  emanated.  The  policy  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  ad- 
ministration, however,  at  that  time,  was  so  far  approved,  that  in  1805,  at 
the  expiration  of  the  term  for  which  he  had  been  chosen,  he  was  reelect- 
ed to  the  chief  magistracy  by  a  large  majority,  notwithstanding  all  the 
exertions  of  the  federal  party.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  many  of  the 
acts  of  Mr.  Jefferson  were  beneficial,  and  probably  would  be  allowed  to 
be  so  now,  by  those  who,  in  the  excitement  of  party,  believed  them  to  be 
destructive  of  the  best  interests  of  the  country.  Of  this  character  is  the 
purchase  of  Louisiana,  and  the  annexation  of  all  that  fertile  country  to 
the  United  States,  thereby  giving  us  not  only  a  vast  extent  of  valuable 
territory,  but  what  was  also  of  the  greatest  importance,  the  undisputed 
navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  the  great  outlet  of  the  west.  Of  others,  as 
of  the  embargo  of  1807,  the  expediency,  to  say  the  least,  may  be  doubt- 
ful. Since  the  adoption  of  the  Federal  Constitution,  perhaps  no  act  of 
the  government,  at  any  period,  has  ever  been  more  warmly  supported  by 
its  friends,  or  more  violently  and  unsparingly  attacked  by  the  opposition. 
The  deep  and  continued  aggressions  of  the  two  great  belligerent  powers 
of  Europe,  England  and  France,  upon  the  neutral  commerce  of  the 
country,  after  negotiation  and  remonstrance  had  been  tried  in  vain,  call- 
ed for  more  efficient  measures  for  protection  on  the  part  of  the  govern- 
ment. 

These  aggressions,  by  the  injuries  offered  to  our  trade,  especially  with 
the  British  colonies,  by  the  impressment  of  seamen  and  the  numerous 
depredations  on  our  coasts,  had  become  so  annoying,  that,  in  December 
of  1805,  Mr.  Jefferson  thus  calls  the  attention  of  Congress  to  the  subject. 
"  Our  coasts  have  been  infested,  and  our  harbors  watched,  by  private 
armed  vessels,  some  of  them  without  commissions,  some  with  illegal  com- 
missions, others  with  those  of  legal  form,  but  committing  piratical  acts 
beyond  the  authority  of  tlieir  commissions.  They  have  captured  in  the 
very  entrance  of  our  harbors,  as  well  as  on  the  high  seas,  not  only  the 
vessels  of  our  friends  coming  to  trade  with  us,  but  our  own  also.  They 
have  carried  them  off  under  pretence  of  legal  adjudication,  but,  not  daring 
to  approach  a  court  of  justice,  they  have  plundered  and  sunk  them  by  the 
way,  or  in  obscure  places,  where  no  evidence  could  arise  against  them, 
maltreated  the  crews,  and  abandoned  them  in  boats  in  the  open  sea,  or 


JEFFERSON.  125 

on  desert  shores,  without  food  or  covering.  The  same  system  ol  hoverin^ 
on  our  coasts  and  harbors,  under  color  of  seeking  enemies,  has  been  also 
carried  on  by  public  armed  ships,  to  the  great  annoyance  and  oppression 
of  our  commerce.  New  principles,  too,  liave  been  interpohited  into  the 
law  of  nations,  founded  neither  in  justice  nor  the  usage  or  acknowledo-- 
ment  of  nations.  According  to  these,  a  belligerent  takes  to  itself  a  com- 
merce with  its  own  enemy,  which  it  denies  to  a  neutral,  on  the  ground  of 
its  aiding  that  enemy  in  the  war.  But  reason  revolts  at  such  an  incon- 
sistency ;  and  tlie  neutral  having  equal  rights  with  the  belligerent  to 
decide  the  question,  tlie  interests  of  our  constituents,  and  the  duty  of 
maintaining  the  authority  of  reason,  the  only  umpire  between  just  nations, 
impose  on  us  the  obligation  of  providing  an  effectual  and  determined 
opposition  to  a  doctrine  so  injurious  to  the  rights  of  peaceable  nations. 
In  consequence  of  these  suggestions  of  the  Executive,  the  first  measures 
taken  by  Congress  were  the  preparations  for  the  defence  of  our  coast  in 
case  of  a  war,  and  the  non-importation  act,  passed  in  the  early  part  of 
1806.  Commissioners  were  also  ai)pointcd  at  the  several  foreign  courts, 
to  make  some  adjustment  of  the  existing  difficulties,  and  prevent  a  repe- 
tition of  such  injuries. 

While  these  negotiations  were  pending,  a  most  flagrant  outrage,  com- 
mitted by  the  British  frigate  Leopard  upon  the  frigate  Chesapeake,  in  our 
very  waters,  and  almost  in  sight  of  our  coast,  produced  the  proclamation 
of  the  President  of  July  second,  1807,  requiring  all  British  armed  vessels, 
then  within  the  waters  of  the  United  States,  to  depart,  and  forbiddintr 
them  to  enter.  Scarcely,  however,  was  this  injury  disavowed  and  offers 
of  reparation  made,  when  the  British  Orders  in  Council,  of  November  of 
the  same  year,  appeared.  By  these  the  British  government  prohibited  all 
commerce  between  the  United  States  and  the  ports  of  his  enemies  in 
Europe,  unless  the  articles  had  been  first  landed  in  England,  and  the 
duties  paid  for  their  re-exportation.  Under  these  circumstances,  more 
decided  measures  were  called  for  on  the  part  of  our  government.  Sub- 
mission was  not  for  a  moment  thought  of;  and  the  only  alternative  was 
between  open  war,  or  such  measures  as  should  take  us  completely  out  of 
the  power  of  our  enemies  and  the  operation  of  these  orders. 

In  the  opinion  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  the  country  was  not  then  in  a  situation 
to  hazard  a  war  ;  and,  therefore,  the  only  means  left  to  prevent  the  entire 
destruction  of  our  commerce,  was  a  prohibition  of  all  intercourse,  which  it 
was  supposed  would  have  the  desired  effect,  not  only  by  keeping  our  own 
shipping  in  port,  out  of  the  way  of  the  enemy,  but  by  depriving  them  of  the 
benefit  of  our  cou)merce,  thereby  inducing  them  to  come  to  some  terms. 
Consequently,  an  embargo  was  laid  on  all  our  vessels,  prohibiting  their  de- 
parture from  any  port  of  the  United  States,  by  an  act  of  Congress,  passed 
December  twenty-second,  1S07.  The  consid(!ration,  whether  this  mea- 
sure was  expedient,  or  the  best  one  which  could  be  adopted,  belongs  to 
the  political  historian. 

The  early  part  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  second  administration,  was  disturbed 
by  an  event,  which  threatened  the  tranquillity  and  peace  of  the  union  ; 
this  was  the  conspiracy  of  Aaron  Burr.  Deieated  in  the  late  election  to 
the   Vice-Presidency,   and    led    on  by    an    unprincipled    ambition,   this 


126  JEFFERSON. 

extraordinary  man  formed  the  plan  of  a  military  expedition  into  the 
Spanish  territories,  on  our  southwestern  frontier,  for  the  purpose  of  form- 
ing there  a  new  republic.  This,  however,  as  has  been  generally  suppos- 
ed°  was  a  mere  pretext;  and  although  it  has  never  been  accurately 
known  what  his  real  plans  were,  there  is  no  doubt  that  they  were  of  a  far 
more  dangerous  character.  The  opinion  generally  received,  is,,  that  his 
object  was  to  bring  about  a  separation  of  the  states  west  of  the  Allegha- 
nies  from  the  general  government,  and  form  them  into  an  independent 
state.  The  plan,  however,  whatever  it  might  have  been,  was  never  ma- 
tured, for  no  sooner  were  the  government  apprized  that  bodies  of  men 
were  organizing,  and  arming  themselves  for  the  avowed  purpose  of  an 
attack  upon  a  neighbormg  government,  then  at  peace  with  us,  without 
the  authority  of  Congress,  than  measures  were  taken  to  disperse  those 
who  had  assembled,  to  seize  their  arms  and  stores,  and  to  arrest  the 
rinn-leaders.  Immediately  upon  the  discovery  of  the  plan.  Colonel  Burr 
fled,  but  was  soon  overtaken,  and  bronglit  back  to  Richmond,  Virginia. 
Here  he  was  examined  before  Chief  Justice  Marshall,  upon  a  charge  of 
high  misdemeanor,  in  preparing,  within  the  limits  of  the  United  States,  an 
expedition  against  the  Spanish  provinces,  and  also  on  a  charge  of  treason, 
and  bound  over  for  trial  on  the  former,  there  not  being  sufRcent  evidence 
to  justify  a  commitment  on  the  latter,  and  upon  the  trial  for  the  misde- 
meanor, in  August,  1807,  he  was  also  acquitted  for  a  like  want  of  evi- 
dence. 

In  1809,  at  the  expiration  of  the  second  term  for  which  Mr.  Jefferson 
had  been  elected,  he  determined  to  retire  forever  from  political  life.  For 
a  period  of  nearly  forty  years,  he  had  been  continually  before  the  public, 
and  all  that  time  had  been  employed  in  offices  of  the  greatest  trust  and 
responsibility.  Having  thus  devoted  tbe  best  part  of  his  life  to  the  ser- 
vice of  his  country,  he  now  felt  desirous  of  that  rest  which  his  declining 
years  required,  and  upon  the  organization  of  the  new  government,  in 
March,  1809,  he  bid  forever  farewell  to  public  life,  and  retired  to  Monti- 
cello,  there  to  enjoy  all 

"  That  which  should  accompany  old  age, 

As  honor,  love,  obedience,  troops  of  friends."' 

From  tliis  time,  Mr.  Jefferson  never  took  any  part  in  politics  ,•  but  to 
one  like  him,  even  old  age  had  its  duties,  and  in  tha  cultivation  of  iiis 
estate,  in  study,  and  in  tbe  exercise  of  a  boundless  hospitality,  he  found 
full  em|)l(jyment  for  his  time.  But  the  object  which  most  interested  him 
during  his  later  years,  was  the  establishment  of  a  system  of  general 
education  in  Virginia,  and  especially  the  superintendance  of  the  new 
university  of  Virginia,  which  was  founded  in  1818,  through  his  instru- 
mentality. Of  this  institution,  which  was  located  at  Charlottesville,  a 
town  at  the  foot  of  tlie  mountain  on  which  the  estate  of  Monticello  was 
situated,  Mr.  Jefferson  was  chosen  rector  at  the  time  of  its  foundation, 
and  continued  in  that  office  during  the  remainder  of  Ms  life,  devoting 
himself  unremittingly  to  the  interests  and  advancement  of  this  child  of 
his  old  age. 

'^riiere  was  one  circumstance,  however,   which   contributed  in  some 


JEFFERSON.  127 

degree  to  disturl)  flif  happiness  of  the  last  years  of  his  life.  As  the 
greater  part  of  his  life  had  heen  spent  in  the  service  of  hi^  country,  and 
in  public  stations,  to  the  support  of  which  the  small  salary,  whicli  the 
more  than  Spartan  economy  of  a  rci)iiblic  allowed,  was  hy  no  means 
ecjual,  tlie  estate  of  Mr.  Jeflferson,  though  originally  large,  had  been  con- 
stantly diminishing,  and  in  1825,  he  found  himself  obliged  to  apply  t(j 
the  Legislature  of  Virginia,  for  leave  to  dispose  of  his  estate  of  Monticcllo 
by  lottery,  to  prevent  its  being  sacrificed,  and  in  order  to  raise  money 
suiTicientto  discharge  his  debts.  This  indeed  was  granted,  but  the  days 
of  the  patriot  were  numbered,  the  time  was  fast  a])i)roaching  when  his 
earthly  wants  were  to  cease,  and  the  name  of  Jcflerson  must  ever 
remain  another  instance  of  tlie  tardy  gratitude  of  republics. 

The  fourth  of  July,  182(5,  being  the  fiftieth  anniversary  of  the  Declara- 
tion of  American  Independence,  great  preparations  were  made,  in  every 
part  of  the  Union  for  its  celebration,  as  the  nation's  jid)i!ee,  and  the 
citizens  of  Washington,  to  add  to  the  solemnity  of  the  occasion,  invited 
Mr.  Jefferson,  as  the  frainer,  and  one  of  the  few  surviving  signers,  of  the 
Declaration,  to  participate  in  their  festivities.  But  an  illness,  which  had 
been  of  several  weeks'  duration,  and  had  been  continually  increasino-, 
compelled  him  to  decline  the  invitation.  In  his  r('i)ly,  on  the  twenty- 
fourth  of  June,  he  gives  evidence,  that  although  his  eartliiy  frame  was 
fast  perishing,  his  mind  was  still  the  same  ;  still  animated  with  the  same 
ardent  love  of  liberty,  still  eager  for  the  universia!  emancipation  of  man. 
"  It  adds  sensibly,"  he  writes,  "  to  the  sufferings  of  sickness,  to  be  de- 
pri'-ed  by  it  of  a  personal  participation  in  the  rejoicings  of  that  day  ;  but 
acquiescence  under  circumstances,  is  a  duty  not  placed  among  those  we 
are  permitted  to  control.  I  should,  indeed,  with  peculiar  delight,  have 
met  and  exchanged  there  congratulations,  jyersonally,  with  the  small  band, 
the  remnant  of  the  host  of  worthies  who  joined  with  us,  on  that  day,  in 
the  bold  and  doubtful  election  we  were  to  make  for  our  country,  between 
submission  and  the  sword  ;  and  to  have  enjoyed  with  them  the  consola- 
tory fact,  that  our  fellow-citizens,  after  half  a  century  of  experience  and 
prosperity,  continue  to  approve  the  choice  we  made.  May  it  be  to  the 
world,  what  I  believe  it  will  be,  (to  some  parts  soonijr,  to  others  later, 
but  finally  to  all,)  the  signal  of  arousing  men  to  burst  the  chains,  under 
which  monkish  ignorance  and  superstition  had  persuaded  them  to  bind 
themselves,  and  to  assume  the  blessings  and  security  of  self  government. 
I'he  form  which  we  have  substituted,  restores  the  free  right  to  the  un- 
bounded exercise  of  reason  and  freedom  of  opinion.  All  eyes  are  opened, 
or  opening,  to  the  rights  of  man.  The  general  spread  of  the  lights  of 
science  has  already  laid  open,  to  every  view,  the  palpable  truth,  that  the 
mass  of  mankind  has  not  been  born  with  saddles  on  their  backs,  nor  a 
favored  few,  booted  and  spurred,  ready  to  ride  them  legitimately,  by  tlio 
grace  of  God.  These  are  grounds  of  hope  for  others;  for  ourselves,  let 
the  annual  return  of  th.is  day  forever  refresh  our  recollections  of  these 
rights,  and  an  undiminished  devotion  to  them." 

Soon  after  this  letter  was  written,  the  illness,  which  before  had  not 
been  considered  at  all  dangerous,  increased  rapidly,  and  on  the  twe.ity- 
sixth,  he  was  obliged  to  confine  himself  to  his  bed.     On   the  seconc;  of 


128  JEFFERSON. 

July,  the  disease,  under  which  he  was  laboring,  left  him,  but  in  such  a 
reduced  state,  that  his  medical  attendants  entertained  no  hope  of  his 
recovery.  From  this  time  he  himself  was  perfectly  sensible,  that  his  last 
hour  was  at  hand,  and  with  the  utmost  calmness  he  conversed  with  the 
different  members  of  his  family,  and  gave  directions  concerning  his 
coffin,  and  his  funeral,  which  he  was  desirous  should  be  at  Monticello, 
and  without  any  display  or  parade.  On  the  next  day,  which  was  Monday, 
he  asked  of  those  around  him,  the  day  of  the  month,  and  on  being  told 
it  was  the  third  of  July,  he  expressed  the  earnest  wish  that  he  might  be 
permitted  to  breathe  the  air  of  the  fiftieth  anniversary.  His  prayer  was 
heard — that  day,  whose  dawn  was  hailed  with  such  rapture  through  our 
land,  burst  upon  his  eyes,  and  then  they  were  closed  forever.  And  what 
a  noble  consummation  of  a  noble  life!  To  die  on  that  day, — the  birthday 
of  a  nation, — the  day  which  his  own  name  and  his  own  act  had  rendered 
glorious;  to  die  amidst  the  rejoicings  and  festivities  of  a  whole  nation, 
who  looked  up  to  him,  as  the  author,  under  God,  of  their  greatest  bles- 
sings, was  all  that  was  wanting  to  fill  up  the  record  of  his  life.  Fifty 
summers  had  rolled  over  his  head,  since  the  day  when  the  Congress  of 
'76  declared  America  independent ;  fifty  years  he  had  watched  over  her 
like  a  parent  over  his  child  :  and  he  had  been  permitted  to  see  that 
country,  whose  cause  in  her  hour  of  darkness  he  had  so  nobly  maintain- 
ed, prosperous  and  happy.  lie  had  prayed  that  he  might  see  that  day  ; 
and  on  that  day,  amidst  the  acclamations  of  twelve  millions  of  freemen, 
in  the  hour  within  which,  fifty  years  before,  he  had  signed  the  Magna 
Charta  of  American  Freedom,  his  spirit  was  freed  from  the  bondage  of 
earth.  Happy  in  his  life,  more  happy  in  his  death,  of  him  it  may  truly 
be  said,  that 

" Nothing  in  his  life, 

Became  him  like  the  leaving  it." 

And  almost  at  the  same  hour,  the  kindred  spirit  of  the  venerable 
Adams,  as  if  to  bear  him  company,  left  the  scene  of  his  earthly  honors.. 
Hand  in  hand  they  had  stood  forth,  the  champions  of  freedom  ;  hand  in 
hand,  during  the  dark  and  desperate  struggle  of  the  revolution,  they  had 
cheered  and  animated  their  desponding  countrymen;  for  half  a  century 
they  had  labored  together  for  tiie  good  of  their  country  ;  and  now  hand  in 
hand  they  departed.  In  their  lives  they  had  been  united  in  the  same 
great  cause  of  liberty,  and  in  their  deaths  they  were  not  divided. 

At  the  time  of  his  death^  Mr.  Jefferson  had  attained  the  age  of  eighty- 
three  years  and  a  few  months.  In  January,  1772,  he  was  married  to 
Martha,  widow  of  Bathurst  Skelton,  and  daughter  of  John  Wayles,  a 
lawyer  of  considerable  eminence  in  the  then  colony  of  Virginia.  Their 
union,  however,  was  of  short  duration ;  she  died  in  September,  1782, 
leaving  three  daughters,  one  of  wliom  died  young,  the  other  two  were 
married,  one  toTliomas  M.  Randolph,  afterwards  Governor  of  Virginia, 
the  otlier  to  Mr.  Eppes. 

In  person  Mr.  Jefferson  was  tall  and  thin,  rather  above  six  feet  in 
height,  but  well  formed  ;  his  eyes  were  light,  his  hair,  originally  red,  in 
after  life  became  white  and  silvery ;  his  complexion  was  fair,  his  forehead 
broad,  and  his  whole  countenance   intelligent  and  thoughtfid.     He  pos- 


JEFFERSON. 


129 


scs^cd  great  fortitude  of  mind  as  well  as  personal  courage  ;  and  liis  com- 
mand of  temper  was  such,  that  his  oldest  and  most  intimate  friends  never 
recollected  to  have  seen  him  in  a  passion.  Ilis  manners,  though  dignified, 
were  simple  and  unaffected,  and  his  hospitality  was  so  unbounded,  that 
all  found  at  his  house  a  ready  welcome.  In  conversation  he  was  fluent, 
eloquent,  and  enthusiastic  ;  and  his  language  was  remarkably  pure  and 
correct.  He  was  a  finished  classical  scholar,  and  in  his  writings  is 
discernible  the  care  with  which  he  formed  his  style  upon  the  best  models 
of  antiquity.  His  style  is  pleasing  and  attractive,  seeking  rather  to  per- 
suade by  the  beauty  and  refinement  of  nianncr,  than  to  convince  by  the 
mere  force  of  argument.  Of  Mr.  Jefferson's  Notes  on  Virginia,  we  have 
already  spoken  ;  another  work  published  by  him,  while  he  was  Vice-Presi- 
dent, and,  consequently,  presiding  officer  of  the  Senate,  was  a  Manual  of 
Parliamentary  Practice,  which  has  since  been  a  standard  work  on  that 
subject,  and  probably  contains  the  best  collection  of  rules  for  forensic 
debate  in  existence.  But  for  Mr.  Jefferson's  most  numerous  and  most 
important  productions,  we  must  go  to  the  archives  of  the  government, 
and  there  in  the  state  papers,  and  reports  made  by  him,  we  shall  find  the 
evidence  of  his  talents,  industry,  and  learning.  His  correspondence  was 
very  extensive,  embracing  not  only  the  great  men  of  his  own  country,  but 
also  the  most  distinguished  philosophers  and  statesmen  of  France.  Since 
his  death,  four  volumes  of  his  writings,  edited  by  his  grandson,  Thomas 
Jefferson  Randolph,  have  been  published,  containing  a  short  memoir  of 
his  life,  to  the  time  of  his  appointment  to  be  Secretary  of  State,  written 
by  himself,  in  J 821,  and  also  a  large  collection  of  his  letters,  to  various 
persons,  and  on  various  subjects. 

It  is  neither  our  intention  or  wish,  to  speak  of  the  religious  opinions  of 
Mr.  Jefferson.  Discarding  as  we  do,  all  political  prejudices,  we  have 
heretofore  been  enabled  to  speak  of  him  in  terms  of  approbation,  and 
that  too,  as  we  trust,  without  any  sacrifice  of  truth.  This  could  not  be 
the  case,  however,  should  we  now  enter  upon  the  consideration  of  his 
religious  sentiments.  As  a  mere  moralist,  he  must  ever  be  esteemed  for 
opinions  and  doctrines,  which  would  have  done  honor  to  the  purest  sages 
of  Greece  and  Rome,  and  which  certainly  far  surpassed  tlie  theories  and 
the  practice  of  his  masters  in  religion,  the  sceptics  of  the  French  school. 

But  little  now  remains  to  be  said  of  Mr.  Jefferson;  his  whole  life  was 
passed  before  the  public  eye,  and  his  actions  speak  his  character  better 
than  any  words  can  express  them.  Whatever  may  be  the  judgment  of 
posterity,  in  regard  to  Mr.  Jefferson's  administration,  it  is  as  the  bold  and 
fearless  patriot  of  the  revolution, — as  the  framer  of  the  Declaration  of 
American  Independence,  that  he  will  be  best  known.  Posterity  may  be 
divided,  as  the  present  age  has  been,  concerning  the  wisdom  and  the 
exnediency  of  his  measures,  while  he  occupied  the  chair  of  the  Chief 
Magistrate,  ibr  those  measures  were  of  such  doubtful  tendency,  that  the 
best  and  wisest  might  differ  concerning  them  ;  but  as  one  of  the  Congress 
of '76,  as  one  of  the  firmest  opposcrs  of  British  aggressions,  as  one  of  the 
most  able  statesmen  of  the  revolution,  his  conduct  has  been  stamped  by 
the  approbation  of  a  whole  nation,  and  a  judcrment  rendered,  that  no 
future  age  will  evei'reverse.     The  latter  part  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  life  also 


130  JEFFERSON. 

presents  a  most  pleasing  ])icture.  It  is  delightful  to  see  a  man  of  such 
vast  acquisitions,  and  such  varied  powers,  after  a  life  spent  in  the  service 
of  his  country,  and  in  the  fulfilment  of  the  highest  duties,  calmly  retire 
from  public  stations,  to  spend  his  declining  years,  not  in  inactivity  and 
lethargy,  but  in  untiring  exertions  for  the  advancement  of  the  human 
race ;  and  instead  of  sinking  into  a  second  childliood,  by  constant 
exercise  maintaining  all  the  faculties  of  his  mind  unimpaired  to  the 
last.  We  hardly  know  which  is  the  more  interesting  object — Thomas 
Jefferson,  as  the  young  and  ardent  patriot  of  '76,  or  as  the  silver  haired 
philosopher  of  Monticello.  Or  if  the, former  is  the  more  interesting, 
surely  the  latter  is  the  more  pleasing.  When  we  look  upon  the  former, 
while  we  admire  his  noble  spirit,  and  his  holy  daring,  we  yet  tremble  for 
his  safety,  as  we  think  of  the  rocks  and  quicksands  by  which  he  is  sur- 
rounded, and  of  which  the  least  may  make  shipwreck  of  him  forever. 
But  when  we  contemplate  the  latter,  in  all  the  serenity  of  an  honored  old 
age,  resting  from  his  labors,  and  seeking  in  the  cultivation  of  philosophy 
the  highest  pleasures  of  the  intellect,  and  the  means  still  to  benefit  man- 
kind— we  feel  an  emotion  of  thankfulness  rising  in  our  hearts,  at  the 
thought  that  all  those  dangers  we  so  much  dreaded  have  been  passed  ; 
that  the  course  so  prosperously  commenced,  has  been  gloriously  pursued, 
and  the  long  wished  for  haven  at  last  obtained.  The  admiration  we 
involuntarily  feel  for  the  former,  is  more  than  equalled  by  the  veneratiou 
we  willingly  offer  to  the  lattf^r. 


JAMES  MADISON. 


Materials  for  the  biography  of  a  public  man  are  lo  be  fouinl,  for  the 
niost  pari,  in  the  history  of  the  great  events  m  which  he  was  an  actor. 
In  our  own  country  this  is  parlicuiariy  the  case.  It  is,  perhaps,  hardly  to 
be  regretted  that  the  private  lile  of  our  distinguished  men  is  in  some  mea- 
sure sacred  from  tlie  otlensive  notoriety  winch  is  the  lot  and  tbe  penalty 
of  eminence  in  other  countries.  The  numerous  dependants  on  the  peri- 
odical press  of  Great  Britain  deem  themselves  privileged  to  annoy  men 
of  any  reputation,  by  what  they  term  sketches  of  their  lives.  They  pick 
up  garbled  and  inaccurate  stories,  invent  one  or  two  leading  incidents, 
and,  to  complete  the  biography,  fasten  upon  its  unfortunate  subject  a  few 
of  the  most  popular  anecdotes  that  have  been  current  for  the  last  century. 
These  accounts  circulate  for  the  truth,  and  a  man  is  obliged  to  see  himself 
the  hero  of  battles  which  he  never  fought,  and  an  actor  upon  boards 
which  he  never  trod. 

Bui  thexe  is  some  satisfaction  in  reading  even  un  incorrect,  but  well 
written  account  of  a  great  man's  life,  for  the  same  reason  that  there  is 
pleasure  in  looking  on  an  inditferent  likeness,  which  is  well  painted  and 
handsomely  framed.  '  Taste  is  pleased,  if  curiosity  is  not  satished.  A 
void  is  filled ;  we  have  learned  something,  and  if  that  something  is  not 
accurate,  we  still  have  high  authority  for  believing  that  all  history  is  little 
better  than  fable. 

Of  the  early  life  of  Mr.  Madison  we  have  been  able  to  collect  no  au- 
thentic anecdotes.  His  later  years  were  passed  in  the  most  entire  seclusion, 
as  he  lived  in  the  strictest  privacy  at  his  seat  in  Montpelier,  Virginia.  He 
was  born  in  the  year  1750,  and  took  an  early  and  efficient  interest  in  the 
affairs  of  our  infant  republic.  Sound  principles  on  subjects  of  public  and 
political  interest  seem  lo  have  been  inslilled  into  him  from  his  birth.  To 
stale  what  little  we  know  of  his  private  life,  before  commencing  the  narra- 
tion of  that  part  of  his  career  which  is  the  property  of  his  country,  Mr. 
Madison,  in  1794,  was  married  lo  Mrs.  Todd,  in  Philadelphia,  widow  of 
John  Todd,  Esq.  a  practitioner  of  the  Pennsylvania  bar.  Her  maiden 
name  was  Paine,  and  her  father,  who  was  of  the  Society  of  Friends, 
emigrated  from  Virginia  to  Philadelphia.  She  was  eighteen  years  of  age 
at  the  time  of  her  first  marriage,  and  as  her  husband  died  in  less  than 
three  years  afterwards,  she  was  still  quite  young  when  she  became  the 
wife  of  Mr.  Madison.  Her  manners  were  agreeable,  her  deportment 
mild  and  dignified,  and  her  conversation  fascinating.  With  the  wish  to 
please,  and  a  willingness  to  be  pleased,  she  was  popular  in  her  circle  of 
associates  ;  and  when  her  second  husband  was  called  to  his  high  office, 
she  discharged,  with  a  dignified  afiability,  those  polite  attentions  which 
were  so  constantly  required  of  her.  She  exerted  a  woman's  tender  influ- 
18 


132  MADISON. 

ence  to  soften  the  j^litical  asperities  of  the  time  by  the  amenities  of  social 
life  ;  and  strove  to  hide  the  thorns  of  public  controversy  under  the  roses 
of  private  cheerfulness.  It  has  been  said,  to  her  great  praise,  that  in  her 
highest  fortune  she  never  neglected  her  early  friends,  but  extended  to  all 
who  approached  her,  those  attentions  which  please  the  exalted  and  inspire 
the  humble  with  confidence. 

The  first  knowledge  that  we  have  of  Mr.  Madison  finds  him,  at  an 
early  age,  a  very  active  member  of  the  Continental  Congress.  To  him, 
more  than  to  any  one  living,  the  people  of  the  United  States  are  indebted 
for  the  constitution  under  which  they  live.  He  was  a  leader  in  the  con- 
vention that  framed  the  Federal  Constitution,  and  the  most  influential  of 
its  supporters  in  the  Virginia  Convention  which  adopted  it.  He  wrote  the 
greatest  part  of  the  Federalist;  was  the  author  of  the  Virginia  Resolu- 
tions of  1798,  and  the  Virginia  Report  of  1799,  and  for  sixteen  years  was 
charged  with  the  administration  of  the  government,  as  the  incumbent  suc- 
cessively of  the  second  and  first  offices  in  the  Executive. 

The  first  subject  that  pressed  upon  the  attention  of  Congress,  at  the 
close  of  the  revolution,  was  the  debt  incurred  during  the  war,  and  which 
it  was  imperative  upon  them  either  to  fund  or  pay.  The  national  com- 
merce had  been  annihilated.  To  revive  it  was  the  first  step  towards 
reviving  prosperity.  But  as  a  preliminary  to  any  commercial  arrange- 
ments or  treaties  with  foreign  powers,  a  settlement  of  their  own  debt  was 
indispensable.  In  this  first  step,  however,  Congress  immediately  felt  its 
utter  inefficiency,  its  incapability  of  even  moving  with  its  actual  powers. 
To  the  impost  laid  on  during  the  war,  divers  states  had  refased  acquies- 
cence. How  was  that  or  any  tax  to  be  now  enforced?  Nevertheless  a 
committee  was  appointed.  It  drew  up  a  report,  which  was  soon  issued, 
as  an  address  to  the  several  states,  praying  them  to  make  provision  for 
the  national  creditors.  The  address  was  received  with  the  same  spirit 
which  had  endangered  the  commonwealth  so  lately,  by  holding  out  against 
the  claims  of  the  veterans  of  the  war  ;  and  as  Congress  had  resolved  not 
to  raise  money  from  one  state  till  all  had  consented  to  the  measure,  each 
waited  for  its  neighbor  to  commence,  and  each  excused  itself  by  its 
neighbor's  backwardness. 

At  the  same  time  Congress  felt  its  want  of  authority  marring  the  national 
interests  upon  another  point.  Envoys  had  been  despatched  to  Europe  for 
the  purpose  of  concluding  commercial  treaties.  England,  the  first  applied 
to,  held  off,  declaring  that  Congress  had  not  power.to  conclude  one.  In  vain 
did  Mr.  Jefferson  argue  that  the  American  government  had  in  reality  suffi- 
cient authority.  If  it  had,  it  was  certainly  not  very  clear  ;  and  the  Bri- 
tish ministry,  well  pleased  at  an  opportunity  to  disappoint  tlie  United 
States  envoys,  and  to  flout  the  inexperience  of  their  government,  held 
firm  in  its  denial. 

The  states  were  in  the  mean  time  dispensed  from  coming  to  a  determi- 
nation respecting  raising  a  general  fund,  as  the  envoys  of  Congress  had 
found  it  necessary  to  meet  pressing  demands  by  a  loan.  Individuals  still 
smarting  from  the  losses  of  a  war  were  very  willing  to  throw  forward, 
as  it  were,  the  burden  of  taxes  to  a  future  and  more  prosperous  time 

They  were  disappointed  in  these  selfish  calculations.     Prosperity  came 


MADISON.  133 

not,  nor  promised  to  coino.  Commerce  was  not  restored.  England  still 
kept  up  lier  prohibitions  or  high  duties  upon  all  the  great  exports  of 
America;  nor  could  France  consent  to  receive  them,  notwitlistanding 
her  own  inclination,  and  all  the  efforts  of  Jefferson.  To  England,  and  to 
souie  relaxation  in  that  country's  rigid  prohibition,  they  were  obliged  to 
look ;  and  this  alone  produced  the  consolidation  of  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment. 

England  had  changed  her  policy.  She  had  laid  aside  the  sword;  but 
she  still  carried  on,  what,  to  America,  was  as  destructive, — a  commercial 
war.  She  monopolized  the  fisheries,  shut  out  the  American  ships  from 
her  West  Indies,  and  essayed  to  take  to  herself  the  whole  carrying  trade 
of  her  late  colonies.  Jefferson  and  Adams  labored  in  Europe  to  open 
markets  for  their  countrymen.  They  concluded  treaties  with  Portugal, 
with  Sweden,  with  divers  European  powers.  But  shut  out  from  the  Medi- 
terranean by  the  Barbary  corsairs;  from  France,  notwithstanding  the 
amity  of  the  countries,  by  the  monopoly  of  tobacco  and  other  causes ;  the 
only  alternative  left  to  America  was  to  force  England  to  be  equitable, 
riiis,  however,  could  not  be  done  by  the  state  legislatures ;  for  if  one  ad- 
mitted British  ships,  whilst  the  other  excluded  them,  the  union  of  the  com- 
monwealth was  not  only  destroyed,  but  the  object  of  exclusion  defeated. 
Congress,  in  1784,  therefore,  demanded  powers  to  exclude  generally  the 
vessels  of  all  countries  not  having  treaties  of  commerce  with  America. 
Most  of  the  states  acceded  to  this  request ;  but  delays  and  difficulties 
intervened ;  some  could  not  be  brought  to  understand  it.  Ere  it  was  ac- 
cepted, the  necessity  of  powers  more  extended  and  minute  were  felt,  so 
that  Congress  made  a  fresh  demand  of  being  permitted  to  regulate  the 
entire  commerce  of  the  republic. 

To  these  commercial  difficulties  were  added  political  causes  of  quarrel 
between  England  and  America.  Notwithstanding  the  express  stipulation 
of  the  treaty,  the  British  creditors  remained  still  unpaid;  and  the  ministry 
refused,  in  consequence,  to  evacuate  the  military  posts  within  the  north- 
western frontier  of  the  United  States.  The  fault  lay  with  divers  states  of 
the  Union,  who  resisted  carrying  into  effect  the  honest  stipulation  of  Con- 
gress. 

The  progress  of  the  United  States  was  thus  effectually  arrested.  It 
was  in  vain  that  Congress  or  its  leading  members  discussed  or  passed  votes 
for  forminii  treaties,  raisini^  funds,  or  regulating  commerce.  It  was  vain 
to  devise  remedies  witliout  the  power  of  applying  them.  Every  American 
of  eminence  and  experience  saw  the  necessity  of  giving  more  authority  to 
Congress,  of  forming  a  federal  head,  and  giving,  in  fact,  an  efficient  go- 
vernment to  the  country. 

The  foremost  in  their  opinions  were  the  Virginians.  Seeing  the  weak- 
ness of  Congress,  this  state  had  early  united  with  Maryland  in  a  prohibi- 
tory system.  Proving  the  good  effect  of  this,  they  had  besought  the  other 
states  to  send  commissioners  to  agree  upon  making  it  general.  This 
proposition,  made  by  Mr.  Madison,  produced  what  was  called  a  conven- 
tion, or  a  meeting  of  delegates  from  five  states,  at  Annapolis,  in  Septem- 
ber, I7S0.  The  assembly  soon  perceived  that  unity  upon  commercial 
regulations  must  depend  upon  the  political  and  fundamental  unity  of  the 


134  MADISON 

state,  and  that  the  onl)  possibility  of  agreeing  as  to  a  common  tariff,  \va«. 
to  frame  an  efficient  constitution.  For  this  important  task  the  delegates 
at  Annapolis  were  not  prepared.  They  declared,  however,  the  necessity 
of  taking  such  a  measure  into  consideration,  and,  ere  they  separated, 
agreed  as  to  the  expediency  of  calling  a  more  general  and  solemn  meet- 
ing of  delegates  from  all  the  states,  to  meet  in  the  following  year  at 
Philadelphia. 

At  tliis  period  broke  forth  that  political  schism,  that  separation  of  the 
Americans  into  two  parties,  which  had  been  brooding  and  preparing  since 
the  peace.  The  war  had  been  a  struggle  between  whig  and  tory  ;  the 
!5upporters  of  independence  on  one  side,  the  favorers  of  monarchy  and 
British  connexion  on  the  other.  By  the  destruction  of  the  latter,  the 
independents  were  left  alone  to  split  inio  new  parties,  as  the  nature  of 
every  political  society  requires.  Those  which  were  formed  on  the  present 
occasion,  have  ever  since  endured,  and  the  flags  which  each  then  hoisted 
long  continued  to  float  with  their  ancient  principles  inscribed. 

But  the  jealousy  of  certain  states  in  the  preservation  of  their  own  local 
rights  and  interests  was  likely  to  operate  fatally  in  marring  the  project  of 
a  constitution,  and  rendering  any  innovation  for  the  purpose  impracticable  ; 
since  the  dissentient  states  were  resolved  not  to  choose  delegates,  or 
accede  to  the  desire  of  Virginia. 

At  length,  however,  the  majority  of  the  state  legislatures  was  brought 
to  coincide  with  the  views  of  the  federal  statesmen.  Convinced  by  late 
experience  of  the  necessity  of  an  established  and  general  government, 
even  for  purposes  of  domestic  security,  the  hitherto  refractory  states  nam- 
ed, witliout  hesitation,  their  delegates  to  the  appointed  convention  for 
forming  a  constitution.* 

Accordingly,  in  the  month  of  May,  1787,  the  delegates  of  twelve  states 
met  at  Philadelphia.  Washington,  who  had  reluctantly  consented  to 
attend,  was  cliosen  president.  The  discussion  and  arrangement  of  the 
several  articles  were  carried  on  with  closed  doors,  and  lasted  four 
months.  And  at  length,  on  the  17th  of  September,  the  proposed  consti- 
tution was  made  public.  It  was  presented  to  Congress,  and  by  that  body 
was  submitted  to  the  several  states  for  acceptance.! 

The  following  interesting  sunniiary  of  Mr.  Madison's  opinions  on  the 
subject  of  confederation  is  from  a  paper  in  the  hand-writing  of  Gene- 
ral Washington,  and  presents  the  substance  of  a  letter  received  by  him  u 

*  The  state  of  Ehode  Island  alone  refused. 

f  A  history  of  this  convention  has  never  been  written.  The  causes  which  led  to 
It  may  be  easily  ascertained  and  traced  out,  but  the  opinions  and  privo.te  movements 
of  the  great  political  leaders  of  the  day,  the  precise  share  of  merit  due  to  each  for 
the  part  he  acted  in  enlightening  the  public  mind,  and  preparing  it  for  the  issue  of 
events,  the  previous  interchange  of  thoughts  and  sentiments,  the  exposition  of  mo- 
tives, the  ultimate  hopes,  and  above  all,  the  proceedings  of  the  convention  itself,  the 
views,  arguments,  and  designs  of  individuals,  and  the  general  voice  of  their  con- 
stituents, as  expressed  by  them  ;  all  these  topics  and  numerous  others  are  yet  in  the 
dark,  and  must  remain  so,  till  the  papers  left  by  the  departed  actors  in  the  scene,  and 
such  as  are  still  held  by  the  few  venerable  worthies  that  remain  of  that  dignified 
assembly,  shall  come  under  the  eye  of  the  faithful  historian,  and  receive  a  patient 
uisjjection  and  a  discriminating  award. — N.  A.  ReMetv. 


MADISON  135 

short  time  previous  to  the  holding  of  the  Convention  at  Philadelphia.  For 
tliis  valuable  document  we  are  indebted  to  tlie  twenty-fifth  volume  of  the 
North  American  Review. 

"  Mr.  Madison  thinks  an  individual  independence  of  the  states  utterly  ir- 
reconcilal)le  with  their  aggregate  sovereignty,  and  that  a  consolidation  of 
the  whole  into  one  simple  republic  would  be  as  inexpedient  as  it  is  unat- 
tainable, lie  therefore  proposes  a  middle  ground,  which  may  at  once 
support  a  due  supremacy  of  the  national  authority,  and  not  e.xclude  the  lf>- 
cal  authorities  whenever  they  can  be  subordinately  useful. 

"  As  the  groundwork,  he  proposes  tluit  a  change  be  made  in  the  prin- 
ciple of  representation,  and  thinks  there  would  be  no  great  difficulty  in 
elTecting  it. 

"  Ne.\t,  that,  in  addition  to  the  present  federal  powers,  the  national  go- 
vernment should  be  armed  with  positive  and  complete  authority  in  all 
cases  which  require  unilormity;  such  as  the  regulation  of  trade,  including 
the  right  of  taxing  both  exports  and  imports,  the  fixing  the  terms  and 
forms  of  naturalization,  &c. 

"  Over  and  above  this  positive  power,  a  negative  ???  oil  rases  whatever  on 
the  legislative  acts  of  the  states,  as  heretofore  exercised  by  the  kingly 
prerogative,  appears  to  him  absolutely  necessary,  and  to  be  the  least  pos- 
sible encroachment  on  the  state  jurisdictions.  Without  this  defensive 
power  he  conceives  that  every  positive  [law  ?]  which  can  be  given  on  paper, 
will  be  evaded. 

"  This  control  over  the  laws  would  prevent  the  internal  vicissitudes  of 
state  policy,  and  the  aggressions  of  interested  majorities. 

"  The  national  supremacy  ought  also  to  be  extended,  he  thinks,  to  the 
judiciary  departments  ;  the  oaths  of  the  judges  should  at  least  include  a 
fidelity  to  the  general  as  well  as  local  constitution  ;  and  that  an  appeal 
should  be  to  some  national  tribunals  in  all  cases,  to  which  foreigners  or  in- 
habitants of  other  states  may  be  parties.  The  admiralty  jurisdictions  to 
fall  entirely  within  the  piu-view  of  the  national  government. 

"  The  national  supremacy  in  the  executive  departments  is  liable  to 
some  difficulty,  unless  the  officers  administering  them  could  be  made  ap- 
pointable  by  the  supreme  government.  The  militia  ought  entirely  to  be 
placed  in  some  form  or  other  under  the  authority  which  is  interested  with 
the  general  protection  ;ind  defence. 

"  A  government  composed  of  such  extensive  powers  should  be  well  or 
ganized  and  balanced. 

"The  legislative  department  might  be  divided  into  two  branches,  one 
of  them  cho.sen  every years  by  the  people  at  large,  or  by  the  legisla- 
tures ;  the  other  to  consist  of  fewer  members,  to  hold  their  places  for  a 
longer  term,  and  to  go  out  in  such  rotation  as  always  to  leave  in  office  a 
large  majority  of  old  members. 

"  Perhaps  the  negative  on  the  laws  might  be  most  conveniently  exer 
cised  by  this  branch. 

"  As  a  further  check,  a  council  of  revision,  including  the  great  ministe 
rial  officers,  might  be  superadded. 

"  A  national  executive  must  also  be  provided.  lie  has  scarcely  ventured 
as  yet  to  form  his  own  opinion,  either  of  the  manner  of  which  it  ought  to 
be  constituted,  or  of  the  authorities  with  which  it  ouifht  to  be  clothed. 


136  MADISON. 

"  All  article  should  be  inserted,  expressly  guarantying  the  tranquillity  of 
the  states  against  internal  as  well  as  external  dangers. 

"  In  like  manner,  the  right  of  coercion  should  be  expressly  declared. 
With  the  resources  of  commerce  in  hand,  the  national  administration 
might  always  find  means  of  exerting  it  cither  by  sea  or  land  ;  but  the  dif- 
ficulty and  awkwardness  of  operating  by  force  on  the  collective  will  of  a 
state,  render  it  particularly  desirable  that  the  necessity  of  it  might  be 
precluded.  Perliaps  the  negative  on  the  laws  might  create  such  a  mutual 
dependence  between  the  general  and  particular  authorities  as  to  answer  ; 
or  perhaps  some  defined  objects  of  taxation  might  be  submitted  along  with 
commerce  to  the  general  authority. 

"  To  give  a  new  system  its  proper  validity  and  energy,  a  ratification 
must  be  obtained  from  the  people,  and  not  merely  from  the  ordinary  au- 
thority of  the  legislature.  This  will  be  the  more  essential,  as  inroads  on 
the  existing  constitutions  of  the  states  will  be  unavoidable." 

Although  the  party,  designated  as  democratic,  had  given  up  a  con- 
siderable portion  of  its  hostility  to  a  united  government,  still  it  was  far 
from  wanting  representatives  in  the  convention.  We  are  informed,  in- 
deed, that,  in  the  most  important  questions,  votes  were  so  nicely  balanced, 
that  it  was  impossible  to  foretell  any  decision.  During  the  discussions 
the  leading  men  opposed  to  the  democrats  published  their  opinions  in  a 
series  of  letters,  signed  the  Frderaliyf,  a  name  which  henceforward 
seemed  to  designate  the  party.  Mr.  Madison  and  Mr.  Jay  were  writers  ; 
but  the  principal  one,  as  well  as  the  most  esteemed  in  his  opinions,  was 
Colonel  or  General  Hamilton.  This  gentleman  went  the  length  of  propos- 
ing that  the  president  and  each  senator  should  hold  his  office,  as  our 
judges  do,  during  their  good  behavior.  The  anti-federalists,  on  the  other 
hand,  of  whom  the  future  leader,  Jefferson,  was,  however,  as  yet  in 
France,  supported  the  principle  of  rotation,  or  frequent  change  in  the 
person  wielding  the  executive  of  the  country.  The  federalists'  side  was 
most  powerful  in  talent,  and  being  supported  by  the  authority  of  Wash- 
ington, their  opinions  mainly  prevailed. 

The  constitution  no  sooner  appeared,  than  it  was  attacked  with  a  host 
of  objections.  One  party  exclaimed  that  it  had  melted  the  states  into  one 
government,  without  fencing  the  people  by  any  declarations  of  rights ; 
that  a  standing  army  was  not  renounced,  and  the  liberty  of  the  press  not 
secured  ;  that  Congress  reserved  to  itself  the  power  of  suspending  trial 
by  jury  in  civil  cases  ;  that  rotation  in  office  was  abandoned  ;  that  the 
president  might  be  re-elected  from  four  years  to  four  years,  so  as  to  ren- 
der him  a  king  for  life,  like  a  king  of  Poland  ;  and  that  the  check  or  aid 
of  a  council  had  not  been  given  him.  Notwithstanding  these  objections, 
the  constitution  obtained  the  assent  of  all  the  states,  save  two — Rhode 
Island  and  North  Carolina.  New- York  was  said  to  have  acceded,  chiefly, 
from  fear  of  being  excluded  from  the  union  ;  and,  in  consenting,  she  had 
demanded  a  new  convention  to  make  amendments  in  the  act.  Even  Vir- 
ginia thought  it  necessary  to  propose  alterations.  She  required  a  decla- 
ration of  rights,  and  the  limitation  that  the  President  should  be  but  once 
ve-elected.  These  discussions  occupied  the  year  1788,  after  which  the 
constitution  was  generally  accepted,  and  the  grand  point  of  a  federal 
union  achieved. 


MADTSON.  137 

Tlic  month  of  March,  1789,  was  the  epoch  appointed  for  the  com- 
menconient  of  the  now  government.  So  wanting,  however,  were  many 
of  the  states,  or  their  representatives,  in  zeal,  that  three  weeks  ehipsed 
ere  a  full  meeting  of  hoth  Houses  could  be  procured.  Their  first  neces- 
sary step  was  to  elect  a  President ;  and  George  Washington  was  unani- 
mously chosen  to  the  office.  With  unfeigned  reluctance,  occasioned  both 
by  love  of  retirement  and  tenderness  for  his  reputation,  did  that  great 
.man  accept  the  first  office  of  the  commonwealth.  The  sacrifice  was  de- 
manded of  him,  as,  in  the  words  of  Hamilton,  the  success  of  the  great 
experiment,  viz.  the  working  and  existence  of  the  new  government,  alto- 
gether depended  upon  the  moral  force  which  the  name  and  character  of 
Washington  would  bring  to  its  chief  ofllce. 

Washington's  progress  from  his  seat  of  Mount  Vernon  to  Philadelphia 
was  a  triinnphant  procession,  such  as  few  conquerors  have  known.  The 
ceremony  of  his  inauguration  took  place  on  the  30th  of  April,  and  the 
new  President  addressed  Congress  in  a  noble  and  touching  discourse. 
He  could  not  have  evinced  a  stronger  conviction  of  the  importance  of  his 
own  duties,  as  well  as  of  those  whom  he  addressed,  than  is  conveyed  in 
the  following  words  : — "  The  preservation  of  the  sacred  fire  of  liberty, 
and  the  destiny  of  the  republican  form  of  government,  are  justly  consi- 
dered as  deeply,  perhaps  as  finally,  staked  on  the  experiment  intrusted  to 
the  hands  of  the  American  people." 

No  sooner  was  the  federal  government  thus  completed  by  the  inaugu- 
ration of  its  chief,  than  Congress  proceeded  at  once  to  the  considera- 
tion of  what  most  pressed  upon  its  attention — the  revenue.  But  as  every 
thing  had  hitherto  remained  unsettled,  the  discussion  on  this  point  involv- 
ed the  question  of  foreign  policy  and  preference  ;  and,  leading  to  a  warm 
debate,  occasioned  a  collision  between  parties  at  the  very  outset  of  their 
legislative  career. 

Mr.  Madison  proposed  a  tax  upon  imported  goods  and  tonnage.  This, 
m  principle,  was  objected  to  by  none  ;  but  as  the  tonnage  duty,  pressing 
upon  foreign  vessels  exclusively,  was  intended  to  act  in  favor  of  domestic, 
and  at  the  expense  of  foreign  shipping,  it  excited  opposition.  Some 
urged  that  America  had  few  ships  of  her  own,  and  needed  the  use  of 
those  which  this  duty  might  drive  away.  But  Madison  pointed  out,  in 
answer,  the  necessity  of  fostering  the  infant  navy  of  the  country,  as  the 
only  defensive  force  that  would  be  required  or  available  in  a  future  war. 

This  argument  overcame  the  objections.  But  another  part  of  Mr. 
Madison's  plan, — that  which  favored  the  commerce  of  France  rather  than 
that  of  Great  Britain, — called  forth  greater  heat  and  opposition.  France 
had  contributed  largely  by  her  aid  and  alliance  to  the  cause  of  American 
independence,  from  selfish  reasons,  no  doubt,  rather  than  from  any  love 
either  for  America  or  freedom  ;  but  this  latter  country  was  not  called 
upon  to  scrutinize  her  motives.  In  addition  to  the  claims  of  gratitude  on 
this  account,  the  envoys  of  the  United  States  had  been  received  as  foes 
in  Great  Britain,  as  friends  in  France.  The  correspondence  of  Franklin 
and  Jefferson,  more  especially  the  latter,  exists,  to  attest  how  the  sullen 
pride  of  merely  English  manner  might  have  the  effect  of  exciting  ran- 
cor in  a  statesman,  and  by  ctmsequence  in  his  country. 


138  MADISON. 

A  provision  being  made  for  raising  a  revenue  and  answering  the  just 
debts  of  the  states,  Congress  proceeded  to  the  completion  of  the  machine 
of  government  by  the  institution  of  ministerial  offices,  according  to  the 
usage  of  the  monarchies  of  Europe.  Departments  were  erected,  of  the 
treasury,  of  war,  and  of  state, — the  latter  including  foreign  and  domestic 
relations.  This  last  important  office  attracted  particular  attention.  The 
bill  for  establishing  it  intrusted  the  President  with  the  power  of  removing 
the  minister  from  office.  It  was  moved,  by  way  of  amendment,  that  tht 
President  should  not  have  the  power  of  dismissing  the  minister  without 
the  assent  of  Congress.  This  assent  or  co-operation,  it  was  argued,  hav- 
ing been  considered  requisite  to  the  appointment,  why  should  it  not 
be  indispensable,  to  the  act  of  dismissal  ?  The  government  party  op- 
posed strenuously  this  attempt  to  nullify  the  presidential  office,  which, 
indeed,  if  shorn  of  this  authority,  would  have  been  reduced  to  a  level 
with  that  of  its  secretary.  Nay,  they  were  not  content  with  voting  this 
power  at  present,  but  contended  that  the  rule  should  have  been  a  funda- 
mental part  of  the  constitution.  It  was  now  declared  to  be  so  by  a  vote, 
the  derogatory  amendment  having  been  previously  negatived  ;  and  the 
wholesome  prerogative  of  the  President  was  effisctually  secured. 

The  several  ministerial  departments  were  now  filled  up.  Colonel  Ham- 
ilton, the  friend  of  Washington,  and  he  who  had  chiefly  induced  him  to 
accept  the  guidance  of  the  new  government,  was  appointed  to  the  treasury. 
General  Knox,  who  had  been  the  war  minister  under  Congress,  was  now 
re-appointed  ;  whilst  Jefferson,  envoy  in  France,  but  then  on  his  return  to 
the  United  States,  was  named  secretary  of  the  state  department,  including 
foreign  and  home  affairs. 

At  the  head  of  the  law  was  placed  Mr.  Jay,  as  chief  justice,  one  of  the 
most  estimable  characters  of  the  time.  Mr.  Randolph  was  named 
attorney-general.  Mr.  Adams  had  been  elected  Vice-President :  the  only 
name  of  eminence  omitted  in  the  arrangements  was  that  of  Madison. 

A  particular  view  of  the  successive  administrations  is  given  in  the  life 
of  each  of  the  Presidents.  With  a  short  account,  therefore,  of  Mr.  Madi- 
son's celebrated  commercial  resolutions  offered  to  Congress  m  January, 
1794,  we  shall  pass  to  the  period  and  to  the  most  striking  affairs  of  his 
presidency. 

When  Congress  assembled  in  the  month  of  December,  1793,  a  variety 
of  important  and  interesting  topics  were  pressing  upon  the  public  atten- 
tion. The  British  government  had  declared  France  to  be  in  a  state  of 
blockade,  by  issuing  orders  to  stop  all  neutral  ships  laden  with  provisions 
bound  to  her  ports.  Corn  at  that  time  formed  the  chief  export  of  the 
United  States,  and  to  prohibit  them  from  shipping  it  at  all,  for  the  new 
regulation  amounted  in  fact  to  this,  was  a  grievance  to  which  the  most 
pacific  neutral  could  scarcely  submit.  Another  continually  recurring 
source  of  complaint  on  the  part  of  the  United  States  against  England  was 
the  pressing  of  their  seamen,  which  circumstances  rendered  of  frequent 
occurrence  and  tardy  rectification. 

In  reference  to  this  state  of  affairs,  Mr.  Madison  early  in  January,  1794, 
submitted  to  the  House  his  commercial  resolutions.  The  substance  of  the 
first  of  these  resolutions  was,  that  the  interest  of  the  United  States  would 


MADISON.  139 

be  protiiolrd  hy  l\'irt"lipr  restrictions  and  liiglior  diilios  in  ccrtnin  c;isvs,  on 
tlio  inamiraciilros  and  naviiration  of  foreign  nalioiis.  The  additional  dn- 
tio.s  uxrc  to  I)e  laid  on  certain  articles  n'lannfac'tiired  by  lliose  European 
nations  which  had  no  coniniercinl  treaties  willi  the  United  States.  These 
lesobitions  required  reciprocity  in  navigation,  except  with  respect  to  the 
West  India  trade.  The  last  of  the  resolutions  declared  that  provision 
onglit  to  be  made,  for  ascertaining  the  losses  sustained  by  American  citi- 
zens, from  the  operation  of  pailicular  regulations  of  any  country  contra- 
vening the  law  of  nations  ;  and  lliat  these  losses  be  reimbursed,  in  the 
first  instance,  out  of  the  additional  duties  on  the  manufactures  and  vessels 
of  nations  establishing  Kuch  regidations.  The  debates  on  these  resolu- 
tions were  long  and  animated.  On  the  3d  of  February  the  first  was 
adopted  by  a  majofity  of  five  only.* 

On  the  4\h  of  March,  1809,  Mr.  Madison,  who  had  been  Secretary  of 
State  under  the  preceding  administration,  was  inducted  into  the  office  of 
President  of  the  United  States.  At  this  time  the  situation  of  our  affairs 
was  in  many  respects  gloomy.  France  and  England  were  still  at  war, 
and  were  continuing  to  array  against  each  other  the  most  violent  commercial 
edicts,  tlial  e.xhibited  but  little  deference  to  the  rights  and  interests  of 
neutral  nations.  Previously  to  the  adjournment  of  the  last  Congress  under 
Mr.  Jefferson,  an  act  had  been  passed  which  repealed  the  then  existing'era- 
bargo,  and  interdicted  commercial  intercourse  with  France  and  Oreat 
Britain.  Should  either  of  these  powers,  however,  revoke  their  edicts,'  the 
President  was  authorized  to  renew  their  intercourse.  Mr.  Madisojifs  in- 
augural address  was  as  follows : 

"  Unwilling  to  depart  from  e.xamples  of  the  most  revered  authority,  I 
avail  myself  of  the  occasion  now  presented,  to  express  the  profound  im- 
pression made  on  me,  by  the  call  of  my  country  to  the  station,  to  the 
duties  of^  which  I  am  about  to  pledge  myself,  by  the  most  solemn  of  sanc- 
tions. So  distinguished  a  mark  of  confidence,  proceeding  from  tli^, 
deliberate  and  tranquil  suffrage  of  a  free  and  virtuous  nation,  wouMi 
under  any  circumstances,  have  commanded  my  gratitude  and  devoV<>.iiv 
as  well  as  filled  me  with  an  awful  sense  of  the  trust  to  be  j^ss-^imed'! 
Under  the  various  circumstances  which  give  peculiar  solemni.tv  to  the 
existing  period,  I  fuel  that  both  the  honor  and  the  responsibiUtj;'all,otted 
tome,  are  inexpressibly  enhanced.  The  present  situation  of  the  world 
is  indeed  without  a  parullel  ;  and  that  of  our  country  iu\\  of  difficulties. 
The  pressure  of  these,  too,  is  more  severely  felt,  because  they  have  fallen 
upon  us  at  a  moment  when  the  national  prosperity  being  at  a  heio-ht  rio^ 
before  attained,  the  contrast  resulting  from  the  change  has  been  rendered 
the  more  striking.  Under  the  benign  influence  of  our  republican  inst(. 
tutions,  and  the  maintenance  of  peace  with  all  natioi^s,  while  so  manv  of 
them  were  engaged  in  bloody  and  wasteful  wars,,  the  fruits  oi  a  just  poli- 
cy were  enjoyed,  in  an  unrivalled  growth  of  onr  faculties  and  resources. 
Proofs  of  this  were  seen  in  the  improvements  of  agriculture,  in  the  sue 
cessful  enterprises  of  commerce,   in   tlie  progress  of  manufactures  and 


140  MADISON. 

useful  arts ;  in  the  increase  of  the  public  revenue,  and  the  use  made  of  it 
in  reducing  the  public  debt,  and  in  the  valuable  works  and  establish- 
mentg,  every  where  multiplying  over  the  face  of  our  land.  It  is  a  pre- 
cious reflection  that  the  transition  from  this  prosperous  condition  of  our 
country  to  the  scene  which  has  for  some  time  been  distressing  us,  is  not 
chargeable  on  any  unwarrantable  views,  nor,  as  I  trust,  on  any  involun- 
tary errors  in  the  public  councils.  Indulging  no  passions  which  trespass 
on  the  rights  or  the  repose  of  other  nations,  it  has  been  the  true  glory  of 
the  United  States  to  cultivate  peace  by  observing  justice;  and  to  entitle 
themselves  to  tlie  respect  of  the  nations  at  war,  by  fulfilling  their  neutral 
obligations  with  the  most  scrupulous  impartiality.  If  there  be  candor  in 
the  world,  the  truth  of  these  assertions  will  not  be  questioned.  Posterity 
at  least  will  do  justice  to  them.  This  unexceptionable  course  could  not 
avail  against  the  injustice  and  violence  of  the  belligerent  powers.  In  their 
rage  against  each  other,  or  impelled  by  more  direct  motives,  principles 
of  retaliation  have  been  introduced,  equally  contrary  to  universal  reason 
and  acknowledged  law.  How  long  their  arbitrary  edicts  will  be  continu- 
ed, in  spite  of  the  demonstrations  that  not  even  a  pretext  for  them  has 
been  given  by  the  United  States,  and  of  the  fair  and  liberal  attempts  to 
induce  a  revocation  of  them,  cannot  be  anticipated.  Assuring  myself 
that,  under  every  vicissitude,  the  determined  spirit  and  united  councils  of 
the  nation  will  be  safeguards  to  its  honor  and  its  essential  interests,  I 
repair  to  the  post  assigned  me,  with  no  other  discouragements  than  what 
spring  from  my  own  inadequacy  to  its  high  duties.  If  I  do  not  sink  un- 
der the  weight  of  this  deep  conviction,  it  is  because  I  find  support  in  a 
consciousness  of  the  purposes  and  a  confidence  in  the  principles  which 
I  bring  with  me  into  this  arduous  service.  To  cherish  peace  and 
friendly  intercourse  with  all  nations  having  correspondent  dispositions; 
to  maintain  sincere  neutrality  towards  belligerent  nations;  to  prefer,  in 
all  cases,  amicable  discussion  and  reasonable  accommodation  of  differen- 
ces to  a  decision  of  them  by  an  appeal  to  arms  ;  to  exclude  foreign 
intrigues  and  foreign  partialities,  so  degrading  to  all  countries,  and 
so  baneful  to  free  ones  ;  to  foster  a  spirit  of  independence,  too  just  to 
invade  the  rights  of  others,  too  proud  to  surrender  our  own,  too  liberal  to 
indulge  unworthy  prejudices  ourselves,  and  too  elevated  not  to  look  down 
upon  them  in  others  ;  to  hold  the  union  of  the  states  as  the  basis  of  their 
peace  and  happiness  ;  to  support  the  constitution,  which  is  the  cement  of 
the  union,  as  well  in  its  limitations  as  in  its  authorities  ;  to  respect  the 
rights  and  authorities  reserved  to  the  states  and  to  the  people,  as  equally 
incorporated  with,  and  essential  to  the  success  of,  the  general  system  ;  to 
avoid  the  slightest  interference  with  the  rights  of  conscience,  or  the  func- 
tions of  religion,  so  wisely  exempted  from  civil  jurisdiction  ;  to  preserve 
in  tlieir  full  energy  the  other  salutary  provisions  in  behalf  of  private  and 
])ersonal  rights,  and  of  the  freedom  of  the  press  ;  to  observe  economy  in 
public  expenditures ;  to  liberate  the  public  resources  by  an  honorable  dis- 
charge of  public  debts  ;  to  keep  within  the  requisite  limits  a  standing 
military  force,  always  remembering  that  an  armed  and  trained  militia  force 
is  tlie  firmest  bulwark  of  republics  ;  that  without  standing  armies  their 
liberty  ca.n  never  be  JB  danger,  nor,  with  large  ones,  safe;  to  promote  by 


MADISON.  141 

aiillioriztul  means  improvements  friendly  to  agriculture,  to  manufactures, 
and  to  external  as  well  as  internal  commerce  ;  to  favor  in  like  manner  the 
advancement  of  science  and  the  diffusion  of  information,  as  the  best 
aliment  to  true  liberty  ;  to  carry  on  benevolent  plans,  which  have  been  so 
meritoriously  applied  to  the  conversion  of  our  aboriginal  neighbors  from 
the  degradation  and  wretchedness  of  savage  life,  to  a  participation  of  the 
improvements  of  which  the  human  mind  and  manners  are  susceptible  in 
a  civilized  state.  As  far  as  sentiments  and  intentions  such  as  these  can 
aid  the  fulfilment  of  my  duty,  tliey  will  be  a  resource  which  cannot  fail 
me.  It  is  my  good  fortune,  moreover,  to  have  the  path  in  which  I  am  to 
tread,  lighted  by  examples  of  illustrious  services  successfully  rendered,  in 
the  most  trying  difficulties  by  those  who  have  marched  before  me.  Of 
those  of  my  immediate  predecessor,  it  might  least  become  me  here  to  speak. 
I  may,  however,  be  pardoned  for  not  suppressing  the  sympathy  with 
which  my  heart  is  full,  in  the  rich  reward  he  enjoys  in  the  benedictions 
of  a  beloved  country,  gratefully  bestowed  for  exalted  talents  zealously  de- 
voted, through  a  long  career,  to  the  advancement  of  its  highest  interest 
and  happiness.  But  the  source  to  which  I  look  for  the  aid  which  alone 
can  supply  my  deficiencies,  is  in  the  well  tried  intelligence  and  virtue  of 
my  fellow  citizens,  and  in  the  councils  of  those  representing  them  in  the 
other  departments  associated  in  the  care  of  the  national  interest.  In 
these,  my  confidence  will,  under  every  difficulty,  be  best  placed  ;  next  to 
that  which  we  have  all  been  encouraged  to  feel  in  the  guardianship  and 
guidance  of  that  Almighty  Being,  whose  power  regulates  the  destiny  of 
nations,  whose  blessings  have  been  so  conspicuously  dispensed  to  this 
rising  republic,  and  to  whom  w'e  are  bound  to  address  our  devout  gratitude 
for  the  past,  as  well  as  our  fervent  supplications  and  best  hopes  for  the 
future." 

A  new  administration  generally  commences  with  fair  promises  on  one 
side,  and  hopes  on  the  other,  of  a  change.  It  is  a  period  of  congratula- 
tion and  politeness.  Mr.  Madison  was  declared  to  want  the  inveterate 
republicanism  and  anti-British  feeling  of  his  predecessor.  He  had  been 
the  first  to  propose  the  federal  union,  and  his  political  career  since  had 
not  been  marked  as  that  of  a  partizan.  The.se  considerations  raised  the 
hopes  of  the  English  minister  in  America,  that  some  arrangement  mio-ht 
be  made.  The  repeal  of  the  embargo,  and  the  substitution  of  a  less  ob- 
noxious act,  offered  a  fit  and  favorable  pretext  for  renewing  necrotiations  ; 
more  especially  as  a  clause  was  inserted  in  the  later  act,  to  the  purpose, 
that  if  either  of  the  belilgerents  should  recall  its  hostile  edicts,  a  procla- 
mation of  the  executive  should  suffice  to  suspend  the  non-intercourse 
with  respect  to  that  belligerent. 

Mr.  Erskine,  accordingly,  received  from  Mr.  Canning,  the  English 
secretrary  of  state,  powers  to  treat,  together  with  instructions  as  to  the 
points  to  be  insisted  on.  He  was  to  consent  to  withdraw  the  orders  in 
council  on  the  essential  points,  on  certain  preliminary  conditions,  such  as 
the  prohibition  against  English  ships  appearing  in  American  waters  being 
repealed,  and  the  abandonment  of  the  right  claimed  by  the  United  States 
to  trade  with  such  of  the  enemy's  colonies  as  she  was  not  permitted  to 
trade  with  in  peace.     Overlooking  these   altogether,  Mr.  Erskine   consi- 


142  MADISON. 

dered  the  supensioii  of  the  non-intercourse  as  a  fair  equivalent  for  thai 
of  the  orders  in  council,  and  did  not  hesitate  to  stipulate,  accordingly, 
that  tiiese  should  cease  to  be  in  force  at  a  certain  epoch.  The  President, 
accordingly,  suspended  the  non-intercourse.  But  tidings  no  sooner 
reached  England  of  the  obsequious  haste  of  Mr.  Erskine,  than  he  was 
disavowed.  The  orders  in  council  were  suspended  only  so  far  as  not  to 
endanger  those  vessels  which  had  sailed  from  America  on  the  faith  of 
Mr.  Erskine's  declaration.  The  President,  in  consequence,  declared  the 
non-intercourse  act  as  still  in  force,  and  the  silent  war  of  prohibitory  edicts 
continued  on  its  old  footing. 

These  blunders  in  diplomacy  were  singularly  unfortunate,  since  they 
had  the  effect  of  irritating  and  giving  rise  to  hateful  suspicions.  The 
Americans  believed  that  Mr.  Erskine  had  acted  in  consequence  of  his 
instructions,  and  that  the  disavowal  was  an  act  of  capricious  hostility  on 
the  part  of  the  British  minister.  The  parliamentary  opposition  in  En- 
gland took  the  same  view  ;  and  a  partial  production  of  the  correspon- 
dence accredited  the  belief,  which  afterwards,  however,  was  proved  to 
be  erroneous.  But  the  effect  was  tantamount.  Erskine  was  recalled, 
and  Mr.  Jackson  sent  in  his  place.  The  latter  was  as  ill-chosen  as  the 
former  ;  since  there  was  some  cause  which  rendered  him  particularly  ob- 
noxious to  the  Americans.  He  was  received  with  studied  coldness,  and 
made  to  wait  even  for  his  recognition  for  a  long  time.  His  endeavors  to 
renew  the  broken  negotiation  were  met  by  the  remark  of  the  inutility  of 
such  an  attempt,  and  by  an  allusion  to  the  duplicity  of  the  British  govern- 
ment in  the  affair  of  Erskine.  Jackson  retorted  with  warmth.  His  ob- 
servations were  considered  as  insults;  and,  on  this  plea,  further  commu- 
nication with  him  was  declined,  and  his  recall  demanded  of  the  minister 
in  London. 

France  having  been  again  applied  to  by  America  at  this  time,  the  em- 
peror replied,  that  his  decrees  were  but  retaliation  ;  and  that  if  England 
recalled  her  blockade  and  her  orders  in  council,  he  would  suffer  his  de- 
crees to  be  considered  null.  Mr.  Madison  took  advantage  of  this  appa- 
rent fairness  on  the  part  of  the  French  ruler,  and  obtained  from  the  ma- 
jority of  Congress  divers  resolutions,  approving' of  the  high  and  defiant 
tone  of  policy  observed  l>y  him  towards  England.  The  state  of  Massa- 
chusetts alone  protested.  Preparations  tor  war  continued  with  activity  ; 
and  the  people  already  began  to  turn  their  attention  and  capital  to  the 
domestic  production  of  those  manufactures  with  which  Great  Britain  had 
been  in  the  habitof  more  cheaply  supplying  them.  England,  at  the  same 
time,  began  to  seek  elsewhere  those  commodities  which  the  United  States 
had  furnished  :  she  sought  them  in  Canada  chiefly.  The  alienations  and 
mutual  injury  thus  worked  by  commercial  prohibitions  were,  perhaps, 
greater  than  could  have  come  of  actual  war. 

The  conduct  of  Mr.  Madison  and  the  American  government  to  the 
British  envoy  showed  such  signs  of  a  leaning  towards  France,  and,  in- 
deed, such  an  imitation  of  Napoleon's  own  behavior  on  similar  occasions, 
that  the  emperor  became  more  obsequious.  The  non-intercourse  act  expir- 
ing in  1810,  the  Americans  again  summoned  the  two  powers  to  remove 
their  restrictions.     This  was  asked  with  the  manifest  purpose  of  declaring 


:\[AD1S0N.  •  143 

war;  the  latter  .^chyj;  (he  only  alternative,  if  the  rt-strictions  were  not 
••einoved  ;  since  the  Americans  could  not  consent  to  abandon  the  sea 
altogether.  To  this  Bonaparte  replied  by  an  amicahle  advance,  intimat- 
ing, through  his  minister,  that  his  decrees  should  be  suspended.  It  was 
tindcrstood  by  him,  of  course,  that  America  should  no  longer  submit  to 
the  orders  in  council  if  unrepealed.  To  the  English  ministry  an  appeal 
was  now  made  to  follow  the  example  of  France.  Unfortunately  they 
hesitated,  chicaned  as  to  the  supposed  insincerity  of  the  French  declara- 
tion, or  the  informality  of  its  announcement ;  and  feeling  that  the  demand 
was  accoMipauied  by  menace,  they  held  out  more  from  pique  tlian  policy. 

No  conduct  could  have  been  more  ill-judged  ;  it  served  all  the  purpo- 
ses of  the  anti-British  in  America,  and  flung  the  United  States  completely 
into  the  arms  of  France,  whose  vessels  were  now  admitted  to  the  ports 
of  the  former,  whilst  the  interdict  against  the  English  was  renewed.  The 
British  minister  seems  to  have  inferred  that  the  French  emperor  could 
•not  be  sincere  in  his  declarations  to  consider  his  decrees  no  longer  in 
force  ;  since  such  would  have  broken  through  that  continental  system, 
which  was  known  to  be  his  most  fixed  principle.  In  vain  did  the  Ameri- 
can envoy  offer  proof  of  his  assertion  in  this  respect.  Reply  was  evaded  ; 
and  at  length,  Mr.  Pinkney  demanded  his  audience  of  leave,  determined 
to  ptit  an  end  to  a  mission  that  was  hopeless. 

In  this  doubtful  state  of  connexion  between  America  and  England, 
an  accidental  collision  took  place  between  vessels  of  the  respective 
countries,  tending  much  to  inflame  and  widen  the  existing  differences. 
An  English  sloop  of  war,  the  Little  Belt,  commanded  by  captain  Bing- 
ham, descried  a  ship  off  the  American  coast,  and  made  sail  to  come  up 
with  it ;  but  finding  it  a  frigate  and  dubious  of  its  nation,  he  retired. 
The  other,  which  proved  to  be  American,  the  President,  under  captain 
Rogers,  pursued  in  turn.  Both  captains  hailed  nearly  together;  and 
both,  instead  of  replying,  hailed  again  ;  and  from  words,  as  it  were,  came 
to  blows,  without  explanation.  Captain  Bingham  lost  upwards  of  thirty 
men,  and  his  ship  suffered  severely.  A  court  of  inquiry  was  ordered  on 
the  conduct  of  captain  Rogers,  which  decided  that  it  had  been  satisfac- 
torily proved  to  the  court  that  captain  Rogers  hailed  the  Little  Belt  first, 
that  his  hail  was  not  satisfiictorily  answered,  thatfthe  Little  Belt  fired  the 
first  gun,  and  that  it  was  without  previous  provocation  or  justifiable  cause 

The  Americans  continued  making  every  preparation  for  war.  Forti- 
fications were  carried  on  at  New- York  and  New  Orleans.  This  latter 
position  was,  indeed,  the  vulnerable  part  of  the  confederacy.  It  was  so 
felt,  and  divers  plans  were  proposed  ;  one  for  a  kind  of  miliiary  colony  ; 
that  is,  to  grant  lands  to  a  body  of  men,  on  the  condition  of  their  being 
trained,  and  ready  to  take:  arms,  should  an  enemy  appear  off  the  coast 
But  this  plan,  so  little  in  accordance  with  the  spirit  of  a  free  government, 
was  not  adopted.  West  Florida  was,  however,  taken  possession  of,  to 
cut  the  Gordian  knot  of  difference  on  the  subject  with  Spain.  The 
moment  was  such  as  allowed  the  ungenerous  advantage  to  be  taken ; 
Spain  herself  being  occupied  by  the  French,  whilst  her  colonies  were 
torn  by  civil  wars.  This  formed  another  item  of  complaint  and  remon- 
strance on  the  part  of  the  British. 


144  MADISON. 

In  the  spring  of  181 1,  Mr.  Foster  was  sent  out  plenipotentiary  from 
England,  to  make  another  attempt  at  negotiation.  But,  as  he  had'nc 
power  for  stipulating  the  repeal  of  the  orders  in  council,  his  mission  was 
illusive  :  it  was  merely  productive  of  argument  and  diplomatic  pleading 
between  him  and  Mr.  Monroe.  The  British  envoy  contended,  that  it  was 
France,  not  England,  which  commenced  the  blockade,  prohibiting  neu- 
trals ;  and  that  the  repeal  of  her  decrees  was  merely  nominal.  The 
American  replied  that  the  wrongs  of  France  against  his  nation,  afforded 
no  plea  for  the  wrongs  of  England  to  be  wreaked  on  it  also  :  he  more- 
over said,  that  France  was  sincere.  Such  arguments  were  of  little  avail. 
Mr.  Foster  returned  wi-thout  having  effected  any  thing. 

In  the  November  following,  Congress  was  called  together  ;  and  Presi- 
dent Madison  addressed  it  fully  respecting  the  points  and  consequences 
of  the  still  widening  difference.  It  was  hoped,  he  said,  at  the  close  of 
last  session,  that  the  successive  confirmation  of  the  extinction  of  the 
French  decrees  would  have  induced  the  government  of  Great  Britain  to 
repeal  its  orders  in  council :  on  the  contrary,  however,  they  had  been 
put  into  more  rigorous  execution,  and  fresh  outrages  had  been  committed 
on  the  American  coasts.  "Notwithstanding  the  scrupulous  justice,  the 
protracted  moderation,  and  the  multiplied  efforts  on  the  part  of  the  Unit- 
ed States  to  substitute  for  the  accumulating  dangers  to  the  peace  of  the 
two  countries,  all  the  mutual  advantages  of  re-established  friendship  and 
confidence,  we  have  seen  that  the  British  cabinet  perseveres,  not  only 
in  withholding  a  remedy  for  other  wrongs,  so  long  and  so  loudly  calling 
for  it,  but  in  the  execution,  brought  home  to  the  thi-eshold  of  our  territory, 
of  measures  which,  under  existing  circumstances,  have  the  character,  as 
well  as  the  effect,  of  war  on  our  lawful  cfimmerce.  With  this  evidence 
of  hostile  inflexibility,  in  trampling  on  rights  which  no  independent  na- 
tion can  relinquish.  Congress  will  feel  the  duty  of  putting  the  United 
States  into  an  armor  and  an  attitude  demanded  by  the  crisis,  and  corres- 
ponding with  the  national  spirit  and  expectations."  This  was  followed 
up  by  demands  of  increase  in  tl^e  army,  the  navy,  and  all  military  stores 
and  establishments. 

In  this  address,  the  President  took  occasion  to  allude  to  a  new  spirit  of 
hostility  displayed  amongst  the  north-western  Indians.  Party  attributed 
this  to  British  gold  and  interference.  The  cause  was  evident,  however, 
in  the  appearance  of  an  Indian  prophet,  a  reformer,  who  preached  to  his 
red  brethren,  that  all  their  disasters  had  been  owing  to  their  having  for- 
saken the  wise  and  simple  habits  of  their  aj;icestors  ;  and  that  he  had 
been  prompted  by  the  Great  Spirit  to  warn  them  from  mingling  with  the 
whites,  from  eating  hogs  and  bullocks,  in  lieu  of  the  game  that  used  to 
give  them  the  warrior's  and  the  hunter's  spiril,  and,  above  all,  from  the 
use  of  ardent  spirits.  This  last  salutary  injunction  gave  force  and  truth 
to  all  that  the  savage  prophet  uttered.  This  fanatic  advice,  however 
salutary  in  one  respect,  necessarily  produced  hatred  towards  tlie  whites, 
and  outrages  upon  them.  General  Harrison  was  despatched  against  the 
Indians  in  the  autumn  of  1811.  The  savages,  at  first,  appeared  friendly  ; 
but  it  was  only  to  cover  the  purpose  of  a  night  assault,  which  proved 
almost  fatal  to  the  American  force  :  it  lost  considerable  numbers,  but  suc- 
ceeded in  repulsing  the  enemy. 


MALISON.  145 

The  winter  of  1811 — 12  passed  in  preparations  for  immediate  war,  as 
the  British  government,  then  for  the  first  time  ehited  with  jnilitary  success, 
showed  no  signs  of  yiehling.  However,  the  friends  of  peace  and  of 
America  exerted  thcms(>lvcs  in  parliament  to  deter  the  ministry  from  the 
rasli  act  of  adding  the  United  States  to  the  number  of  its  enemies;  and 
this,  for  the  support  of  commercial  prohibition  warranted  neither  by  just 
pride  nor  wise  policy.  The  marquis  of  Lansdowne,  in  the  House  of 
Lords,  and  Mr.  Brougham,  in  the  Commons,  moved  for  a  committee  to 
take  into  consideration  the  orders  in  council.  "  If,"  said  the  former 
statesman,  "  at  the  time  of  the  revolution  in  America,  any  one  could  have 
foreseen  that  the  whole  commerce  of  continental  Europe  would  have 
fallen  under  the  iron  grasp  and  dominion  of  France,  they  would  have 
looked  to  the  establishment  of  an  independent  state  on  the  other  side  of 
the  Atlantic,  out  of  the  reach  of  French  power,  to  become  the  carrier  of 
our  commerce  and  the  purchaser  of  our  manufactures,  as  the  greatest  boon 
that  could  have  been  given  us.  Such  an  event  has  occurred,  as  if  provi- 
dentially :  yet  this  great  and  inestimable  advantage  has  been  destroyed 
by  the  orders  in  council." 

A  majority  in  both  houses  voted  for  going  into  committee.  Petitions 
from  the  manufacturing  towns  of  England  poured  in  against  the  orders  ; 
and  when  the  report  of  the  committee  was  brought  up,  the  general  voice 
of  the  country  and  of  parliament  compelled  the  abandonment  by  the 
tories  of  their  obnoxious  orders.  It  was  too  late,  however.  The  elo- 
quence of  Brougham, — and  never  was  greater  shown  both  with  tongue 
and  pen, — prevailed,  but  prevailed  in  vain.  On  the  arrival  of  a  ship 
from  England,  bringing  no  satisfactory  tidings,  the  President  sent  a  mes- 
sage to  Congress,  recapitulating  all  the  causes  of  complaint  against  Bri- 
tain, (amongst  which  the  stirring  up  of  the  Indians  on  the  Wabash  was 
not  forgotten,)  and  recommended  a  formal  declaration  of  war.  Congress 
acceded  to  the  proposal  ;  and,  notwithstanding  the  energetic  protest  of 
the  federals  in  opposition,  war  was  declared  against  Great  Britain  on  the 
18th  of  June,  1812. 

The  talk  of  Mr.  Madison  to  the  Indians,  in  1812,  at  the  commence- 
ment of  the  war,  contains  sentiments  so  honorable  to  himself  and  hia 
country,  and  so  appropriately  and  beautifully  expressed,  that  we  shall 
copy  a  part  of  this  very  interesting  document.  It  may  be  considered  as 
the  manifesto  of  the  American  government,  establishiug  tha  principles  of 
its  intercourse  with  its  aboriginal  neighbors,  in  the  critical  circumstances, 
which  imposed  new  duties  upon  both.  And  the  contrast  between  this 
course,  and  tliat  pursued  by  the  British  government,  must  awaken  reflec- 
tions here  and  elsewhere,  which  although  tardy  may  yet  be  useful. 

"  The  red  people  who  live  on  the  same  great  island  with  the  white  peo- 
ple of  the  eighteen  fires,  are  made  by  the  same  Spirit,  out  of  the  same 
earth,  from  parts  of  it  differing  in  color  only.  My  regard  for  all  my  red 
children  has  made  me  desirous  that  the  bloody  tomahawk  should  be  buri- 
ed between  the  Osages,  the  Cherokees,  and  the  Choctaws.  I  wish  also 
that  the  hands  of  the  Shawnese  and  the  Osage  should  be  joined  in  my 
presence,  as  a  oledge  to  cherish  and  observe  the  peace  made  at  St.  Louis. 


146  MADISON. 

This  was  a  good  peace  for  both.  It  is  a  chahi  that  ought  to  holc3  them 
fast  in  friendship.     Neither  blood  nor  rust  should  ever  be  upon  it, 

"  I  am  concerned  that  the  war  has  so  long  been  kept  up  by  thfi 
Sacs  and  Foxes  against  the  Osages ;  and  that  latterly  a  bloody  war  is 
carried  on  between  the  Osages  and  the  Toways.  I  nov\'  tell  my  red  chil- 
dren here  present,  that  this  is  bad  for  both  parties.  They  must  put  under 
my  feet  their  evil  intentions  against  each  other,  and  henceforward  live  in 
peace  and  good  will  ;  each  hunting  on  their  lands  and  working  their 
own  soil; 

A  father  outrht  to  give  good  advice  to  his  children,  and  it  is  the  duty  of 
his  children  to  hearken  to  it.  The  people  composing  the  eighteen  fires 
are  a  o-reat  people.  You  have  travelled  through  their  country.  You  see 
they  cover  the  land,  as  the  stars  fill  the  sky  ;  and  are  as  thick  as  the  trees 
in  your  forests.  Notwithstanding  their  great  power,  the  British  King  has 
attacked  them  on  the  great  water  beyond  which  he  lives.  He  has  robbed 
them  of  their  ships,  and  carried  away  the  people  belonging  to  them. 
Some  of  them  he  murdered.  He  has  an  old  grudge  against  the  eighteen 
fires,  because  when  he  tried  to  make  them  dig  and  plant  for  his  people 
beyond  the  great  water,  not  for  themselves,  they  sent  out  warriors  who 
beat  his  warriors  ;  they  carried  off  the  bad  chiefs  he  had  sent  among  them, 
and  set  up  good  chiefs  of  their  own.  The  eighteen  fires  did  this  when 
they  had  not  the  strength  they  now  have.  Their  blows  will  now  be  much 
heavier,  and  will  soon  make  him  do  them  justice.  It  happened  when  the 
thirteen  fires,  now  increased  to  eighteen,  forced  the  British  King  to  treat 
them  as  an  independent  nation,  one  little  fire  did  not  join  them.  This  he 
has  held  ever  since.  It  is  there  that  his  agents  and  traders  plot  quarrels 
and  wars  between  the  eighteen  fires  and  their  brethren,  and  between  one 
red  tribe  and  another.  Slalden  is  the  place  where  all  the  bad  birds  have 
their  nests.  There  they  are  fed  with  false  tales  against  the  eighteen  fires, 
and  are  sent  out  with  bloody  belts  in  their  bills  to  drop  among  the  red 
people  who  would  otherwise  remain  at  peace.  It  is  good  for  all  the  red 
people  as  well  as  all  the  people  of  the  eighteen  fires,  that  a  stop  should 
be  put  to  this  mischief  Their  warriors  can  do  it.  They  are  gone  and 
are  going  to  Canada  for  this  purpose.  They  want  no  help  from  their  red 
brethren.  They  are  strong  enough  without  it.  The  British,  who  are 
weak,  are  doing  all  they  can.  by  their  bad  birds,  to  decoy  the  red  people 
into  war  on  their  side.  I  warn  all  the  red  people  to  avoid  the  ruin  this 
must  bring  upon  them.  And  I  say  to  you,  my  children,  your  father  does 
not  ask  you  to  join  his  warriors.  Sit  still  on  your  seats  ;  and  be  witnesses 
that  they  are  able  to  beat  their  enemies,  and  protect  their  red  friends. 
This  is  the  fatherly  advice  I  give  you. 

"  I  have  a  further  advice  for  my  red  children.  You  see  how  the  coun- 
try of  the  eighteen  fires  is  filled  with  people.  They  increase  like  the 
corn  they  put  into  the  ground.  They  all  have  good  houses  to  shelter 
them  from  all  w'eathers  ;  good  clothes  suitable  to  all  seasons ;  and  as  for 
food  of  all  sorts,  you  see  they  have  enough  and  to  spare.  No  man,  wo- 
man, or  child  of  the  eighteen  fires  ever  perished  of  hunger.  Compare  all 
this  with  the  condition  of  the  red  people.     They  are   scattered  here  and 


MADl  S  O  N 


147 


there  in  haiulfiil.s.  Their  JocJtres  are  cold,  leaky,  and  smoky.  They 
liave  liard  fare,  and  often  not  enougli  of  it. 

"  Wliy  this  mighty  diflereiice  ?  The  reason,  iny  red  chihJren,  is  j)hiin: 
the  white  people  breed  cattle  and  ylteep.  They  plough  tlie  earth,  and 
njake  it  give  them  every  thing  they  want.  They  Pi)in  and  weave.  Their 
heads  and  their  hands  make  all  the  elements  and  productions  of  nature 
u.seful  to  them.  Above  all,  the  people  of  the  eighteen  fires  live  in  con- 
stant peace  and  friendship.  No  tomahawk  Jias  ever  heen  raised  by  one 
against  tiie  other.  Not  a  drop  of  blood  has  ever  touclied  the  chain  that 
holds  them  together  as  one  family.  All  their  belts  are  white  belts.  It  is 
in  your  power  to  be  like  them.  The  ground  that  feeds  one  lodge  by 
hunting  would  feed  a  great  band  by  tiie  plough  and  hoe.  The  Great 
Sj)irit  has  given  you,  like  your  white  brethren,  good  heads  to  contrive, 
strong  arms,  and  active  bodies.  Use  them  like  your  white  brethren,  not 
all  at  once,  which  is  dilTicult,  but  by  little  and  little,  which  is  easy.  Es- 
pecially, live  in  peace  witii  one  another,  like  3-our  while  brethren  of  the 
eighteen  fires;  you  will  be  well  fed,  well  clothed  ;  dwell  in  good 
houses,  and  enjoy  the  happiness  for  which  you,  like  them,  were  created. 
The  Great  Spirit  is  the  friend  of  men  of  all  colors.  He  made  them  to 
be  friends  of  one  another.  The  more  they  are  so,  the  more  he  will  be 
their  friend.  These  are  the  words  of  your  father  to  his  red  children. 
The  Great  Spirit,  who  is  father  of  us  all,  approves  them.  Let  them  pass 
through  the  ear  into  the  heart.  Carry  them  home  to  your  people.  And 
as  long  as  you  remember  this  visit  to  your  father  of  the  eighteen  fires, 
remember  these  are  his  last  and  best  words  to  you." 

Certain  states,  that  of  Massachusetts  especially,  have  been  represented 
as  most  averse  to  hostilities  with  England,  and  to  those  measures  by 
which  the  existing  government  of  the  Union  tended  to  that  end.  The 
federals  in  tliis  region  not  only  protested,  but  meditated  the  preservation 
of  a  state  of  neutrality,  if  that  were  possible  without  dissolving  the  Union. 
In  Hict,  Massachusetts  did  not  like  to  be  dragged  into  war  against  its 
consent.  To  take  advantage  of  this  strong  dissent  and  disunion,  the 
governor  of  Canada  had,  it  seems,  sent  an  agent  to  New-England.  It 
was,  indeed,  an  unwarrantable  step  ;  and  so  criminal  was  the  design,  that 
even  the  federals  denounced  it.  Jefferson  owns  that  he  first  learned  it 
through  the  younger  Adams,  as  early  as  the  time  of  the  embargo.  In- 
stead of  making  any  preliminary  complaint  or  communication  to  the 
British  government,  Mr.  Madison  brought  it  forward  in  Congress;  and  it 
tended  considerably  to  inflame  the  American  mind  against  Englaiid,  and 
to  screw  it  up  to  that  pitch  requisite  to  set  aside  the  consideration  of  the 
risk  and  great  expenses  of  the  war. 

This  step  was  undertaken  also  for  the  purpose,  no  doubt,  of  intimidat- 
mg  the  anti-war  party  of  the  eastern  states.  This  party  was  still  con- 
siderable :  it  count(!d  a  minority  on  the  decisive  vote  of  forty-nine  to 
seventy-nine  ;  and  even  since  it  continued  to  protest  and  petition.  At 
Boston,  the  capital  of  Massachusetts,— that  town  which,  one  may  say,  had 
commenced  the  war  of  independence, — the  flags  of  the  shipping  were 
hoisted  half-mast  high,  in  token  of  mourning  for  the  war  of  1812.  The 
southern  states  were  as  violent  in  support  of  the  contrary  opinion  ;  and 
20 


148  MADISON. 

Baltimore  was  more  especially  signalized  for  its  anti-English  zeal.  A 
federal  paper  here  dared  to  brave  the  prevalent  opinion.  A  mob  was  ex- 
cited to  attack  the  establishment,  which  was  defended  against  them  ;  and 
force  arriving,  the  defenders,  not  the  offenders,  were  taken  to  prison 
But  this  did  not  secure  them.  The  prison  doors  were  broken  open  next 
day,  and  many  of  the  federals  massacred  ;  among  whom  were  two  veteran 
generals,  friends  of  Washington. 

Except  rencontres  between  single  ships,  the  only  theatre  of  war  in  the 
United  States  was  the  Canadian  position  ;  and  thither,  accordingly,  their 
efforts  were  turned.  Attempts  to  call  out  the  militia  in  Upper  Canada 
had  been  productive  of  disturbances,  in  whi-ch  the  troops  and  the  inhabi- 
tants had  mutually  fired  upon  each  other.  This  encouraged  the  Ameri- 
cans to  an  invasion,  and  an  army  was  collected  for  that  purpose  in  the 
north.  General  Dearborn  was  created  commander-in-chief;  Pinkney, 
Major-General  Wilkinson,  Hampton,  Hull,  were  the  other  names  on  the 
list  of  commanding  officers. 

General  Hull  was  Governor  of  the  Michigan  Territory.  Not  much 
more  than  a  fortnight  after  the  declaration  of  war,  he  collected  a  body  of 
upwards  of  two  thousand  troops  of  the  line  and  militia,  and  pushed  over 
the  frontier,  as  if  he  intended  to  attack  Montreal,  publishing,  at  the  same 
time,  an  arrogant  proclamation.  His  subsequent  movements  were  as 
dilatory  as  his  previous  haste;  and  upon  hearing  that  the  Indians  had 
invaded  his  province  upon  another  point,  and  that  the  English  general, 
Brock,  was  at  the  head  of  a  respectable  force,  Hull  retreated.  He  was 
pursued  by  Brock,  who  besieged  him  in  Fort  Detroit,  and  was  about  to 
try  the  fortune  of  an  assault,  when  the  American  commander,  panic- 
struck,  hoisted  the  white  flag,  and  surrendered,  with  his  fort  and  army,  to 
the  surprise  and  indignation  of  the  Americans. 

This  signal  defeat  took  place  in  August.  As  the  blame  was  thrown 
upon  the  pusillanimity  of  the  commanders,  in  little  more  than  a  month  an 
American  force  was  again  collected  upon  the  same  position.  On  this 
occasion  it  was  thought  advisable  not  to  risk  an  invasion,  the  aim  being 
rather  to  master  some  neighboring  post,  which  might  make  amends  for 
the  loss  of  Detroit.  Queenstown,  on  the  Niagara,  was  fixed  on  as  the 
object  of  attack.  An  American  division,  under  Colonel  Van  Rennselaer, 
crossed  with  the  view  of  mastering  it.  They  stormed  it  gallantly  ;  but 
General  Brock  arrived  at  the  moment  of  success,  and  drove  the  Ameri- 
cans back.  Whilst  reinforcements  arrived  to  the  British,  the  American 
militia  refused  to  cross  the  river  to  reinforce  their  party  ,  and,  in  short, 
shrunk  from  the  fight.  The  English,  therefore,  remained  complete  vic- 
tors, capturing  all  who  had  crossed  to  the  assault.  It  was,  however,  with 
the  loss  of  the  gallant  Brock,  who  was  shot  whilst  cheering  on  his  men, 
during  the  doubtful  period  of  the  conflict. 

Thus,  upon  land,  the  advantages  of  this  first  campaign  rested  altoge- 
ther with  the  British.  It  was  at  sea,  on  the  element  where  they  felt  most 
secure,  that  their  superiority  was  seriously  disputed.  About  the  very 
time  that  General  Hull  surrendered  in  Detroit,  Captain  Hull,  commanding 
the  Constitution  frigate,  fell  in  with  the  British  frigate  the  Gucrriere.  An 
engagement  ensued ;  when,   in  half  an  hour,  the  latter   was  so   totally 


MADISON, 


149 


disabled,  as  not  only  to  be  obliged  to  surrender,  but  to  be  burned  by  lier 
captors. 

On  the  ITtli  of  October,  another  naval  victory  was  achieved  over  an 
enemy  decidedly  superior  in  force,  and  under  circumstances  the  most 
favorable  to  him.  This  was  the  capture  of  the  brig  Frolick,  of  twenty- 
two  guns,  by  the  sloop  of  war  Wasp. 

Captain  Jones  had  returned  from  France  two  weeks  after  the  declara- 
tion of  war,  and  on  the  18tl)  of  October,  again  put  to  sea.  On  the  17th, 
he  fell  in  with  six  mercliunt  ships,  under  convoy  of  a  brig  and  two  ships, 
armed  with  sixteen  guns  each.  The  brig,  which  proved  to  be  the  Frolick, 
Captain  Whinyates,  drojjped  beliind,  while  the  others  made  sail.  At  half 
past  eleven,  the  action  began  by  the  enemy's  cannon  and  musketry.  In 
five  minutes  the  main-top-mast  was  shot  away,  and  falling  down  with  the 
main-top-sail  yard  across  the  larboard  fore  and  fore-top-sail,  rendered  her 
head  yards  unmanageable  during  the  rest  of  the  action.  In  two  minutes 
more,  her  gaff  and  mizen-top-galhmt-mast  were  shot  away.  The  sea 
being  exceedingly  rough,  the  muzzles  of  the  Wasp's  guns  were  sometimes 
under  water. 

The  English  fired  as  their  vessel  rose,  so  that,  their  shot  was  either 
thrown  away,  or  touched  only  the  rigging  of  the  Americans ;  the  Wasp, 
on  the  contrary,  fired  as  she  sunk,  and  every  time  struck  the  hull  of  her 
antagonist.  The  fire  of  the  Frolick  was  soon  slackened,  and  Captain 
Jones  determined  to  board  her.  As  the  crew  leaped  on  board  the  ene- 
my's vessel,  their  surprise  can  scarcely  be  imagined,  as  they  found  no 
person  on  deck  except  three  officers  and  the  seaman  at  the  wheel.  The 
deck  was  slippery  with  blood,  and  presented  a  scene  of  havoc  and  ruin. 
The  officers  now  tlirew  down  their  swords  in  submission,  and  lieutenant 
Biddle,  of  the  Wasp,  leaped  into  the  rigging  to  haul  down  the  colors, 
which  were  still  flying.  Thus,  in  forty-three  minutes,  ended  one  of  the 
most  bloody  conflicts  recorded  in  naval  history.  The  loss  on  board  the 
Frolick,  was  thirty  killed  and  fifty  wounded  ;  on  board  the  Wasp,  five 
were  killed,  and  five  slightly  wounded.  The  Wasp  and  Frolick  were 
both  captured  the  same  day,  by  a  British  seventy-four,  the  Poictiers,  Cap- 
tain Beresford. 

The  above  splendid  achievement  of  Captain  Jones  was  followed  on  the 
25th  of  October  by  a  combat  between  the  frigates,  the  United  States, 
commanded  by  Commodore  Decatur,  and  the  Macedonian.  The  latter, 
after  having  suffered  dreadfully  and  unaccountably  in  men  and  vessel, 
was  obliged  to  surrender..  These  encounters,  and  the  arguments  they 
gave  rise  to,  strongly  sharpened  the  animosities  on  both  sides,  and  cheer- 
ed the  American  war-party  for  the  disappointments  which  they  experi- 
enced by  land. 

In  Novei)\ber,  Congress  met ;  and  the  President  addressed  it  by  mes- 
sage, in  whi'uh  he  frankly  stated  the  defeats  experienced  on  the  Canadian 
position,  and  complained  much  of  the  employment  of  the  Indians  by  the 
British,  thus  bringing  the  liorrors  of  savage  warfare  upon  the  land.  He 
also  complained  of  tiie  conduct  of  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut  in  re- 
fusing their  contingent  of  militia.  The  victories  of  American  ships 
were  cited  with  just  {)ridc ;  and  Congress  was  begged  to  extend  some- 


150  MADISOIf. 

what  their  allowance  to  the  army.  So  sparing  had  this  been,  that  neitlwr 
soldiers  could  be  recruited  nor  general  officers  appointed,  nor  was  thcTe 
such  a  thing  as  a  military  staff. 

December  29th,  a  second  naval  victory  was  achieved  by  the  Constitu- 
tion, then  commanded  by  Commodore  Bainbridge,  over  the  Java,  a  British 
frigate  of  thirty-eight  guns,  but  carrying  forty-nine,  witli  four  hundred 
men,  commanded  by  Captain  Lambert,  who  was  mortally  wounded. 

This  action  was  fought  off  St.  Salvador,  and  continued  nearly  two 
hours,  when  the  Java  struck,  having  lost  sixty  killed  and  one  hundred  and 
twenty  wounded.  The  Constitution  had  nine  men  killed  and  twenty- 
five  woimded.  On  the  1st  of  January,  tlie  commander,  finding  his  prize 
incapable  of  being  brought  in,  was  obliged  to  hurn  her. 

During  the  winter,  an  engagement  took  place  between  the  Hornet, 
Captain  James  Lawrence,  and  the  British  sloop  of  war  Peacock,  Captain 
William  Peake,  off  South  America.  Tliis  action  lasted  but  fifteen 
minutes,  when  the  Peacock  struck. 

On  her  surrendering,  a  signal  of  distress  was  discovered  on  board  the 
Peacock.  She  had  been  so  much  damaged,  that,  already,  she  had  six 
feet  of  water  in  her  hold,  and  was  sinking  fast.  Boats  were  immediately 
despatched  for  the  wounded,  and  every  measure  taken,  which  was  practi- 
cable, to  keep  )ier  afloat  until  the  crew  could  be  removed.  Her  guns 
were  thrown  overboard,  the  shot  'holes  were  plugged,  and  a  part  of  the 
Hornet's  crew,  at  the  imminent  hazard  of  their  lives,  labored  incessantly 
to  rescue  the  vanquished.  Tlie  utmost  efforts  of  these  generous  men 
were,  however,  vain  ;  the  conquered  vessel  sunk  in  the  midst  of  them, 
carrying  down  nine  of  her  own  crew,  and  three  of  tlie  Americans.  With 
a  generosity  becoming  them,  the  crew  of  the  Hornet  divided  their  clothing 
with  the  prisoners,  wlio  were  left  destitute  by  the  sinking  ship.  In  the 
action  the  Hornet  received  but  a  slight  injury.  The  killed  and  wounded, 
on  board  the  Peacock,  were  supposed  to  exceed  fifty. 

However  considerable  was  the  opposition  to  IMr.  Madison's  policy  and 
administration  in  the  eastern  states,  still  the  soutliern,  increased  by  the 
Qumber  of  the  newly  created  states  in  the  western  territory,  were  enabled 
.o  out-vote  their  rivals  on  the  grand  presidential  question.  Mr.  Madison 
was,  without  difficulty,  re-elected  to  his  second  term  of  office  ;  whilst  Mr. 
Gerry  became  Vice-President  in  the  room  of  Clinton.  The  same  pre- 
ponderance he  was  enabled  to  exercise  in  Congress,  where  a  majority 
passed  resolutions  approving  of  the  President's  refusal  to  make  peace, 
except  upon  the  removal  of  the  possibility  of  the  English  impressing  or 
searching  for  American  seamen.  The  Biitish  government,  on  its  side, 
placed  the  principal  ports  and  rivers  of  America  at  once  in  a  state  of 
Idockade.  In  order,  however,  to  favor  such  states  as  displayed  aversion 
to  the  war,  a  system  of  licenses  wys  adopted,  in  order  to  enable  ships 
from  their  ports  to  enjoy  a  trade  with  the  West  Indies.  The  President 
was  indignant  at  this  tenderness  shown  by  foreign  for  domestic  foes,  and 
he  denounced  it  with  great  lieat  to  the  legislature. 

Winter  had,  in  the  mean  time,  brought  no  respite  to  war,  even  in  those 
inclement  countries.  In  January,  181  ;^,  the  Americans,  under  General 
VVinchester,  marched  to  the  recapture  of  Detroit.     They  were  anticipated 


MADISON.  J51 

by  Colonel  Procter,  the  British  officer  coiiiiiianding  in  the  coiKiiiered 
province  ;  who,  with  a  body  of  regular  troo])s  and  Indians,  conij)ietely 
defeated  tlie  Americans,  took  their  leader  and  the  greater  number  priso- 
ners. Of  these,  a  great  number  fell  sacrifices  to  the  cruelty  of  the  sa- 
vage Indians.  Harrison  himself  was  soon  after  besieged  by  the  British  in 
a  fort  wliich  he  had  erected.  Disaster  in  this  frontier,  however,  always 
brought  the  American  side  a  reinforcement  of  spirited  volunteers  ;  and 
tlie  Kentucky  men  marched  to  take  tlieir  revenge  upon  Colonel  Procter, 
and,  in  tlieir  first  onset,  dispossessed  him  of  position  and  batteries.  But 
tlie  British  returned  to  the  charge,  and,  in  their  turn,  routed  the  Ameri- 
cans finally. 

The  events  of  the  war  had  by  tliistinie  taught  the  Americans  to  rever.se 
an  opinion  previously  formed.  They  knew  themselves  far  superior  in 
force  to  the  British  in  Cannda,  where  the  Indians  alone  'restored  propor- 
tion to  the  respective  numliers.  On  land,  therefore,  they  had  reckoned 
to  be  victors;  whilst  at  sea  their  numerical  inferiority  seemed  to  promise 
defeat  :  events  had  turned  out  directly  contrary  to  this  ;  their  soldiers  had 
been  beaten  shamefully,  their  sailors  were  mostly  victorious.  The  advantao-e 
was,  therefore,  seen,  of  converting,  as  far  as  it  was  possible,  the  military 
operations  on  the  side  of  Canada  into  naval  ones.  The  nature  of  the 
position,  passing  through  the  great  lakes, — seas  in  depth  and  extent, — 
rendered  this  possible. 

Their  first  endeavors  were  directed  to  the  fitting  out  of  a  squadron 
upon  Lake  Ontario,  which  should  master  its  waters,  and  be  able  to  con- 
vey to  the  several  points  upon  it,  possessed  by  the  British,  such  force  as 
would  be  irresistible.  Sackett's  Harbor  was  the  name  of  the  chief 
American  port  upon  the  lake.  Here  a  fleet  was  fitted  out  with  great 
activity  and  zeal,  and,  by  the  end  of  April,  was  ready  to  transport  a  small 
army.  Upwards  of  two  thousand  men  embarked,  commanded  by  the 
American  General,  Pike.  These  were  wafted  to  the  vicinity  of  York, 
the  capital  of  Upper  Canada,  where  the  British  had  only  a  garrison  of 
six  hundred  strong.  This  small  force  offered  every  possible  resistance. 
During  the  combat.  General  Pike  was  slain  ;  but  his  troops  were  too  nu- 
merous for  the  enemy,  and  the  British  were  obliged  to  surrender  York 
Other  expeditions  were  undertaken  by  the  Americans  upon  different 
points,  always  with  success,  unless  when,  not  content  with  getting  pos- 
session of  the  place  or  fort  attacked,  they  thought  fit  to  pursue  the 
retreating  British.  On  one  of  these  occasions,  the  Americans  had  two  of 
their  generals  captured.  Upon  another,  a  detachment  of  eight  hundred 
men,  commanded  by  Colonel  Boerstler,  was  surrounded  and  made  pri- 
soners. 

The  British,  in  the  mean  time,  exerted  themselves  to  rival  their  enemy 
upon  the  lakes.  An  attack,  gallantly  made,  on  Sackett's  Harbor  was 
repulsed  ;  but  in  a  little  time.  Sir  James  Yeo  was  enabled  to  take  the 
command  of  a  flotilla,  equal  or  superior  to  the  Americans,  which  turned 
the  advantage  upon  Lake  Ontario  against  them.  On  Lake  Champlain, 
also,  the  British  had  taken  the  start  of  their  foes,  and  destroyed  the 
American  establishment  of  Plattsburg,  in  revenge  for  the  affair  of  York, 
which  had  been  twice  captured  and  plundered. 


152  MADISON. 

It  was  upon  Lake  Erie,  however,  that  the  fiercest  struggle  took  place  ; 
and  it  ended  completely  in  favor  of  the  Americans.  The  vessels  equip- 
ped on  both  sides  were  mostly  from  fifty  to  sixty  guns.  The  advantage 
of  force  was  on  the  side  of  Perry,  the  American  Commodore,  who  had 
nine  of  these  vessels.  Barclay,  his  antagonist,  numbered  six ;  these  six, 
however,  bearing  more  cannon  than  an  equal  number  of  their  antagonists. 
The  naval  battle  fought  by  these  squadrons  for  the  mastery  of  Lake  Erie, 
was  the  most  important  which  had  yet  occurred  in  the  war.  Perry,  rush- 
int^  headlono-  with  his  vessel  into  action,  was  at  first  disabled,  and  obliged 
to  shift  his  flag  ;  but  when  all  his  force  came  up,  the  Canadian  squadron 
was  beaten  in  the  fight,  most  of  the  ofilcers  killed,  the  ships  disabled,  and 
obliged  to  surrender.* 

This  was  a  source  of  great  exultation  to  the  Americans,  whom  it  com- 
pensated for  all  previous  losses.  Nor  were  its  consequences  less  important ; 
as  the  British  forces  were  compelled  to  abandon  the  advantages  and  posi- 
tion which  they  previously  won.  Detroit,  the  first  conquest  of  the  war, 
was  now  given  up  ;  and  the  retreat  was  not  conducted  with  that  skill  and 
spirit  which  had  marked  previous  operations.  The  Americans,  under 
General  Harrison,  came  up  with  Sir  George  Prevost,  near  the  Moravian 
villages,  on  the  Thames,  and  defeated  him,  with  signal  loss  on  the  part 
of  the  British.  Amongst  the  slain  was  the  famous  Indian  chief,  Tecum- 
seh,t  brother  of  the  Wabash  prophet ;  by  which  loss,  as  well  as  by  the 
reverses  of  the  war,  these  savage  allies  were  much  disheartened. 

*  During  the  battle  of  Erie,  the  Lawrence,  which  Commodore  Perry  was  on  board 
ol,  was  so  shattered  as  to  be  entirely  unmanageable,  and  only  nine  of  her  large  crew 
remained.  In  this  dilemma,  Perry  resolved  to  hoist  the  American  tlag  on  board  a 
more  fortunate  vessel.  For  this  purpose  he  entered  an  open  boat,  to  pass  over  to 
the  ship  Niagara ;  and  though  broadsides  were  levelled  at  him,  and  showers  of 
musketry  from  three  of  the  enemy's  ships,  he  remained  standing  in  the  stern  of  the 
boat,  until  absolutely  pulled  dowm  by  the  crew.  The  Americans  watched  him  with 
breathless  anxiety,  as  he  passed  through  this  scene  of  peril,  and  with  a  transport  of 
joy  they  saw  his  flag  hoisted  at  the  mast  head  of  the  Niagara.  Soon  after  he  enter- 
ed that  ship,  a  captain  of  one  of  the  guns,  having  had  all  his  men  shot  down,  ap- 
proached him,  and  laying  his  hand  on  his  shoulder,  exclaimed,  "  For  God's  sake,  sir, 
give  me  some  more  men."  When  all  sense  of  personal  danger  was  thus  swallowed 
up  in  eagerness  for  victory,  it  is  not  surprising  that  Commodore  Perry  was  able  to 
write  his  strikingly  laconic  letter  :  "  Dear  Sir,  We  have  met  the  enemy,  and  they  are 
ours." 

f  This  Indian  warrior  Avas  not  only  an  accomplished  military  commander,  but  also 
a  great  natural  statesman  and  orator.  Among  the  many  strange,  and  some  strongly 
characteristic  events  of  his  life,  the  council  which  the  American  General,  Harrison, 
held  with  the  Indians  at  Vincennes,  in  1811,  affords  an  admirable  instance  of  the 
sublimity  wliich  sometimes  distinguished  his  eloquence.  The  chiefs  of  some  tribes 
had  come  to  complain  of  a  purchase  of  lands  which  had  been  made  from  the 
Kickafoos.  The  council  effected  nothing,  but  broke  up  in  confusion,  in  consequence 
of  Tecumsch  having  called  General  Harrison  "  a  liar."  During  the  long  talks 
wliich  took  place  in  the  conference,  Tecumseh,  having  finished  one  of  his  speeches, 
looked  round,  and  seeing  every  one  seated,  while  no  seat  was  prepared  for  him,  a 
momentary  frown  passed  over  his  countenance.  Instantly  General  Harrison  order- 
ed that  a  chair  should  be  given  him.  Some  person  presented  one,  and  bowing,  said 
to  him,  "  Warrior,  your  father,  General  Harrison,  offers  you  a  seat."  Tecumseh's 
dark  eye  flashed.     "My  father!"  he  exclaimed  indignantly,  extending  his  arnx5> 


MADISON. 


15.3 


The  result  of  the  operations  of  the  north-west,  and  the  victory  on  Lake 
Eric,  prc|)are<l  tlie  way  to  attempt  a  more  efiectual  invasion  of  Canada. 
General  Wilkinson  was  now  connnanding  the  American  forces  in  the 
north,  General  Dearborn  having  some  time  before  retired  on  account  of 
indisposition.  The  force  destined  for  the  contemplated  invasion  of  Cana- 
da, amounted  to  twelve  thousand  men, — eight  thousand  of  whom  were 
stationed  at  Niagara,  and  four  thousand  at  Flattsburg,  under  the  command 
of  General  Hampton.  In  addition  to  these  forces,  tlrose  under  General 
Harrison  were  expected  to  arrive  in  season  to  furnish  important  assis- 
tance. 

The  outline  of  the  plan  which  had  been  adopted,  was  to  descend  the 
St.  Lawrence,  passing  the  British  forts  above,  and,  after  a  junction  with 
General  Hampton,  at  some  designated  point  on  the  river,  to  proceed  to 
the  Island  of  Montreal.  Unexpected  difficulties,  however,  occurred, 
which  prevented  the  execution  of  this  plan,  and  the  American  forces 
retired  into  winter  quarters  at  Si.  Regis. 

General  Wilkinson  concentrated  his  forces  at  Grenadier's  Island,  be- 
tween Sackett's  Harbor  and  Kingston,  one  hundred  and  eighty  miles 
from  Montreal,  by  the  way  of  the  river.  This  place  the  army  left,  on  the 
25th  of  October,  on  board  the  fleet,  and  descended  the  St.  Lawrence, 
sanguine  in  the  expectation  of  subduing  Montreal. 

On  the  arrival  of  the  flotilla  at  Williamsburg,  November  9th,  one  thou- 
sand five  hundred  men,  of  General  Boyd's  brigade,  were  landed  with  a 
view  to  cover  the  boats  in  their  passage  through  the  rapids.  On  the  11th 
an  engagement  took  place,  which  continued  two  hours,  between  this  de- 
tachment of  the  American  army,  and  a  detxichment  of  the  British  under 
Lieutenant  Colonel  Morrison.  Both  parties  claimed  the  victory,  but  it 
was,  properly,  a  drawn  battle,  the  British  retiring  to  their  encampments, 
and  the  Americans  to  their  boats.  The  loss  of  the  British  is  not  ascer- 
tained ;  that  of  the  Americans,  in  killed  and  wounded,  was  three  hundred 
and  thirty-nine.  Among  the  latter  was  General  Carrington,  who  died 
of  his  wounds. 

A  few  days  previous  to  this  battle,  as  General  Harrison  had  not  arrived, 
General  Wilkinson  despatched  orders  to  General  Hampton  to  meet  him 
at  St.  Regis.  To  these  orders.  General  Hampton  replied,  that  it  was 
impracticable  to  comply  with  them.  On  the  receipt  of  this  communica- 
tion, a  council  of  officers  was  called,  which  advised  to  abandon  the  pro- 
ject and  to  retire.  Accordingly,  General  Wilkinson  ordered  a  retreat,  and 
selected  French  Mills,  as  the  winter  quarters  of  his  army.  The  troops 
of  General  Hampton  soon  followed  tliis  example. 

Thus  ended  a  campaign  which  gave  rise  to  dissatisfaction,  proportion- 
ed to  the  high  expectations  that  had  been  indulged  of  its  success.  Pub- 
lic opinion  was  much  divided  as  to  the  causes  of  its  failure,  and  as  to  the 
parties  to  whom  the  blame  was  properly  to  be  attached. 

In  the  south-west  a  furious  war  was,  at  the  same  time,  carried  on  be- 


towards  heaven  ;  "  the  sun  is  my  father,  and  the  earth  is  my  mother ;  she  gives  me 
nounshment,  and  I  repose  upon  her  bosom."  As  he  ended,  he  suddenly  sealed  him- 
self  on  the  ground. 


154  MADISON. 

tween  the  Creek  Indians  and  the  Americans.  Tlie  sk\ages,  hever  bom* 
pletely  pacified  or  reconciled  to  tlie  Americans,  had  been  roused  by  a 
visit  from  Tecumseh  ;  who,  in  the  name  of  the  great  prophet,  told  thehi 
to  arise  and  whet  their  tomahawks.  Oh  the  last  day  of  August,  thtjy 
surprised  a  fort  on  the  Georgian  frontier,  aild  massacred  all  within,  wo- 
men and  children  not  excepted.  General  Jackson  undertook  to  seek 
vengeance  for  this  sanguinary  outrage,  and  marched  with  a  large  body 
of  militia  into  the  wilds  tenanted  by  the  Creeks.  These  Were  not  slow 
to  meet  their  enemies  ;  and  a  series  of  bloody  encounters  ensued,  ih  all 
of  which,  the  Indians,  though  outnumbered,  fought  with  their  native 
desperation,  and  perished  to  a  man.  Jackson  earned  his  retiown  by  the 
martial  spirit  he  displayed  in  these  wars.  The  Indiahs  had  learned  the 
art  of  entrenching  themselves  to  advantage.  Though  beaten  at  Talla- 
poosa, they  had  caused  the  whites  great  loss.  They  made  another  stand 
at  Tohopeka ;  where  a  thousand  chiefs  withstood  triple  their  force,  and 
perished  valiantly.  At  last,  when  the  bravest  and  best  of  them  had  been 
carried  off,  they  submitted.  One  of  the  remaining  chiefs  addressed  Jack- 
son :—"  Once  I  could  animate  my  warriors ;  but  I  cannot  animate  the 
dead.  They  can  no  longer  hear  my  voice.  Their  bows  are  at  Emuch- 
faw  and  Tohopeka.  While  a  chance  remained,  I  asked  not  for  peace 
but  I  now  ask  it  for  my  nation  and  myself." 

At  sea,  the  Americans  this  year  had  not  so  much  cause  for  triumph, 
although  their  acknowledged  character  for  equality  with  British  skill  and 
courage  was  well  supported.  In  the  month  of  February,  the  United 
States  sloop  Hornet,  commanded  by  Captain  Lawrence,  was  attacked  by 
the  Peacock,  of  about  equal  force.  After  twenty  minutes'  combat,  the 
British  crew  were  not  only  defeated,  but  their  vessel  sinking.  There  was 
not  even  time  for  saving  the  vanquished;  the  sloop  going  down  with 
twelve  persons,  of  whom  three  were  American  sailors,  engaged  in  rescu- 
ing their  foes. 

For  this  feat.  Captain  Lawrence,  on  his  return  to  Boston,  was  promoted 
to  the  command  of  the  frigate  Cliesapeake,  of  old  famous.  A  British 
frigate,  the  Shannon,  was  soon  off  the  harbor  ;  its  commander,  Captain 
Broke,  was  most  desirous  of  wiping  off  some  of  the  recent  stains  on  the 
navy  of  his  country  ;  and,  with  a  vicav  to  effect  this,  he  paid  that  severe 
attention  to  discipline  and  exercise  which  long  superiority  had  taught  the 
English  to  neglect.  The  Shannon  stood  in  to  Boston  light-house,  to 
challenge  the  Chesapeake.  Captain  Lawrence,  with  a  crew  chiefly  en- 
listed for  tlie  occasion,  accepted  the  defiance,  and  sailed  out  to  meet  the 
foe.  The  Chesapeake  and  Shannon  joined  ;  when,  after  fifteen  minutes' 
firing,  the  British  boarded,  and  carried  the  American  ship.  The  gallant 
Lawrence,  mortally  wounded,  refused  to  allow  the  colors  to  be  struck,  and 
died,  while  issuing  the  heroic  order,  "  Don't  give  up  the  ship  !"  There 
needs  no  stronger  proof  of  the  equal  valor  of  two  brave  nations,  sprung 
from  a  common  stock,  than  these  alternate  triumphs  of  that  side  which 
happened  to  be  superior  in  discipline. 

A  less  noble  species  of  warfare  was  carried  on  along  the  coasts  of  the  sea 
and  the  great  gulplis,  by  frequent  landings  from  British  vessels,  to  molest 
and  plunder  the  inhabitants  and  ravage  the  country.     Sometimes  an  un- 


MADISON.  155 

ofTcnding  village  was  cannonaded.  These  exploits,  intended  to  make  the 
war  unpopular  in  America,  had  the  contrary  effect.  The  British,  in  judcr- 
ing  uliat  their  own  feelings  would  he  if  similarly  injured,  might  have 
adopted  other  measures  of  hostility  towards  an  enemy  of  which  so  large 
a  minority  was  averse  to  the  war. 

Cougress  still  supported  the  policy  of  Mr.  Madison,  however  onerous 
and  unusual  the  expense.  The  summer  session  was  almost  exclusively 
consumed  in  voting  additional  taxes;  which,  now  that  commerce  was 
paralyzed,  were  necessarily,  some  of  them,  internal.  Duties  were  levied 
upon  wine,  spirits,  sugar,  salt ;  and  a  loan  of  upwards  of  seven  millions 
of  dollars  was  authorized.  A  still  further  demand  of  supply  was  made 
in  January,  1814  ;  a  loan,  treble  the  former  amount,  was  raised,  besides 
other  modes  having  been  devised  of  procuring  funds.  During  the  course 
of  the  year,  the  Emperor  of  Russia  had  offered  his  mediation  between 
England  and  America.  This  latter  country,  always  anxious  to  preserve 
amity  with  Russia,  sent  commissioners  immediately  to  St.  Petersburgh. 
Great  Britain  declined  the  mediation:  but  professed  herself  willing  to 
appoint  on  her  side  negotiators  to  treat,  either  in  London,  or  in  some  neu- 
tral port.     Gottenberg  was  selected  for  this  purpose. 

At  both  extremities  of  the  Lake  Ontario,  the  war  was  continued,  by 
desultory  expeditions  of  either  army,  during  the  commencement  of  1814. 
The  British  stormed  and  took  Fort  Niagara,  and  afterwards  that  of  Os- 
wego. In  July,  an  encounter  took  place  at  Chippewa,  between  an 
American  invading  force  under  General  Brown,  and  the  British  and 
Canadians  under  General  Riall.  The  latter  attacked,  but  were  repulsed, 
and,  after  a  severe  loss,  were  obliged  to  retreat.  This  gave  confidence  to 
the  Americans.  General  Drummond  soon  after  joined  the  Canadian 
army  with  reinforcements,  and  took  the  command.  This  rendering  the 
contending  forces  more  nearly  equal,  both  parties  marched  to  renew  the 
contest.  The  battle  took  place  near  the  celebrated  falls  of  Niagara  ;  the 
Americans  commencing  the  attack  about  the  hour  of  sunset.  It  lasted  till 
late  in  the  night ;  the  work  of  slaughter  being  carried  on  by  the  light  of 
the  moon.  Though  bravely  charging,  the  Americans  could  make  no  im- 
pression on  the  British ;  while  they  themselves  suffered  dreadfully  from 
the  English  guns,  which  played  from  an  eminence  in  the  centre  of  the 
field.  Their  efforts  were  accordingly  directed  against  this  battery  ;  and 
Colonel  Miller  led  the  American  troops  several  times  to  its  assaalt,  gain- 
ing and  losing  possession  alternately  of  the  disputed  point  :  he  even 
brought  up  American  cannon  to  support  the  attack,  which  presented  the 
novel  appearance  of  gun  charging  gun.  On  one  occasion,  cannons  were 
actually  exchanged  in  the  confusion.  As  the  night  advanced,  the  conflict 
ceased,  both  parties  claiming  the  victory.  The  Americans  retained  pos- 
session of  the  field.  General  Riall,  severely  wounded,  was  made  priso- 
ner. The  American  Generals,  Brown  and  Scott,  were  also,  from  their 
wounds,  obliged  to  quit  the  field. 

The  siege  of  Fort  Erie  was  carried  on  for  more  than  a  month,  marked 

by  a  daring  attempt  at  taking  it  by  storm,  on  the  part  of  the  British,  and 

an  equally  gallant  sortie  made  by  the  Americans.     Both   attempts  were 

repulsed.      But,  in   th-^  end,  a  large  American   force    marchintr  to  the 

21 


150  MADISON. 

relief  of  the  fort,  the  besiegers  drew  off,  whilst  the  besieged  evacuated 
it ;  and  the  Americans  finally  retreated  to  their  own  side  of  the  Niagara ; 
the  war  in  this  quarter  having  given  birth  to  many  gallant  achievements, 
but  no  conquest. 

Eastward  of  the  great  lakes,  the  Governor  General  of  Canada  resolved 
on  an  expedition,  which,  if  it  succeeded,  would  counterbalance  the  equal 
issue  of  operations  on  the  Niagara.  With  a  flotilla  on  Lake  Champlain, 
and  an  army  along  its  brink,  he  advanced  to  the  attack  of  Plattsburgh. 
The  fortune  of  the  enterprise  was  decided  in  a  naval  engagement  on  the 
lake,  between  Commodore  M'Donough  and  Captain  Downie.  The  latter 
was  slain  early  in  the  fight,  and  his  vessel  disabled,  so  that  the  British 
flotilla  was  completely  defeated  and  taken  by  the  enemy.  Sir  George 
Prevost  was  obliged,  accordingly,  to  retreat ;  having  proved  himself  here, 
as  in  most  instances  where  he  personally  commanded,  to  have  been  sin- 
gularly unfortunate. 

As  the  war  in  Europe  was  now  over,  the  British  ministry  seemed 
determined  to  make  the  Americans,  especially  the  more  in<\'eterate  ene- 
mies of  the  southern  provinces,  feel  more  fully,  than  they  had  yet  done, 
the  inconvenience  of  having  provoked  the  hostility  of  England.  A 
squadron,  under  Sir  Alexander  Cochrane,  having  on  board  an  army 
under  General  Ross,  sailed  up  the  Chesapeake  in  the  month  of  August. 
From  the  open  gulph  it  turned  its  course  up  the  Patuxent,  apparently  in 
search  of  the  American  flotilla,  which,  under  Commodore  Barney,  had 
taken  shelter  there.  As  the  ships  of  war  could  not  follow  the  flotilla  up 
the  river,  the  army  was  disembarked  at  St.  Benedict's  to  pursue  it  by 
land.  Its  force  was  estimated  at  four  thousand  five  hundred.  At  first 
no  resistance  was  offered :  for  it  appears  that  the  American  secretary  of 
war  could  not  bring  himself  to  credit  any  .serious  intention  of  the  English 
to  land.*  General  Ross,  therefore,  reached  Marlborough,  where  the 
flotilla  was  destroyed,  to  prevent  its  falling  into  his  power.  But  here  the 
ultimate  object  of  the  disembarkation  became  evident,  when  the  British 
columns,  instead  of  returning,  continued  their  march  in  the  direction 
of  Washington. 

The  American  commander.  Winder,  resolved,  in  consequence,  to  make 
a  stand  against  the  invaders;  and,  for  this  purpose,  he  chose  a  strong 
position  at  Bladensburg,  covered  by  a  branch  of  the  Potomac.  His  force 
was  much  greater  than  that  of  the  British,  with  whom,  however,  being 
the  veterans  of  the  peninsula,  the  raw  militia  of  Virginia  and  Maryland 
could  scarcely  be  expected  to  cope.  The  chief  approach  to  Bladens- 
burg lay  over  a  bridge,  which  was,  of  course,  commanded  by  the  Ameri- 
can artillery,  and  served  by  the  seamen  of  the  flotilla.  These  did  their 
duty  skilfully  and  bravely.  The  first  company  of  the  British  that 
advanced  upon  the  bridge  (for  General  Ross  did  not  tarry  for  a  ford)  was 

*  "  The  force  designated  by  the  President  was  the  double  of  what  was  necessary ; 
but  failed,  as  is  the  general  opinion,  through  the  insubordination  of  Armstrong  (who 
could  never  believe  the  attack  intended  until  it  was  actually  maae)  and  the  sluggish- 
ness of  Winder  before  the  occasion,  and  his  Indecision  during  it." — Jefferson's  Cor- 
'espondence,  vol.  iv.  p.  256. 


MADISON.  157 

swept  away ;  and  it  was  not  until  the  attackinjr  army  had  crossed  in  force 
that  the  artillery  could  be  mastered.  The  first  regiments  that  crossed 
were  rash  in  pushing  the  Americans,  who  retired  ;  they  were  accordingly 
severely  handled,  and  repulsed  at  first.  But  after  three  hours'  fightinfr, 
Bladensburg  was  abandoned  by  its  defenders,  who  dispersed  among  the 
woods.  The  British  soon  after  entered  Washington.  Their  ge"neral 
wished  to  lay  the  city  under  contribution  ;  but  his  proposal  not  beinw 
hearkened  to,  orders  were  given  to  destroy  all  the  public  buildings.  This 
barbarous  order,  which  no  plea  can  excuse,  and  which  certainly  was  as 
impolitic  for  the  future  as  unprofitable  for  the  present,  was  executed  with 
rigor.  The  docks,  the  shipping,  the  magazines,  were,  of  course,  fired  : 
these  were  lawful  objects  of  devastation.  But  the  dooming  of  the  senate- 
house,  the  President's  palace,  the  library,  to  the  same  fate,  was  a  piece 
of  vandalism  that  covered  the  expedition  with  disgrace.* 

On  the  invasion  of  the  capital,  the  President  retired  into  Virginia,  and 
on  the  first  of  September  issued  the  following  proclamation : 

"  Whereas  the  enemy,  by  a  sudden  incursion,  have  succeeded  in  invad- 
ing the  capital  of  the  nation,  defended  at  the  moment  by  troops  less 
numerous  than  their  own,  and  almost  entirely  of  the  militia;  during  their 
possession  of  which,  though  for  a  single  day  only,  they  wantonly  destroy- 
ed the  public  edifices  having  no  relation  in  their  structure  to  operations 
of  war,  nor  used  at  the  time  for  mi'itary  annoyance  ;  some  of  these  edi- 
fices being  also  costly  monuments  of  taste  and  of  the  arts;  and  others, 
depositories  of  the  public  archives,  not  only  precious  to  the  nation  as  the 
memorials  of  its  origin  and  its  early  transactions,  but  interesting  to  all 
nations,  as  contributions  to  the  general  stock  of  historical  instruction  and 
political  science  : 

"  And  whereas  advantage  has  been  taken  of  the  loss  of  a  fort,  more 


♦After  the  retreat  of  the  troops  called  to  the  defence  of  the  capital,  the  enemy  took 
possession  of  the  battle  ground,  and  many  of  them  actually  sunk  to  the  ground  with 
fatigue.  They  rested  on  their  knapsacks,  and  were  so  exhausted  by  their  rapid 
march,  that  they  were  unable  to  follow  up  their  advantages  by  the  pursuit  of  our 
army.  The  force  that  marched  to  the  city  two  hours  after  the  skirmish  at  Bladens- 
burg, consisted  of  about  fifteen  hundred  men,  who  were  not  engaged  in  the  action. 
They  proceeded  slowly  and  with  great  caution,  as  they  apprehended  an  ambuscade", 
and  believed  that  the  battle  was  yet  to  be  fought  to  decide  the  fate  of  the  city.  Ar- 
rived at  the  entrance  of  the  town,  opposite  the  residence  of  Mr.  Gallatin,  General 
Ross  halted  with  his  troops,  expecting  that  the  city  would  propose  terms  of  capitu- 
lation. While  in  this  situation,  a  shot  from  Mr.  Gallatin's  house  killed  the  horse  on 
which  General  Ross  rode.  The  house  was  instantly  set  on  fire,  and  orders  were  at 
once  given  to  burn  the  capitol. 

Admiral  Oockburn  was  with  the  army,  and,  after  the  capitol  was  destroyed,  he 
rode  through  the  city  on  horseback.  He  met  a  geinleman  in  the  street,  and  inquired 
for  the  prmung  office  of  the  National  IntelHgencer,  observing  "  that  he  must  visit 
that  office,  as  his  friend  Gales  had  honored  him  with  many  hard  rubs."  When  he 
reached  the  office,  two  ladies  from  the  adjoining  houses  came  out,  and  begged  him 
not  to  burn  the  buildings,  as  their  houses  would  inevitably  share  the  same  fate.  The 
admiral  very  complacently  replied,  that  for  their  sakes  the  office  should  not  be  burnt; 
and  added  with  great  politeness,  "  Be  tranquil,  ladies,  you  shall  be  as  safely  pro- 
tected under  my  administration  as  under  that  of  Mr.  Madison."  He  then  sent  a 
&le  of  soldiers,  to  convey  the  types  and  other  printing  utensils  from  the  office. 


158  MADISON. 

immediately  guarding  the  neighboring  town  of  Alexandria,  to  place  that 
town  within  the  range  of  a  naval  force,  too  long  and  too  much  in  the  habit 
of  abusing  its  superiority  wherever  it  can  be  applied,  to  require,  as  the  al- 
ternative of  a  general  conflagration,  an  undisturbed  plunder  of  private 
property,  which  has  been  executed  in  a  manner  peculiarly  distressing  to 
the  inhabitants,  who  had,  inconsiderately,  cast  themselves  on  the  gene- 
rosity of  the  victor  : 

"  And  whereas  it  now  appears,  by  a  direct  communication  from  the 
British  naval  commander  on  the  American  station,  to  be  his  avowed  pur- 
pose to  employ  the  force  under  his  direction  '  in  destroying  and  laying 
waste  such  towns  and  districts  upon  the  coast  as  may  be  found  assaila- 
ble ;'  adding  to  this  declaration  the  insulting  pretext,  that  it  is  in  retali- 
ation for  the  wanton  destruction  committed  by  the  army  of  the  United 
States  in  Upper  Canada,  when  it  is  notorious  that  no  destruction  has  been 
committed,  which,  notwithstanding  the  multiplied  outrages  previously 
committed  by  the  enemy,  was  not  unauthorized,  and  promptly  shewn  to 
be  so ;  and  that  the  United  States  have  been  as  constant  in  their  endea- 
vors to  reclaim  the  enemy  from  such  outrages,  by  the  contrast  of  their 
own  example,  as  they  hav.e  been  ready  to  terminate,  on  reasonable  con- 
ditions, the  war  itself: 

"  And  whereas  these  proceedings  and  declared  purposes,  which  exhibit 
a  disregard  of  the  principles  of  humanity  and  the  rules  of  civilized  war- 
fare, and  which  must  give  to  the  existing  war  a  character  of  extended 
devastation  and  barbarism,  at  the  very  moment  of  negotiations  for  peace 
invited  by  the  enemy  himself,  leave  no  prospect  of  safety  to  any  thing 
within  the  reach  of  his  predatory  and  incendiary  operations,  but  in  a 
manly  and  universal  determination  to  chastise  and  expel  the  invader  : 

"  Now,  therefore,  I,  James  Madison,  President  of  the  United  States, 
do  issue  this  my  proclamation,  exhorting  all  the  good  people  thereof  to 
unite  their  hearts  and  hands  in  giving  effect  to  the  ample  means  possess- 
ed for  that  purpose.  I  enjoin  it  on  all  officers,  civil  and  military,  to  exert 
themselves  in  executing  the  duties  with  which  they  are  respectively 
charged.  And  more  especially,  I  require  the  officers,  commanding  the 
respective  military  districts,  to.be  vigilant  and  alert  in  providing  for  the 
defence  thereof;  for  the  more  effectual  accomplishment  of  which,  they 
are  authorized  to  call  to  the  defence  of  exposed  and  threatened  places, 
portions  of  the  militia  most  convenient  thereto,  whether  they  be  or  be  not 
parts  of  the  quotas  detached  for  the  service  of  the  United  States  under 
requisitions  of  the  General  Government. 

"  On  an  occasion  which  appeals  so  forcibly  to  the  proud  feeling  and  pa- 
triotic devotion  of  the  American  people,  none  will  Ibrget  what  they  owe 
to  themselves ;  what  they  owe  to  their  country  and  the  high  destinies 
which  await  it;  what  to  the  glory  acquired  by  their  fathers,  in  establish- 
mg  the  independence  which  is  now  to  be  maintained  by  their  sons,  with 
the  augmented  strength  and  resources  with  which  time  and  Heaven  have 
blessed  them." 

As  the  operations  of  the  enemy,  at  this  period  of  the  war,  created  a 
general  cxeileiiient  throughout  the  country,  their  progress  is  amply  illus- 
trated by  contemporary  descriptions.     However  willing  we  might   be  to 


MADISON.  159 

drop  a  veil  over  this  scene  in  our  history,  the  concealment  of  truth,  and 
t))e  tender  treatment  of  misconduct,  though  the  not  inappropriate  re- 
sources of  eulogy,  are  unbecoming  the  just  chronicler  of  the  actions  of 
the  great.  If  no  discrimination  be  made  between  their  good  deeds  and 
their  errors,  and  the  whole  be  enveloped  in  the  language  of  general 
applause,  posterity  are  deceived  and  the  purposes  of  history  are  violated. 
It  need  not  be  concealed,  that  while  the  most  bitter  indignation  existed 
towards  the  enemy,  for  their  contempt  of  all  the  rules  of  honorable  war- 
fare, in  the  destruction  of  the  public  buildings  at  Washington,  equal 
indignation  was  excited  in  respect  to  those  whose  duty  it  was  to  have 
provided  in  the  most  suflicient  manner  for  the  defence  of  the  capital, 
and  to  have  perished  beneath  its  ruins  rather  than  have  surrendered  it 
ignominiously  to  a  bloodless  conquest.  We  present  below  the  account  of 
the  capture,  which  is  least  discreditable  to  the  parties  interested.  It  is 
taken  from  a  letter  addressed  to  the  editors  of  the  Baltimore  Patriot,  and 
bearing  date  August  2()th,  1814. 

"  I  arrived  at  Washington  on  Sunday,  21st  instant.  At  that  time  the 
officers  of  government  and  the  citizens  were  very  apprehensive  of  an 
attack  from  the  British,  who  had  landed  a  force  on  the  Patuxent.  Their 
numbers  had  not  been  ascertained,  but  reports  were  various,  stating  them 
from  one  thousand  to  sixteen  thousand.  General  Winder  was  stationed 
near  the  Wood  Yard,  with  about  two  thousand  men,  hourly  expecting 
large  reinforcements  from  every  quarter,  particularly  from  Baltimore, 
-three  thousand  men  having  been  ordered  to  march  immediately  from  that 
place.  On  Sunday,  the  public  officers  were  all  engaged  in  packing  off 
their  books,  and  citizens  their  furniture.  On  Monday,  this  business  was 
continued  with  great  industry,  and  many  families  left  the  city.  The 
specie  was  removed  from  all  the  banks  in  the  District.  Reports  were 
very  current,  that  Winder  had  received  large  reinforcements  ;  so  that  it 
was  believed  by  many  well  informed  persons,  that  he  would  have  ten 
thousand  men  embodied  in  the  course  of  the  week.  In  the  expectation 
that  there  was  a  very  considerable  force  collected,  the  President,  accom- 
panied by  the  Secretary  of  War,  and  of  the  Navy,  left  the  city  for  the 
camp.  They  arrived  there  late  that  night ;  and  the  next  morning,  find- 
ing but  three  thousand  men,  and  learning  that  the  Baltimore  troops  were 
encamped  at  Bladensburg,  they  returned  to  the  city  on  Tuesday  to  make 
further  arrangements.  All  the  books  and  papers  were  sent  off,  and  the 
citizens  generally  left  the  place. 

"  In  the  course  of  that  day,  a  scouting  party  from  General  Winder's 
army  had  a  skirmish  with  the  British  advanced  guard,  and  returned  to 
camp  with  such  tidings  as  induced  General  Winder  to  retire  to  the  city, 
with  his  army,  which  he  accomplished  by  nine  o'clock  in  the  evening, 
burnt  the  old  bridge  which  crossed  the  Potomac,  and  encamped  on  the  hill, 
directly  above  the  other  bridge,  about  one  mile  and  a  half  from  the  navy 
yard,  and  prepared  to  defend  that  passage.  In  the  event  of  the  British 
being  too  strong,  the  bridge  was  to  be  blown  up,  for  which  he  had  every 
thing  prepared.  At  this  post  he  remained  the  whoJe  night,  expect- 
ing the  enemy's  forces.  On  Wednesday  morning,  I  walked  through 
the  army,  and  remained  at  the  bridge  until  ten  o'clock,  when  advice  was 


160  MADISON. 

received,  that  the  enemy  had  taken  the  Bladensburg  road.  The  troops 
»vere  immediately  put  into  motion,  and  by  twelve  o'clock  the  whole  were 
on  their  march,  in  the  hope  of  forming  a  junction  with  the  Baltimore 
troops,  before  the  enemy  reached  Bladensburg.  This  was  only  partially 
accomplished,  when  the  battle  commenced,  and  was  contested  by  the 
Baltimore  troops  and  the  men  from  the  flotilla,  with  great  spirit  and  gal- 
lantry, until  it  appeared  useless  for  so  small  a  force,  very  badly  supported, 
to  stand  against  six  thousand  regulars,  all  picked  men  and  well  supplied. 
A  retreat  was  ordered,  when  the  President,  who  had  been  on  horseback 
with  the  army  the  wiiole  day,  retired  from  the  mortifying  scene,  and  left 
the  city  on  horseback,  accompanied  by  General  Mason  and  Mr.  Carroll. 
At  Georgetown,  the  President  met  his  lady,  she  having  left  the  city  only  a 
half  hour  before  him,  having  remained  with  great  firmness  and  compo- 
sure at  the  President's  house,  until  a  messenger  brought  her  the  tidings, 
that  the  British  were  within  a  few  miles  of  the  city,  and  that  our  army 
were  retreating,  without  any  chance  of  being  rallied  so  as  to  check  their 
inarch. 

"  The  President  and  Secretary  of  State  went  to  Virginia  with  their 
families — the  other  officers  of  government  went  to  Fredericktown,  where 
the  government  is  to  be  formed,  and  where  the  President  intends  to  meet 
his  secretaries  next  week.  I  remained  at  the  President's  house,  until  all 
our  army  had  passed,  and  ninety-nine  hundredths  of  the  citizens  gone, 
leaving  nothing  but  empty  walls.  I  fell  into  the  trail  of  the  army,  and 
marched  about  four  miles  on  the  Frederick  road.  Being  much  fatigued, 
1  turned  off  into  a  wood,  and  found  good  quarters  in  a  farmhouse,  on  the 
hill  back  of  Pearce's.  Soon  after  reaching  there,  at  nine  o'clock  on 
Wednesday  evening,  a  signal  gun  was  discharged,  and  the  President's 
house,  the  capitol,  and  many  other  public  buildings,  were  at  the  same  mo- 
ment in  a  blaze,  which  continued  nearly  all  night. 

"  On  Thursday  morning  I  proceeded  on  with  the  army  to  Montgomery 
court-house,  where  General  Winder's  head-quarters  were  established.  I 
had  some  conversation  with  him.  He  appeared  to  regret  very  much  that 
he  had  not  been  enabled  to  have  made  a  greater  resistance,  although  he 
was  perfectly  satisfied  that  a  successful  resistance  could  not  have  been 
made,  with  the  force  in  the  neighborhood  of  Washington,  since,  if  it  had 
all  been  brought  .together  before  the  action,  it  would  not  have  been  so 
large  as  that  opposed  to  him,  and  our  force  was  principally  militia,  and 
that  of  the  enemy,  all  regulars  and  picked  men. 

"  The  uncertainty  on  which  road  the  enemy  intended  to  attack  the  city, 
compelled  him  to  keep  his  forces  divided,  and  their  being  divided  occa- 
sioned frequent  marches  and  counter-marches,  which  at  this  hot  season 
was  quite  too  much  for  our  militia." 

The  work  of  destruction  achieved,  the  British  retreated  without  loss 
of  time  to  their  ships,  and,  re-embarking,  sailed  to  menace  and  to  ravage 
other  points.  Alexandria  was  captured,  but  ransomed  all,  save  its  stores 
and  shipping.  Baltimore  was  the  next  town  devoted  by  the  British  to 
their  vengeance.  It  was  the  most  obnoxious  and  anti-federal,  as  well  as 
important ;  and  was,  consequently,  considered  a  proper  object  of  attack. 
Geiieral  Ross  landed  about  fifteen  miles  from  the  city,  at  the  head  of 


MADISON.  161 

about  five  thousand  men,  on  the  12th  of  September.  The  disaster  of 
Wasliingtou,  however,  had  inspired  more  strenuous  measures  of  defence  , 
and  the  Americans  on  this  point  were  far  better  prepared.  They  occu- 
pied a  strong  position  in  advance  of  Baltimore.  In  the  first  skirmish  tliat 
occurred,  the  British  commander  was  shot  by  a  rifleman;  which  damped 
tlie  hopes,  as  well  as  deranged  the  projects,  of  the  expedition.  The 
English,  however,  marched  to  the  attack,  and  routed  the  Americans. 
However,  there  was  still  a  stronger  position  behind,  capable  of  a  better 
defence.  The  co-operation  of  the  fleet  had  been  reckoned  on  to  facilitate 
the  carrying  of  this,  which  was,  in  fact,  the  heights  above  Baltimore 
Admiral  Cochrane,  however,  had  found  this  impracticable  from  the  shal- 
lowness of  the  harbor,  as  well  as  from  the  vessels  sunk  at  its  mouth. 
Those  in  command  of  the  expedition  accordingly  abandoned  its  further 
prosecution  ;  the  army  retreated  and  again  embarked.  After  some 
further  cruises  and  menaces  in  the  Chesapeake,  the  English  fleet  aban- 
doned it  for  a  more  remote  enterprise. 

The  following  account  of  the  attack  on  Baltimore  is  from  the  letter  of 
an  eye-witness,  bearing  date  September  17,  1814: 

"  I  will  give  you  an  account  of  the  approach  of  the  enemy  before  this 
place,  so  far  as  it  came  under  my  own  observation.  On  Saturday  last, 
and  the  day  previous,  we  had  correct  intelligence  that  the  enemy  had 
collected  all  his  force,  to  the  amount  of  forty-seven  sail,  and  were  pro- 
ceeding down  the  bay,  consequently  we  were  led  to  hope  we  should  have  a 
little  rest  from  our  incessant  labors,  in  preparing  to  resist  them.  On  Satur- 
day noon,  Major  Armistead,  the  commander  of  Fort  M'Henry,  permitted 
Chief  Justice  Nicholson,  who  commands  our  volunteer  corps  of  eighty 
men,  to  march  to  town,  holding  ourselves  in  readiness  to  return  the  mo- 
ment he  thought  prudent  to  call.  As  it  turned  out,  while  we  were 
marching  to  town,  the  enemy  tacked  about,  and  just  at  dusk  were  seen 
under  a  press  of  sail,  with  a  fair  wind,  approaching  the  town.  Their 
movements  were  closely  watched  at  the  fort,  and  at  half  past  nine 
o'clock,  Judge  Nicholson  received  orders  to  repair  to  the  fort  with  his 
men.  We  were  all  immediately  rallied,  and  arrived  at  the  fort  before 
twelve,  although  the  rain  poured  down  in  torrents.  On  our  arrival,  we 
found  the  matches  burning,  tlie  furnaces  heated  and  vomiting  red-hut 
shot,  and  every  thing  ready  for  a  gallant  defence.  At  tliTs  time  the  enemy 
had  arrived  as  far  up  as  North  Point,  twelve  miles  lielow  the  fort.  We 
remained  at  our  posts  till  daylight,  at  which  time  the  enemy  remained  at 
the  same  place,  some  at  anchor  and  others  under  easy  saii,  lying  off" 
and  on. 

"  They  continued  this  kind  of  movement  all  day  on  Sunday.  During 
the  succeeding  night  and  the  forepart  of  Monday,  they  were  busily  employ" 
ed  in  landing  their  troops,  but  all  was  quiet  on  the  part  of  the  naval  ope- 
ration against  the  fort,  till  Tuesday  morning,  at  which  time  they  had 
advanced  to  within  two  and  a  half  miles  of  the  fort,  arranged  in  most 
elegant  order,  all  at  anchor,  forming  a  half  circle,  with  four  bomb-ve.ssels 
ana  a  rocket  ship,  stretched  from  right  to  left,  in  the  advance.  The 
acticn  counnenced  on  their  part  by  the  discharge  of  a  few  rockets, 
which  were  harmless  indeed.     These,  I  am  sure,  w"ere  not  intended  as  an 


162  MADISON. 

attack  upon  us,  but  fired  as  a  signal  to  inform  their  land  troops  of  their 
readiness  for  co-operation. 

"  Immediately  after  these  discharges,  two  of  the  headmost  frigates 
opened  upon  us,  but  finding  their  shot  not  reaching  us,  they  ceased  and  ad- 
vanced up  a  little  nearer.  The  moment  they  had  taken  their  position, 
M?jor  Armistead  mounted  the  parapet,  and  ordered  a  battery  of  twenty-four 
pounders  to  be  opened  upon  them ;  immediately  after  a  battery  of  forty- 
twos  followed,  and  then  the  whole  fort  let  drive  at  them.  We  could 
see  the  shot  strike  the  frigates  in  several  instances,  when  every  heart  was 
gladdened,  and  we  gave  three  cheers,  the  music  playing  Yankee  Doodle. 
Upon  this  the  frigates  stood  off,  and,  in  five  minutes,  all  lay  just  out  of 
reach  of  our  shot.  The  bomb-vessels  advanced  a  little,  and  commenced 
a  tremendous  bombardment,  which  lasted  all  day  and  all  night,  with 
hardly  a  moment's  intermission. 

"  Finding  our  shot  would  not  rea-ch  them,  the  cannonading,  which  was 
sublime  and  enlivening,  was  ordered  to  be  closed.  We  then  resorted  to 
our  mortars,  and  fired  six  or  eight,  but,  sorrowful  to  relate,  they,  like  our 
shot,  fell  short,  owing  to  their  chambers  not  being  so  deep  as  those  of  the 
enemy.  Here  then  we  were  again  foiled,  and  were  reduced  to  the  dread 
ful  alternative  of  facing  by  far  the  most  tremendous  bombardment  ever 
known  in  this  country,  without  any  means  of  resisting  it — upwards  of 
one  thousand  five  hundred  bombs  having  fallen  in  and  about  the  fort. 
Fortunately  but  little  damage  was  done.  In  our  company  we  had  six 
severely  wounded,  and  two  killed.  Sergeant  Clemm,  a  young  man  of 
most  amiable  character,  gentlemanly  manners,  and  real  courage,  was 
killed  by  my  side  ;  a  bomb  bursting  overhead,  a  piece  of  the  size  of  a 
dollar,  two  inches  thick,  passed  through  his  body  in  a  diagonal  direction 
from  his  navel,  and  went  into  the  ground  upwards  of  two  feet  It  was 
dug  up  immediately  after,  and  is  preserved  by  his  friends.  Instantly 
before  this,  a  bomb  struck  the  bastion,  then  in  charge  of  Lieutenant 
Claggett,  our  third,  which  killed  him  upon  the  spot,  wounded  four  men,  dis- 
mounted a  twenty-four  pounder,  broke  the  carriage  wheel,  and  did  con- 
siderable other  damage.  This  happened  on  my  right,  about  twenty-five 
paces  distant.  In  the  whole  we  had  seven  killed  in  the  fort,  and  fifteen 
wounded. 

"  From  twelve  to  one  o'clock  in  the  night,  the  enemy  slackened  a  little  ; 
during  which  time,  a  picked  party  of  mariners  towed  up  in  a  silent 
manner,  a  bomb-vessel,  which  got  almost  in  rear  of  our  fort,  unobserved 
by  the  look-outs,  on  account  of  the  extreme  darkness  of  the  night.  After 
choosing  her  position,  she  began  on  our  right,  in  high  style.  Cap- 
tains Evans  and  Nicholson  were  instantly  ordered  to  open  their  batteries 
of  twenty-fours  with  grape  and  canister,  which  was  immediately  followed 
by  Fort  Covington,  a  tight  little  place  one  and  a  half  miles  above  us. 
The  enemy  likewise  poured  in  their  canister  and  grape,  but  in  less  than 
five  minutes  was  silenced,  and  we  heard  no  more  of  them  from  that 
quarter,  but  the  bombardment  was  kept  up  from  their  old  position,  with 
increased  fury,  till  dawn  of  day,  when  they  appeared  to  be  disposed  to 
decline  the  unprofitable  contest.  At  this  time  our  morning  gun  was  fired, 
the  flag  hoisted,  Yankee  Doodle  played,  and  we  all  appeared  in  full  view 


MADISON.  Ifiy 

f)f  a  fonni(l;il)lc  and  mortified  enemy,  vvlio  calculated  upon  our  surren- 
der in  twenty  minntes  after  the  commencement  of  the  action." 

On  tiie  nineteenth  of  September,  the  day  assigned  for  the  meeting  of 
Contrress,  the  members  assembled  at  Washington  in  rf)oms  hastily  fitted 
up  foj-  their  reception.  The  roll  of  the  Senate  was  called,  and  it  appear- 
ed that  nineteen  members  only  were  present.  The  Vice-President  not 
having  arrived,  the  lion.  John  Gaillard,  of  South  Carolina,  to<jk  the  chair 
as  President  pro  tempore  of  the  Senate.  In  the  House,  the  Speaker,  Ifon. 
Langdon  Checves,  took  the  cliair,  at  twelve  o'clock,  and  ninety-four  mem- 
bers appeared  in  their  seats.  As  there  was  not  a  quorum  present,  the 
House  separated  by  special  consent  till  five  o'clock  in  the  evening.  A 
sufficient  number  having  then  been  formed,  a  committee  was  appointed 
to  join  the  committee  of  the  Senate,  to  wait  on  the  President,  and  inform 
him  they  were  ready  to  receive  any  communication  he  might  intend  to 
offer.  On  the  following  day,  tlie  President  transmitted  the  usual  Mes- 
sage to  Congress  by  Mr.  Edward  Colo,  his  secretary.  This  document  we 
copy  almost  entire.  The  view  which  it  takesof  our  military  affairs,  and  of 
our  existing  relation  towards  the  enemy,  renders  it  valuable  and  interesting. 

"  In  the  events  of  the  present  campaign,  the  enemy,  with  all  his  aug- 
mented means  and  wanton  use  of  them,  has  little  ground  for  exultation, 
unless  he  can  feel  it  in  the  success  of  his  recent  enterprises  against  this 
metropolis  and  the  neighboring  town  of  Alexandria ;  from  both  of 
which  his  retreats  were  as  precipitate  as  his  attempts  were  bold  and  fortu- 
nate. In  his  other  incursions  on  our  Atlantic  frontiers,  his  progress, 
often  checked  and  chastised  by  the  martial  spirit  of  the  neighboring 
citizens,  has  had  more  effect  in  distressing  individuals,  and  in  dishonor- 
ing his  arms,  than  in  promoting  any  object  of  legitimate  warfare. 
And  in  the  two  instances  mentioned,  however  deeply  to  be  regretted  on 
our  part,  he  will  find  in  his  transient  success,  which  interrupted  for  a  mo- 
ment only  the  ordinary  public  business  at  the  seat  of  government,  no 
compensation  for  the  loss  of  character  with  the  world  by  this  violation  of 
private  property,  and  by  his  destruction  of  public  edifices,  protected  as 
monuments  of  the  arts  by  the  laws  of  civilized  warfare. 

"  On  our  side,  we  can  appeal  to  a  series  of  achievements,  which  have 
given  new  lustre  to  the  American  arms.  Besides  the  brilliant  incidents 
in  the  minor  operations  of  the  campaign,  the  splendid  victories  gained  on 
the  Canadian  side  of  the  Niagara,  by  the  American  forces  under  Major 
General  Brown,  and  Brigadiers  Scott  and  Gaines,  have  gained  for  these 
heroes  und  their  emulating  companions,  the  most  unfading  laurels;  and 
having  triumphantly  tested  the  progressive  discipline  of  the  American 
soldiery,  have  taught  the  enemy  that  the  longer  he  protracts  his  hostile 
efforts,  the  more  certain  and  decisive  will  be  his  final  discomfiture. 

"  On  the  southern  border,  victory  has  continued  also  to  follow  the 
American  standard.  The  bold  and  skilfid  operations  of  Major-General 
Jackson,  conducting  troops  drawn  from  the  militia  of  the  states  least  dis- 
tant, particidarly  of  Tennessee,  have  subdued  the  principal  tribes  of  hostile 
savages,  and  by  establishing  a  peace  with  them  preceded  by  recent  and 
exemplary  chastisement,  has  best  guarded  against  the  mischief  of  their 
^o-operation  with  the  British  enterprises  which  may  be  planned  against 


164  MADISON. 

that  quarter  of  our  country.  Important  tribes  of  Indians  on  our  north- 
western frontier  have  also  acceded  to  stipulations,  which  bind  them  to  the 
interests  of  the  United  States,  and  to  consiser  our  enemy  as  theirs  also. 

"  In  the  recent  attempt  of  the  enemy  on  the  city  of  Baltimore,  defend- 
ed by  militia  and  volunteers,  aided  by  a  small  body  of  regulars  and  sea- 
men, he  was  received  with  a  spirit  which  produced  a  rapid  retreat  to  the 
ships,  whilst  a  concurrent  attack  by  a  large  fleet  was  successfully  re- 
sisted by  the  steady  and  well  directed  fire  of  the  fort  and  batteries  oppos- 
ed to  it. 

"  In  another  recent  attack  by  a  powerful  force  on  our  troops  at  Platts- 
burg,  of  which  regulars  made  a  part  only,  the  enemy,  after  a  perseve- 
rance for  many  hours,  was  finally  compelled  to  seek  safety  in  a  hasty 
retreat,  with  our  gallant  bands  pressing  upon  him. 

"  On  the  lakes,  so  much  contested  throughout  the  war,  the  great 
exertions  for  the  command  made  on  our  part  have  been  well  repaid.  On 
Lake  Ontario,  our  squadron  is  now,  and  has  been  for  some  time,  in  a  con- 
dition to  confine  that  of  the  enemy  to  his  own  port ;  and  to  favor  the 
operations  of  our  land  forces  on  that  frontier. 

"  A  part  of  the  squadron  on  Lake  Erie  has  been  extended  to  Lake 
Huron,  and  has  produced  the  advantage  of  displaying  our  command  of 
that  lake  also.  One  object  of  the  expedition  was  the  reduction  of  Macki- 
naw, which  failed,  with  the  loss  of  a  few  brave  men,  among  whom  was 
an  officer  justly  distinguished  for  his  gallant  exploits.  The  expedition, 
ably  conducted  by  both  the  land  and  naval  commanders,  was  otherwise 
valuable  in  its  effects. 

"  On  Lake  Champlain,  where  our  superiority  had  for  some  time  been 
undisputed,  the  British  squadron  lately  came  into  action  with  the  Ame- 
rican, commanded  by  Captain  M'Donough.  It  issued  in  the  capture  of  the 
whole  of  the  enemy's  ships.  The  best  praise  of  this  officer  and  his  intre- 
pid comrades  is  in  the  likeness  of  his  triumph  to  the  illustrious  victory, 
which  immortalized  another  officer,  and  established,  at  a  critical  moment, 
our  command  of  another  lake. 

"  On  the  ocean,  the  pride  of  our  naval  arms  has  been  amply  support- 
ed. A  second  frigate  has  indeed  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy, 
but  the  loss  is  hidden  in  the  blaze  of  heroism  with  which  she  was  defend- 
ed. Captain  Porter,  who  commanded  her,  and  whose  previous  career 
liad  been  distinguished  by  daring  enterprise  and  by  fertility  of  genius, 
maintained  a  sanguinary  contest  against  two  ships,  one  of  them  superior 
to  his  own,  and  other  severe  disadvantages,  till  humanity  tore  down  the 
colors  which  valor  had  nailed  to  the  mast.  This  officer  and  his  brave 
comrades  have  added  much  to  the  rising  glory  of  the  American  flag,  and 
have  merited  all  the  effusions  of  gratitude  which  their  country  is  ever 
ready  to  bestow  on  the  champions  of  its  rights  and  of  its  safety. 

"  Two  smaller  vessels  of  war  have  also  become  prizes  to  the  enemy, 
but  by  a  superiority  of  force  which  sufficiently  vindicates  the  reputation 
of  their  commanders  ;  whilst  two  others,  one  commanded  by  Captain 
Warrington,  the  other  by  Captain  Blakely,  have  captured  British  ships  of 
the  same  class,  with  a  gallantry  and  good  conduct,  which  entitled  them 
and  their  companions  to  a  just  share  in  the  praise  of  their  country. 


MADISON.  1C5 

"  In  spite  of  the  naval  force  of  the  enemy  accumulated  on  our  coasts, 
our  private  cruisers  also  have  not  ceased  to  annoy  his  commerce,  and  to 
bring  their  rich  prizes  into  our  ports  ;  contributing  thus,  with  other  proof?, 
to  domonstrate  the  incompetency  and  the  illegality  of  a  blockade,  the 
proclamation  of  which  is  made  the  pretext  for  vexing  and  discouraging 
the  commerce  of  neutral  powers  with  the  United  States. 

"  To  meet  the  extended  and  diversified  warfare  adopted  by  the  enemy, 
great  bodies  of  militia  have  been  taken  into  service  for  the  public  defence, 
and  great  expenses  incurred.  That  the  defence  every  where  may  be 
both  more  convenient  and  more  economical.  Congress  will  see  the  neces- 
sity of  immediate  measures  for  filling  the  ranks  of  the  regular  army  ;  and 
of  enlarging  the  provisions  for  special  corps,  mounted  and  unmounted, 
to  be  engaged  for  longer  periods  of  service  than  are  due  from  the  militia. 
I  earnestly  renew,  at  the  same  time,  a  recommendation  of  such  changes 
in  the  system  of  the  militia,  as,  by  classing  and  disciplining  for  the  most 
prompt  and  active  service  the  portions  most  capable  of  it,  will  give  to  that 
great  resource  for  the  public  safety,  all  the  requisite  energy  and  effi- 
ciency. 

"  The  monies  received  into  the  Treasury,  during  the  nine  months  ending 
on  the  13th  day  of  .lune  last,  amounted  to  thirty-two  millions  of  dollars, 
of  which  eleven  millions  were  the  proceeds  of  the  public  revenue,  "and  the 
remainder  derived  from  loans.  The  disbursements  for  public  expendi- 
tures, during  the  same  period,  exceeded  thirty-four  millions  of  dollars,  and 
left  in  the  Treasury  on  the  1st  of  July,  near  five  millions  of  dollars 
The  denands  during  the  remainder  of  the  present  year,  already  autho- 
rized by  Congress,  and  the  expenses  incident  to  an  extension  of  the  opera- 
tions of^  tie  war,  will  render  it  necessary  that  large  sums  should  be  pro- 
vided to  iTi  eet  them. 

"  From  this  view  of  the  national  affairs,  Congress  will  be  urged  to  take 
up  without  delay,  as  well  the  subject  of  pecuniary  supplies  as  that  of  mili- 
tary force,  md  on  a  scale  commensurate  with  the  extent  and  character 
which  the  war  has  assumed. 

"  It  is  not  to  be  disguised,  that  the  situation  of  our  country  calls  for  its 
greatest  efforts.  Our  enemy  is  powerful  in  men  and  money  ;  on  the  land 
and  on  the  water.  Availing  himself  of  fortuitous  advantages,  he  is  aim- 
ing, with  an  undivided  force,  a  deadly  blow  at  our  growing  prosperity, 
perhaps  at  our  national  existence.  He  has  avowed  his  purpose  of  tramp- 
ling on  the  usages  of  civilized  warfare,  and  given  earnests  of  it  in  the 
plunder  and  wanton  destruction  of  private  property.  In  his  pride  of 
maritime  dominion,  and  in  his  thirst  of  commercial  monopoly,  he  strikes 
with  peculiar  animosity  at  the  progress  of  our  navigation  and  of  our  ma- 
nufactures. His  barbarous  policy  has  not  even  spared  those  monuments 
of  the  arts,  and  models  of  taste,  with  which  our  country  had  enriched  and 
embellished  its  infant  metropolis.  From  such  an  adversary,  hostility  in 
its  greatest  force  and  worst  forms  may  be  looked  for.  The  American 
people  will  face  it  with  the  undaunted  spirit  which,  in  their  revolutionary 
struggle,  defeated  his  unrighteous  projects.  His  threats  and  his  barbari- 
ties, instead  of  dismay,  will  kindle  in  every  bosom  an  indignation  not  to 
bo  extinguished  but  in  the  disaster  and  expulsion  of  such  cruel  invaders. 


166  MADISON. 

In  providing  the  means  necessary,  the  National  Legislature  will  not 
distrust  the  heroic  and  enlightened  patriotism  of  its  constituents.  They 
will  cheerfully  and  proudly  bear  every  burden  of  every  kind,  which  the 
safety  and  honor  of  the  nation  demand.  We  have  seen  them  every 
where  paying  their  taxes,  direct  and  indirect,  with  the  greatest  prompt- 
ness and  alacrity.  We  see  them  rushing  with  enthusiasm  to  scenes 
where  danger  and  duty  call.  In  offering  their  blood,  they  give  the 
surest  pledge  that  no  Other  tribute  will  be  withheld. 

"  Having  forborne  to  declare  war  until  to  other  aggressions  had  been 
added  the  capture  of  nearly  a  thousand  American  vessels,  and  the  im- 
pressment of  thousands  of  American  seafaring  citizens,  and  until  a  final 
declaration  had  been  made  by  the  government  of  Great  Britain,  that  her 
hostile  orders  against  our  commerce  would  not  be  revoked  but  on  condi- 
tions as  impossible  as  unjust;  whilst  it  was  known  that  these  orders 
would  not  otherwise  cease,  but  with  a  war  which  had  lasted  nearly  twenty 
years,  and  which,  according  to  appearances  at  that  time,  might  last  as 
many  more;  having  manifested,  on  every  occasion  and  in  every  proper 
mode,  a  sincere  desire  to  arrest  the  effusion  of  blood,  and  meet  our 
enemy  on  the  ground  of  justice  and  reconciliation,  our  beloved  country, 
in  still  opposing  to  his  persevering  hostility  all  its  energies,  with  an  undi 
minished  disposition  towards  peace  and  friendship  on  honorable  terms, 
must  carry  with  it  the  good  wishes  of  the  impartial  world,  and  the  best 
hopes  of  support  from  an  omnipotent  and  kind  Providence." 

In  the  north-eastern  parts  of  the  Union,  scenes  were  now  enacting, 
similar  to  those  which  liad  disgraced  the  British  on  the  southern  coasts. 
At  Hampden,  in  Maine,  the  destruction  of  private  property  by  the  British 
squadron  was  very  great.  It  appears  to  have  proceeded,  however, 
from  the  lawless  spirit  of  the  soldiers,  and  not  to  have  been  directly 
authorized  by  the  commaoiding  officers,  as  the  destruction  of  the  shipping 
was  stopped  by  order  of  Sir  John  Sherbrooke,  and  several  sailors  were 
arrested  for  pillaging  dwelling-houses.  Castine  was  taken,  and  the 
British  soldiers  were  kept  continually  employed  in  erecting  fortifications 
there.  Most  of  the  trees  in  the  place  were  cut  down,  and  a  considerable 
distance  in  the  vicinity  was  cleared  to  prevent  the  unexpected  approach 
of  an  enemy.  Between  fifty  and  an  hundred  pieces  of  cannon  were 
mounted,  and  a  canal  was  commenced  from  Castine  river  to  the  Penobscot, 
to  separate  the  town  from  the  main.  Four  large,  and  several  smaller  forts 
were  built,  and  the  whole  town  was  put  in  a  posture  of  complete  defence.* 


*  Among  the  other  exploits  which  did  honor  to  the  British  arms,  was  one  of  Sir  G. 
Collier,  who  commanded  the  ship  Leander,  and  made  his  appearance  off  a  small  cove, 
below  Sandy  Bay,  Cape  Ann,  and  manned  three  barges  which  stood  for  the  cove. 
About  fifty  men  collected  from  the  vicinity,  and  with  a  six  pounder  and  musketry, 
exchanged  several  fires  with  the  barges,  when  they  returned  to  the  ship.  A  flag  was 
immediately  despatched  from  the  Leander,  bearing  the  following  note  frtm  the 
commander : 

"  Leander,  1,  P.  M.,  TuEsr  it. 

"  Sir  George  Collier  believes  the  boat,  on  shore,  a  fisherman.  He  desires  to  exa.-nine 
her  without  recourse  to  arms,  and  if  objected  to,  he  will  land  and  destroy  tvtry  home 
within  fjvo  miles  of  the  cove.     This  the  inhabitants  7nay  rely  upon.  G.  Collier." 


MADISON.  167 

Tlie  commissioners  of  both  nations  had,  in  the  mean  time,  met,  not, 
as  had  been  first  arranged,  at  Gottenbercr,  but  at  Ghent.  The  triumph 
of  the  British  over  Bonaparte  had  naturally  increased  the  arrogance  of 
their  tone,  wliilst  the  ravaging  expeditions  on  the  American  coast,  con- 
trasted with  the  state  of  the  war  in  Canada,  confirmed  the  Americans  in 
their  proud  determination  not  to  yield.  The  English  demanded  that  no 
further  accjuisition  of  territory  should  be  made  at  the  expense  of  the  In- 
dians. To  this  and  other  demands  the  American  commissioners  objected; 
and  the  first  attempts  at  an  accommodation  altogether  failed. 

In  the  mean  time  the  exasperation  of  the  federalists — more  properly 
of  the  party  averse  to  war  in  the  New-England  states — grew  to  a  height 
that  ahnost  menaced  a  revolution.  Mr.  Strong,  the  Governor  of  Massa- 
chusetts, was  at  the  head  of  this  party  ;  and  his  addresses  to  the  legisla- 
ture of  his  state  vied  with  those  of  the  President  to  Congress  in  strength 
and  bitterness,  but  with  sentiments  directly  opposite.  "  The  lovers  of 
peace,"  said  he,  "  are  accused  of  being  under  British  influence.  Those 
of  war  are  as  much  instigated  by  French  influence."  Distress  was  at  the 
bottom  of  this  discontent ;  for  Massachusetts  had  not  only  traded  in 
British  manufactures,  but,  from  the  long  credit  given  by  the  merchants 
of  that  country,  literally  traded  upon  the  capital  of  the  latter.  Of  these 
great  advantages  war  deprived  them.  To  alleviate  this  distress  somewhat, 
the  rigor  of  the  laws  prohibiting  both  imports  and  exports  was  relaxed ; 
and  as  the  enemy's  fleet  had  hitherto  confined  tlieir  blockade  to  the 
southern  ports,  it  was  hoped  that  Boston  and  New-York  might  enjoy  a 
circuitous  or  indirect  trade,  which  would  reconcile  them  to  the  war. 
Great  Britain,  however,  about  this  time,  freed  from  the  necessity  of  keep- 
ing her  cruisers  around  the  shores  of  Europe,  despatched  them  to  Ameri- 
ca, and  enforced  her  blockade  all  along  the  coast,  in  order  to  protect  her 
trade  more  effectually  from  the  privateers  of  her  foe. 

The  New-Englanders  not  only  felt  this,  but  they  saw  Britain  so  victo- 
rious in  her  European  struggle,  that  it  seemed  madness  to  resist  her. 
The  destruction  of  Washington,  the  ravage  of  the  banks  of  the  Chesa- 
peake, showed  what  was  to  be  expected  from  a  continuance  of  hostilities. 
Towards  the  close  of  the  year  they,  consequently,  attacked  the  govern- 
ment more  virulently  than  ever,  accusing  it  of  first  exciting  the  war  gra- 
tuitously, persevering  in  it  obstinately,  yet  taking  none  of  the  requisite 
measures  for  preserving  the  country  from  insult  or  conquest.  To  remedy 
this  crying  evil,  by  which  one  section  of  states  were  sacrificed  to  the 
interests  of  another,  they  proposed  a  convention  of  delegates  from  the 
different  sections  of  the  Union  to  be  summoned  to  meet  at  Hartford,  in 
order  to  take  into  consideration  the  changes  to  be  made  in  the  Constitu- 
tion. This  was  the  most  serious  schism  that  had  as  yet  menaced  the 
integrity  of  the  Federal  Union.  The  Hartford  Convention  met,  though 
attended  merely  by  the  delegates  of  the  anti-war,  or  north-eastern  states. 
Their  discussions  were  kept  secret,  and  they  separated  for  the  time,  after 
merely  venting  their  grievances  in  a  public  address. 

This  dangerous  spirit,  as  well  as  the  distresses  of  the  government,  be- 
coming most  formidable  in  a  financial  point  of  view,  were  arrested  by  the 
tidings   that  ])cacc  at  length  had   been  signed   at   Ghent,   in  December, 


168  MADISON. 

These  tidings,  however,  did  not  arrive  until  the  army,  victorious  at 
Washington,  had  received  a  check,  which  terminated  the  war  in  a  man- 
ner glorious  to  the  nation,  and  much  to  the  support  of  the  political  party 
in  power.  We  refer,  of  course,  to  the  battle  of  New  Orleans,  a  detailed 
account  of  which  has  been  given  in  another  part  of"  U.c  volume. 

The  capture  of  the  President,  an  American  frigate,  by  the  Endymion, 
which  took  place  about  the  same  time,  off  New- York,  after  a  sharp  con- 
test, was  no  counterpoise  to  this  disaster  ;  nor  yet  the  taking  of  Fort 
Mobile  by  the  army  that  had  retreated  from  New-Orleans. 

The  news  of  peace  came  to  America  amidst  the  rejoicings  for  the  vic- 
tory of  New-Orleans.  It  was  doubly  welcome,  because  so  gloriously 
terminated.  Great  Britain  made  no  demands  ;  and  when  the  Americans 
desisted  from  theirs, — which,  indeed,  the  cessation  of  war  left  no  room 
for,  snice  impressment  and  the  right  of  search  were  applicable  merely  to 
war, — (here  seemed  scarcely  a  stipulation  necessary.  All  that  England 
insisted  on  was  the  abolition  of  the  slave  trade.  The  settlement  of  the 
boundary  line  on  the  side  of  Canada  was  left  to  commissioners  of  both 
nations.  On  the  17th  of  February,  1815,  the  President  and  Senate  rati- 
fied the  treaty  of  Ghent ;  and  North-America  breathed,  with  Europe,  free 
from  the  horrors  of  war. 

In  the  good  humor  of  the  moment,  the  ruling  party  seems  to  have  lost 
much  of  its  anti-British  rancor.  A  commercial  treaty  was  concluded 
upon  fair  terms  between  the  countries.  The  Americans  were  permitted 
by  England  to  trade  with  the  East  and  the  West-Indies;  on  the  condition, 
however,  of  transferring  the  produce  directly  to  their  own  ports.  For 
some  time,  the  old  illioeral  policy  towards  England  was  allowed  to  lie 
dormant.  A  state  of  hostility,  however,  gives  to  a  numerous  class  of 
persons  certain  occupations  and  interests  necessarily  arising  out  of,  and 
depending  on  war.  Such  persons,  although  they  dared  not  abet  such  a 
proposal  as  eternal  war,  still  wished  for  a  state,  as  far  as  commerce  and 
manufactures  were  concerned,  tantamount  to  it.  Whilst  shut  out  from 
England,  the  Americans  had  begun  to  fabricate  divers  articles  of  neces- 
sity for  themselves  ;  of  course,  at  a  dearer  rate,  and  with  less  skill,  than 
those  excluded.  Peace  brought  back  the  cheap  and  the  good  commodity 
from  England.  The  American  could  not  stand  the  competition  ;  and 
exclaimed  against  the  want  of  patriotism  in  sacrificing  him  to  foreigners. 
The  infant  manufactures  of  the  country,  argued  the  manufacturers,  ought 
to  be  supported.  Petitions  and  addresses  to  this  effect  soon  crowded  the 
table  of  Congress ;  and  as  the  consumer  was  not  so  early  alive  to  his 
interests  as  the  manufacturer,  the  complaint  of  the  former  made  impres- 
sion and  won  favor  by  its  plausibility.  Mr.  Madison,  himself,  jealous  of 
the  decline  of  manufactures,  and  still  more  of  shipping,  owing  to  the 
rivalry  of  the  Britisli,  felt  his  old  prejudices  revive ;  and  his  messages  to 
Congress  soon  came  to  recommend  prohibitory  measures  and  conservative 
duties. 

The  summer  of  1816  passed  away  without  being  marked  by  any  events 
of  peculiar  moment.  The  country  appeared  to  be  gradually  recovering 
from  the  embarrassments  induced  by  the  war,  and  that  asperity  of  feeling, 
which  had  agitated  the  different  political  parties  in  the  United  States,  was 


MADISON.  169 

visibly  wearing  away.  Congress  met  in  December.  In  the  conclusion 
of  his  message  at  the  opening  of  the  session,  Mr.  Madison,  anticipating 
the  speedy  arrival  of  the  day,  when  he  should  retire  from  the  presidency, 
took  occasion  to  express  his  attachment  for  his  country,  and  his  wishes 
for  her  future  peace  and  prosperity  : 

"  1  can  indulge  the  proud  reflection,"  said  he,  "  that  the  American  people 
have  reached  in  safety  and  success,  iheir  fortieth  year,  as  an  independent 
nation ;  that  for  nearly  an  entire  generation,  they  have  had  experience  of 
their  present  Constitution,  the  offspring  of  their  undisturbed  deliberations 
and  of  their  free  choice ;  that  they  have  found  it  to  bear  the  trials  of 
adverse  as  well  as  prosperous  circumstances,  to  contain  in  its  combina- 
tion of  the  federate  and  elective  principles,  a  reconcilement  of  public 
strength  with  individual  liberty,  of  national  power  for  the  defence  of 
national  rights,  with  a  security  against  wars  of  injustice,  of  ambition,  or 
of  vain  glory,  in  the  fundamental  provision  which  subjects  all  questions 
of  war  to  the  will  of  the  nation  itself,  which  is  to  pay  its  costs,  and  feel 
its  calamities.  Nor  is  it  less  a  peculiar  felicity  of  this  Constitution,  so 
dear  to  us  all,  that  it  is  found  to  be  capable,  without  losing  its  vital  ener- 
gies, of  expanding  itself  over  a  spacious  terriiory,  with  the  increase  and 
expansion  of  the  community,  for  whose  benefit  it  was  established." 

On  leaving  the  Presidential  chair,  Mr.  Madison  passed  the  remainder 
of  his  life  in  a  dignified  and  honorable  retirement.  Without  mingling  in 
the  petty  and  distracting  discussions  of  the  da\^  he  has  always  been 
ready  to  express  his  opinions  on  the  great  constitutional  questions  in  re- 
gard to  which  he  has  been  consulted.  No  man  perhaps  was  so  familiar 
with  the  history  of  the  Constitution,  so  thoroughly  understood  it,  or  spec- 
ulated Avith  so  much  clearness  and  felicity  on  its  principles,  as  Mr.  Madi- 
son. The  letter  which  he  wrote  in  August,  1830,  on  the  agitating  topic 
of  nullification,  is  so  admirable  and  conclusive  that  we  shall  insert  entire. 
This  letter  paper  was  addressed  to  Mr.  Edward  E^'erett,  now  governor  of 
Massachusetts,  and  first  appeared  in  the  North  American  Eeview.  With 
the  farewell  address  of  the  father  of  his  country — that  immortal  compend 
of  reflective  wisdom  and  patriotic  counsel — it  should  be  imprinted  on  the 
mind  and  the  heart  of  every  citizen.  To  all  who  love  their  country,  it 
cannot  but  be  a  source  of  regret  that  such  an  oracle  has  been  silenced. 

"  MoNTPELiER,  August,  1S30. 
"  Dear  Sir  : 

"  I  have  duly  received  your  letter,  in  which  you  refer  to  the  '  nulli- 
fying doctrine,'  advocated  as  a  constitutional  right  by  some  of  our  dis- 
tinguished fellow-citizens  ;  and  to  the  proceedings  of  the  Virginia  Legis- 
lature in  '98  and  '99,  as  appealed  to  in  behalf  of  that  doctrine ;  and  you 
express  a  wish  for  my  ideas  on  those  subjects. 

"  1  am  aware  of  the  delicacy  of  the  task  in  some  respects,  and  the 
difficulty,  in  every  respect,  of  doing  full  justice  to  it.  But  having,  in 
more  than  one  instance,  complied  with  a  like  request  from  other  friendly 
quarters,  I  do  not  decline  a  sketch  of  the  views  which  I  have  been  led  to 
take  of  the  doctrine  in  question,  as  well  as  some  others  connected  with 
them;  and  of  the  grounds  from  which  it  appears  that  the  proceedings  of 


170  "  MADISON. 

Virginia  have  been  misconceived  by  those  who  have  appealed  to  them. 
In  order  to  understand  the  true  character  of  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  the  error,  not  uncommon,  must  be  avoided,  of  viewing  it 
through  the  medium,  either  of  a  Consolidated  Government,  or  of  a  Fede- 
rated Government,  whilst  it  is  neither  the  one  nor  the  other  ;  but  a  mix- 
ture of  both.  And  having,  in  no  model,  the  similitudes  and  analogies 
applicable  to  other  systems  of  government,  it  must,  more  than  any  other, 
be  its  own  interpreter,  according  to  its  text  and  the  facts  of  the  case. 

"  From  these  it  will  be  seen  that  the  characteristic  peculiarities  of  the 
Constitution  are,  1,  the  mode  of  its  formation  ;  2,  the  division  of  the  su- 
preme powers  of  government  between  the  states  in  their  united  capacity, 
and  the  states  in  their  individual  capacities. 

"  1.  It  was  formed,  not  by  the  governments  of  the  component  states,  as 
the  Federal  Government,  for  which  it  was  substituted,  was  formed.  Nor 
was  it  formed  by  a  majority  of  the  people  of  the  United  States,  as  a  single 
community,  in  the  manner  of  a  Consolidated  Government. 

"  It  was  formed  by  the  states,  that  is,  by  the  people  in  each  of  the 
states,  acting  in  their  highest  sovereign  capacity  ;  and  formed  conse- 
quently, by  the  same  authority  which  formed  the  State  Constitutions. 

"Being  thus  derived  from  the  same  source  as  the  constitutions  of  the 
states,  it  has,  within  each  state,  the  same  authority  as  the  constitution 
of  the  state :  and  is  as  much  a  constitution,  in  the  strict  sense  of  the 
term,  within  its  prescribed  sphere,  as  the  constitutions  of  the  states  are, 
within  their  respective  spheres  ;  but  with  this  obvious  and  essential  dif- 
ference, that  being  a  compact  among  the  states  in  their  highest  sovereign 
capacity,  and  constituting  the  people  thereof  one  people  for  certain  pur- 
poses, it  cannot  be  altered  or  annulled  at  the  will  of  the  states  individu- 
ally, as  the  constitution  of  a  state  may  be  at  its  individual  wdl. 

"2.  And  that  it  divides  the  supreme  powers  of  government,  between 
the  government  of  the  United  States,  and  the  governments  of  the  indi- 
vidual states,  is  stamped  on  the  face  of  the  instrument ;  the  powers  of 
war  and  of  taxation,  of  commerce  and  of  treaties,  and  other  enumerated 
powers  vested  in  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  being  of  as  high 
and  sovereign  a  character  as  any  of  the  powers  reserved  to  the  state 
governments. 

"  Nor  is  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  created  by  the  Consti- 
tution, less  a  government  in  the  strict  sense  of  the  term,  within  the  sphere 
of  its  powers,  than  the  governments  created  by  the  constitutions  of  the 
states  are,  within  their  several  spheres.  It  is,  like  them,  organized  into 
Legislative,  Executive,  and  Judiciary  departments.  It  operates,  like 
them,  directly  on  persons  and  things.  And,  like  them,  it  has  at  command 
a  physical  force  for  executing  the  powers  committed  to  it.  The  concur- 
rent operation  in  certain  cases,  is  one  of  the  features  marking  the  pecu- 
liarity of  the  system. 

"  Between  these  different  constitutional  governments,  the  one  operating 
in  all  the  states,  the  others  operating  separately  in  each,  with  the  aggre- 
gate powers  of  government  divided  between  them,  it  could  not  escape 
attention,  that  controversies  would  arise  concerning  the  boundaries  of 
jurisdiction  ;  and  that  some  provision  ought  to  be  made  for  such  occur- 


MADISON.  171 

rences.  A  political  system  that  does  not  provide  for  n  peaceable  and  an- 
thoritntivo  termiiintion  of  occiirriri£f  controversies,  would  not  be  morotli.in 
the  sliadow  of  a  government;  the  oI)ject  and  end  of  a  real  government 
being  the  substitution  of  law  and  order,  for  uncertainty,  confusion,  and 
violence. 

•'  That  to  have  left  a  final  decision,  in  such  cases,  to  each  of  the  states 
then  thirteen,  and  already  twenfy-fiinr,  could  not  fail  to  make  the  Consti- 
tution and  Laws  of  the  United  States  different  in  different  states,  was 
obvious  ;  and  not  less  obvious,  tliat  this  diversity  of  independent  decisions 
must  altogether  distract  the  Government  of  the  Union,  and  speedily  put 
an  end  to  the  Union  itself  A  uniform  authority  of  the  Laws  is  in  itself 
a  vital  principle.  Some  of  the  most  important  laws  could  not  be  partially 
executed.  They  must  be  executed  in  all  the  states,  or  they  could  be 
duly  executed  in  none.  An  impost,  or  an  excise,  for  example,  if  not  in 
force  in  some  states,  would  be  defeated  in  others.  It  is  well  known  that 
this  was  among  the  lessons  of  experience  which  had  a  primary  influence 
in  bringing  about  the  existing  constitution.  A  loss  of  its  general  authuri- 
ty  would  moreover  revive  the  exasperating  questions  betvveen  the  states 
holding  ports  for  foreign  commerce,  and  the  adjoining  states  without 
them;  to  which  are  now  added  all  the  inland  states,  necessarily  carrying 
on  their  foreign  commerce  through  other  states. 

"  To  have  made  the  decisions  under  the  authority  of  the  individual 
states,  co-ordinate,  in  all  cases,  with  decisions  under  the  authority  of  the 
United  States,  would  unavoidably  produce  collisions  incompatible  with 
the  peace  of  society,  and  with  that  regular  and  efficient  administration, 
which  is  of  the  essence  of  free  governments.  Scenes  could  not  be  avoid- 
ed, in  which  a  ministerial  officer  of  the  United  States,  and  the  correspon- 
dent officer  of  an  individual  state,  would  have  rencounters  in  executing 
conflicting  decrees  ;  the  result  of  which  would  depend  on  the  compara- 
tive force  of  the  local  posses  attending  them  ;  and  that,  a  casualty  depend- 
ing on  the  political  opinions  and  party  feelings  in  different  states. 

'•  To  have  referred  every  clashing  decision,  under  the  two  authorities 
for  a  final  decision  to  the  states  as  parties  to  the  constitution,  would  be 
attended  with  delays,  with  inconveniences,  and  with  expenses,  amountinfr 
to  a  prohibition  of  the  expedient;  not  to  mention  its  tendency  to  impair 
the  salutary  veneration  for  a  system  requiring  such  frequent  interpositions, 
nor  the  delicate  questions  which  might  present  themselves  as  to  the  form 
of  stating  the  appeal,  and  as  to  the  quorum  for  deciding  it. 

"  To  have  trusted  to  negotiation  for  adjusting  disputes  between  the 
tiovernment  of  the  United  States  and  the  Stale  Governments,  as  between 
inde[)endeut  and  separate  sovereignties,  would  have  lost  sight  altoo-ether 
of  a  Constitution  and  Government  for  the  Union,  and  opened  a  direct  road 
from  a  failure  of  that  resort,  to  the  uftiiiin  mtio  betvveen  nations  wholly 
independent  of  and  alien  to  each  other.  If  the  idea  had  its  origin  in  the 
process  of  adjustment,  between  separate  branches  of  the  sanfe  govern- 
ment, the  analogy  entirely  fails.  In  the  case  of  disputes  between  inde- 
pendent parts  of  the  same  government,  neither  part  being  able  to  consum- 
mate its  will,  nor  the  government  to  proceed  without  a  concurrence  of  the 
parts,  necessity  brings  about  an  accommodation.  In  disputes  between  « 
23  ^ 


172  MADISON. 

State  Government,  and  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  the  case  is 
practically  as  well  as  theoretically  ditferent ;  each  party  possessing  all  the 
departments  of  an  organized  government,  Legislative,  Executive,  and 
Judiciary,  and  having  each  a  physical  force  to  support  its  pretensions 
Although  the  issue  of  negotiation  might  sometimes  avoid  this  extremity, 
how  often  would  it  happen,  among  so  many  states,  that  an  unaccommo- 
dating spirit  in  some,  would  render  that  resource  unavailing  1  A  contrary 
supposition  would  not  accord  with  a  knowledge  of  human  nature,  or  the 
evidence  of  our  own  political  history. 

"  The  Constitution,  not  relying  on  any  of  the  preceding  modifications, 
for  its  safe  and  successful  operation,  has  expressly  declared,  on  the  one 
hand,  1,  'that  the  Constitution,  and  the  laws  made  in  pursuance  thereof, 
and  all  treaties  made  under  the  authority  of  the  United  States,  shall  be 
the  supreme  law  of  the  land ;  2,  that  the  Judges  of  every  state  shall  be 
bound  thereby,  any  thing  in  the  constitution  and  laws  of  any  state  to  the 
contrary  notwithstanding ;  3,  that  the  judicial  power  of  the  United 
States  shall  extend  to  all  cases  in  law  and  equity  arising  under  the  con- 
stitution, the  laws  of  the  United  States,  and  treaties  made  under  their 
authority,  &bc.' 

"On  the  other  hand,  as  a  security  of  the  rights  and  powers  of  the 
states  in  their  individual  capacities,  against  an  undue  preponderance 
of  the  powers  granted  to  the  government  over  them  in  their  united  ca- 
pacity, the  Constitution  has  relied  on,  1,  the  responsibility  of  the  Sena- 
tors and  Representatives  in  the  Legislature  of  the  United  States  to  the 
Legislatures  and  people  of  the  states ;  2,  the  responsibility  of  the  Presi- 
dent to  the  people  of  the  United  States ;  and,  3,  the  liability  of  the 
Executive  and  Judicial  functionaries  of  the  United  States  to  impeach- 
ment by  the  Representatives  of  the  people  of  the  states,  in  one  branch 
of  the  Legislature  of  the  United  States,  and  trial  by  the  Representatives 
of  the  states,  in  the  other  branch :  the  state  functionaries.  Legislative, 
Executive,  and  Judicial,  being,  at  the  same  time,  in  their  appointment 
and  responsibility,  altogether  independent  of  the  agency  or  authority  of 
the  United  States. 

"  How  far  this  structure  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States  is 
adequate  and  safe  for  its  objects,  time  alone  can  absolutely  determine. 
Experience  seems  to  have  shown  that  whatever  may  grow  out  of  future 
stages  of  our  national  career,  there  is,  as  yet,  a  sufficient  control,  in  the 
popular  will,  over  the  Executive  and  Legislative  Departments  of  the 
government.  When  the  Alien  and  Sedition  L.iws  were  passed  in 
contravention  to  the  opinions  and  feelings  of  the  community,  the  first 
elections  that  ensued  put  an  end  to  them.  And  whatever  may  have  been 
the  character  of  other  acts,  in  the  judgment  of  many  of  us,  it  is  but 
true,  that  they  have  generally  accorded  with  the  views  of  a  majority  of 
the  states  and  of  the  people.  At  the  present  day  it  seems  well  under- 
stood that  the  laws  which  have  created  the  most  dissatisfaction,  have 
had  a  like  sanction  without  doors;  and  that  whether  continued,  varied, 
or  repealed,  a  like  proof  will  be  given  of  the  sympathy  and  responsibility 
of  the  representative   body  to  the  constituent  body.     Indeed,  the  great 


:^ 


MADISON.  173 

complaint  now  is  against  the  results  of  this  sympathy  and  responsibility 
in  the  ici^islative  policy  of  the  nation. 

"  Witii  respect  to  the  judicial  power  of  the  United  States,  and  the 
authority  of  the  Supreme  Court  in  relation  to  the  boundary  of  jurisdiction 
between  the  Federal  and  State  Governments,  I  may  be  permitted  to 
refer  to  the  thirty-ninth  number  of  the  '  Federalist,'*  for  the  light  in 
which  the  subject  was  regarded  by  its  writer,  at  the  period  when  the 
Constitution  was  depending  ;  and  it  is  believed  that  the  same  was  the 
prevailing  view  then  taken  of  it,  that  the  same  view  has  continued  to 
prevail,  and  that  it  does  so  at  this  time,  notwithstanding  the  eminent 
e.xceptions  to  it. 

"  But  it  is  perfectly  consistent  with  the  concession  of  this  power  to  the 
Supreme  Court,  in  cases  falling  within  the  course  of  its  functions,  to 
maintain  that  the  power  has  not  always  been  rightly  exercised.  To  say 
nothing  of  the  period,  happily  a  short  one,  when  judges  in  their  seats 
did  not  abstain  from  intemperate  and  party  harangues,  equally  at  vari- 
ance with  their  duty  and  their  dignity  ;  there  have  been  occasional 
decisions  from  the  bench,  which  have  incurred  serious  and  extensive 
disapprobation.  Still  it  would  seem  that,  with  but  few  exceptions,  the 
course  of  the  Judiciary  has  been  hitherto  sustained  by  the  predominant 
sense  of  the  nation. 

"  Those  who  have  denied  or  doubted  the  supremacy  of  the  judicial 
power  of  the  United  States,  and  denounce  at  the  same  time  a  nullifying 
power  in  a  state,  seem  not  to  have  sufficiently  adverted  to  the  utter 
inefficiency  of  a  supremacy  in  a  law  of  the  land,  without  a  supremacy 
in  the  exposition  and  execution  of  the  law  ;  nor  to  the  destruction  of 
all  equipoise  between  the  Federal  Government  and  the  State  Govern- 
ments, if,  whilst  the  functionaries  of  the  Federal  Government  are  directly 
or  indirectly  elected  by  and  responsible  to  the  states,  and  the  functiona- 
ries of  the  states  are  in  their  appointment  and  responsil)ility  wholly  inde^- 
pendent  of  the  United  States,  no  constitutional  control  of  any  sort 
belong  to  the  United  States  over  the  states.  Under  such  an  organiza- 
tion it  is  evident  that  it  would  be  in  the  power  of  the  states,  individually, 
to  pass  unauthorized  laws,  and  to  carry  them  into  complete  effect,  any 
thing  in  the  Constitution  and  Laws  of  the  United  States  to  the  contrary 
notwithstanding.  This  would  be  a  nullifying  power  in  its  plenary  charac- 
ter ;  and  whether  it  had  its  final  effect,  through  the  Legislative,  Executive, 
or  Judiciary  organ  of  the  state,  would  be  equally  fatal  to  the  constituted 
relation  between  the  two  governments. 

"  Should  the  provisions  of  the  Constitution,  as  here  reviewed,  be  found 

*  No.  39.  'It  is  true,  that  in  controversies  relating  to  the  boundary  between  the 
two  jurisdictions,  the  tribunal  which  is  ultimately  to  decide,  is  to  be  established  under 
the  General  Government.  But  this  does  not  change  the  principle  of  the  case.  The 
decision  is  to  be  impartially  made,  according  to  the  rules  of  the  Constitution  ;  and  all 
the  usual  and  most  effectual  precautions  are  taken  to  secure  this  impartiality.  Some 
such  tribunal  is  clearly  essential  to  prevent  an  appeal  to  the  sword,  and  a  dissolution 
of  the  compact ;  and  that  it  ought  to  be  established  under  the  general,  rather  than 
under  the  local,  governments ;  or,  to  speak  more  properly,  that  it  could  be  safely 
established  under  the  first  alone,  is  a  position  not  likely  to  be  combated.' 


174  MADISON 

not  to  secure  the  government  and  rights  of  the  slates  against  usurpations 
and  abuses  on  the  part  of  the  United  States,  the  final  resort  within  the 
purview  of  the  Constitution,  lies  in  an  amendment  of  the  Constitution, 
according  to  a  process  applicable  by  the  states. 

"And  in  the  event  of  a  failure  of  every  constitutional  resort,  and  an 
accumulation  of  usurpations  and  abuses,  rendering  passive  obedience 
and  non-resistance  a  greater  evil  than  resistance  and  revolution,  there 
can  remain  but  one  resort,  the  last  of  all — an  appeal  from  the  cancelled 
obligations  of  the  constitutional  compact,  to  original  rights  and  the  law 
of  self-preservation.  This  is  the  ultima  ratio  under  all  governments, 
whether  consolidated,  confederated,  or  a  compound  of  both  ;  and  it  can- 
not be  doubted,  that  a  single  member  of  the  Union,  in  the  extremity  sup- 
posed, but  in  that  only,  would  have  a  right,  as  an  extra  and  ultra-constitu 
tional  right,  to  make  the  appeal. 

"  This  brings  us  to  the  expedient  lately  advanced,  which  claims  for  a 
single  stale  a  right  to  appeal  against  an  exercise  of  power  by  the  govern- 
ment of  I  ue  United  States  decided  by  the  states  to  be  unconstitutional, 
to  the  parties  to  the  constitutional  compact  ;  the  decision  of  the  state  to 
have  the  effect  of  nullifying  the  act  of  the  Government  of  the  United 
States,  unless  the  decision  of  the  state  be  reversed  by  three  fourths  of  the 
parties. 

"  The  distinguished  names  and  high  authorities  which  appoar  to  have 
asserted  and  given  a  practical  scope  to  this  doctrine,  entitle  it  to  a  respect 
which  it  might  be  difficult  otherwijic  to  feel  for  it. 

"  If  the  doctrine  were  to  be  understood  as  requiring  the  three  fourths 
of  the  states  to  sustain,  instead  of  that  proportion  to  reverse,  the  decision 
of  the  appealing  state,  the  decision  to  be  without  effect  during  the  appeal, 
it  would  be  sufficient  to  remark,  that  this  extra-constitutional  course 
might  well  give  way  to  that  marked  out  by  the  Coni^titution,  which 
authorizes  two  thirds  of  the  states  to  institute,  and  three  fourths  to  effec- 
tuate, an  amendment  of  the  Constitution,  establishing  a  permanent  rule 
of  the  highest  authority,  in  place  of  an  irregular  precedent  of  construc- 
tion only. 

"But  it  is  understood  that  the  nullifying  doctrine  imports  that  the  deci- 
sion of  the  state  is  to  be  presumed  valid,  and  that  it  overrules  the  law  of 
the  United  States,  unless  overruled  by  three  fourths  of  the  states. 

"  Can  more  lie  necessary  to  demonstrate  the  inadmissibility  of  such  a 
doctrine,  than  that  it  puts  it  in  the  power  of  the  smallest  fraction  over 
one  fourth  of  the  United  States,  that  is,  of  seven  states  out  of  twenty-four, 
to  give  the  law  and  even  the  Constitution  to  seventeen  states,  each  of  the 
seventeen  having,  as  parties  to  tlie  Constitution,  an  equal  right  with  each 
of  the  seven,  to  expound  it,  and  to  insist  on  the  exposition  ?  That  the 
seven  might,  in  particular  mstances,  be  right,  and  the  seventeen  wrong, 
is  more  than  possible.  But  to  establish  a  positive  and  permanent  rule 
giving  such  a  power,  to  such  a  minority,  over  such  a  majority,  would 
overturn  the  hrst  principle  of  free  government,  and  in  practice  necessarily 
overturn  the  government  itself 

"  It  is  to  be  recollected  that  the  Constitution  was  proposed  to  the  peo- 
ple of  the   states  as   a  whole,  and  unanimously  adopted  by  the  states  as 


MADISON.  175 

a  w/inlr,  it  being  a  part  of  the  Constitution  that  not  less  than  tliree 
fourths  of  the  states  should  be  competent  to  make  any  alterations  in  vvliat 
had  been  unanimously  agreed  to.  So  great  is  the  caution  on  tiiis  point, 
tliat  in  two  cases  where  peculiar  interests  were  at  stake,  a  proportion 
even  of  three  fourtlis  is  distrusted,  and  unanimity  required  to  make  an 
alteration. 

"  Wlien  the  Constitution  was  adopted  as  a  wliole,  it  is  certain  that 
there  were  many  parts,  which,  if  separately  proposed,  would  have 
been  promptly  rejected.  It  is  far  from  impossible  that  every  part  of  a 
Constitution  might  be  rejected  by  a  majority,  and  yet,  taken  together  as 
a  whole,  be  unanimously  accepted.  Free  Constitutions  will  rarely,  if 
ever,  be  formed,  witliout  reciprocal  concessions;  without  articles  con- 
ditioned on  and  balancing  each  otlier.  Is  there  a  Constitution  of  a 
single  state  out  of  the  twenty-four,  that  would  bear  the  experiment  of 
having  its  component  parts  submitted  to  the  people  and  separately 
decided  on  ? 

"What  the  fate  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  would  be,  if 
d  small  proportion  of  the  states  could  expunge  parts  of  it  particularly 
valued  by  a  large  majority,  it  can  have  but  one  answer. 

"  The  difficulty  is  not  removed  by  limiting  the  doctrine  to  cases  of 
construction.  How  many  cases  of  that  sort,  involving  cardinal  provi- 
sions of  the  Constitution  have  occurred?  How  many  now  exist? 
How  many  may  hereafter  spring  up  ?  How  many  might  be  ingeniously 
created,  if  entitled  to  the  privilege  of  a  decision  in  the  mode  proposed  ? 

"  It  is  certain  that  the  principle  of  that  mode  would  not  reach  further 
than  is  contemplated.  If  a  single  state  can  of  right  require  three  fourths 
nf  its  co-states  to  overrule  its  exposition  of  the  Constitution,  because  that 
proportion  is  authorized  to  amend  it,  would  tlie  plea  be  less  plausible  that, 
as  the  Constitution  was  unanimously  established,  it  ought  to  be  unani- 
mously expounded  ? 

"The  reply  to  all  such  suggestions  seems  to  be  unavoidable  and  irre- 
sistible; that  the  Constitution  is  a  compact,  that  its  text  is  to  be  expound- 
ed according  to  the  provisions  for  expounding  it — making  a  part  of  the 
compact;  and  that  none  of  the  parties  can  rightfully  renounce  the  ex- 
pounding provision  more  than  any  other  par*.  When  such  a  right  ac- 
crues, as  may  accrue,  it  must  grow  out  of  abuses  of  the  compact  releasing 
the  sufferers  from  their  fealty  to  it. 

"  In  favor  of  the  nullifying  claim  for  the  states,  individually,  it  ap- 
pears, as  you  observe,  that  the  proceedings  of  the  Legislature  of  Vir- 
ginia, in  '98  and  '99,  against  the  Alien  and  Sedition  Acts,  are  much 
dwelt  upon. 

"  It  may  often  happen,  as  experience  proves,  that  erroneous  construc- 
tions, not  anticipated,  may  not  be  sufficiently  guarded  against,  in  the 
language  used;  and  it  is  due  to  the  distinguished  individuals,  who  have 
misconceived  the  intention  of  those  proceedings,  to  suppose  that  the 
meaning  of  the  Legislature,  though  well  comprehended  at  the  time,  may 
not  now  be  obvious  to  those  unacquainted  with  the  contemporary  indica- 
tions and  impressions. 

"  But  it  is   believed   that  by  keeping  in  view  the  distinction   between 


176  MADISON. 

the  governments  of  the  states,  and  the  states  in  which  tliey  were  parties 
to  the  Constitution  ;  between  the  rights  of  the  parties,  in  their  concurrent 
and  in  their  individual  capacities;  between  the  several  modes  and  objects 
of  interposition  against  the  abuses  of  power,  and  especially  between  in- 
terpositions within  the  purview  of  the  Constitution,  and  interpositions 
appealing  from  the  Constitution  to  the  rights  of  nature  paramount  to  all 
constitutions  ;  with  an  attention,  always  of  explanatory  use,  to  the  views 
and  arguments  which  were  combated,  the  Resolutions  of  Virginia,  as 
vindicated  in  the  Report  on  them,  will  be  found  entitled  to  an  exposition, 
showing  a  consistency  in  their  parts,  and  an  inconsistency  of  the  whole, 
with  the  doctrine  under  consideration. 

"  That  the  Legislature  could  not  have  intended  to  sanction  such  a  doc- 
trine, is  to  be  inferred  from  the  debates  in  the  House  of  Delegates,  and 
from  the  address  of  the  two  Houses  to  their  constituents,  on  the  subject 
of  the  Resolutions.  The  tenor  of  the  debates,  which  were  ably  conduct- 
ed, and  are  understood  to  have  been  revised  for  the  press  by  most,  if  not 
all,  of  the  speakers,  discloses  no  reference  whatever  to  a  constitutional 
right  in  an  individual  state,  to  arrest  by  force  the  operation  of  a  law  of 
the  United  States.  Concert  among  the  states  for  redress  against  the  Alien 
and  Sedition  Laws,  as  acts  of  usurped  power,  was  a  leading  sentiment  ; 
and  the  attainment  of  a  concert,  the  immediate  object  of  the  course 
adopted  by  the  legislature,  which  was  that  of  inviting  the  other  states  *  to 
concur  in  declaring  the  acts  to  be  unconstitutional,  and  to  co-operate  by 
the  necessary  and  proper  measures  in  maintaining  unimpaired  the  authori- 
ties, rights,  and  liberties  reserved  to  the  states  respectively,  and  to  the  peo- 
ple.' That  by  the  necessary  and  proper  measures  to  be  concurrently 
and  co-operatioely  taken,  were  meant  measures  known  to  the  Constitution, 
particularly  the  ordinary  control  of  the  people  and  legislatures  of  the 
states,  over  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  cannot  be  doubted  ; 
and  the  interposition  of  this  control,  as  the  event  showed,  was  equal  to 
the  occasion. 

"  It  is  worthy  of  remark,  and  explanatory  of  the  intentions  of  the 
Legislature,  that  the  words  'not  law,  but  utterly  null,  void,  and  of  no 
force  or  effect,'  which  had  followed,  in  one  of  the  resolutions,  the  word 
'  unconstitutional,'  were  struck  out  by  common  consent.  Though  the 
words  were  in  fact  but  synonymous  with  '  unconstitutional ;'  yet  to 
guard  against  a  misunderstanding  of  this  phrase  as  more  than  declaratory 
of  opinion,  the  word  '  unconstitutional'  alone  was  retained,  as  not  liable 
to  that  danger. 

"  The  published  Address  of  the  Legislature  to  the  people,  their  consti- 
tuents, affords  another  conclusive  evidence  of  its  views.  The  address 
warns  them  against  the  encroaching  spirit  of  the  General  Government, 
argues  the  unconstitutionality  of  the  Alien  and  Sedition  Acts,  points  to 
other  instances  in  which  the  constitutional  limits  had  been  overleaped  ; 
dwells  upon  the  dangerous  mode  of  deriving  power  by  implication  ;  and 
in  general  presses  the  necessity  of  watching  over  the  consolidating  ten- 
dency of  the  Federal  policy.  But  nothing  is  said  that  can  be  understood 
to  look  to  means  of  maintaining  the  rights  of  the  states,  beyond  the  regu- 
lar ones,  within  the  forms  of  the  Constitution. 


MADISON.  177 

"  If  any  further  lights  on  the  subject  could  be  needed,  a  very  strong  one 
is  reflected  in  the  answers  to  the  resolutions,  by  the  States  which  protested 
against  them.  The  main  objection  of  these,  beyond  a  few  general  com- 
plaints of  the  inflammatory  tendency  of  the  resolutions,  was  directed 
against  the  assumed  authority  of  a  Stale  Legislature  to  declare  a  law  of  the 
United  States  unconstitutional,  which  they  pronounced  an  unwarranta- 
ble interference  with  the  exclusive  jurisdiction  of  the  Supreme  Court  of 
the  United  States.  Had  the  resolutions  been  regarded  as  avowing  and 
maintaining  a  right,  in  an  individual  Slate,  to  arrest,  by  force,  the  execu- 
tion of  a  law  of  the  United  States,  it  must  be  presumed  that  it  would 
have  been  a  conspicuous  object  of  their  denunciation. 

"  With  cordial  salutations, 

"Jaivies  Madison." 

During  the  latter  part  of  his  life,  Mr.  Madison  was  associated  with  Mr. 
Jefferson  in  the  institution  of  the  University  of  Virginia,  and  after  his 
decease  was  placed  at  its  head  with  the  title  of  Rector.  He  was  also  the 
president  of  an  agricultural  society  in  the  county  of  his  residence,  and  in 
that  capacity  delivered  an  "  address,  which  the  practical  farmer  and  the 
classical  scholar  may  read  with  equal  profit  and  delight." 

"  In  the  midst  of  these  occupations  the  declining  days  of  the  philosopher, 
the  statesman  and  the  patriot  were  passed,  until  the  21st  day  of  June, 
1836,  the  anniversary  of  the  day  on  which  the  ratification  of  the  conven- 
tion of  Virginia,  in  178S,  had  affixed  the  seal  of  James  Madison  as  the 
father  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  when  his  earthly  part 
sunk  without  a  struggle  into  the  grave,  and  a  spirit  bright  as  the  seraphim 
that  surround  the  throne  of  Omnipotence  ascended  to  the  bosom  of  his 
God  "" 


JAMES   MONROE. 

The  early  years  of  the  life  of  James  Monroe,  fifth  President  of  the 
United  States,  were  passed  at  the  place  of  his  nativity,  on  the  banks  oi 
the  Potomac,  in  the  county  of  Westmoreland,  in  what  was,  at  that  period, 
called  the  colony  of  Virginia.  Ii  is  somewhat  remarkable  that  this  state, 
where  the  traveller  thinks  that  he  beholds  the  feudal  splendor  of  a  former 
ao-e,  and  is  entertained  with  a  magnificent  hospitality,  to  be  found  in  no 
other  part  of  the  union,  and  where,  in  the  language  of  the  British  Spy, 
"  here  and  there  a  stately  aristocratic  palace  strikes  the  view,  while  all 
around,  for  many  miles,  no  other  buildings  are  to  be  seen  but  the  little 
smoky  huts  and  log  cabins  of  poor,  laborious,  ignorant  tenants,"  should 
have  produced  four  of  the  chief  magistrates  of  this  republic.  Old  Vir- 
ginia, besides  the  crown  of  her  glory,  Washington — her  Jefferson,  her 
Madison,  and  her  Monroe — enrols  upon  her  archives  the  name  of  another 
illustrious  and  venerable  patriarch  of  freedom,  which  is  a  consecrated 
word  upon  the  lips  of  every  lover  of  his  country.  Who  would  not  write 
with  me,  on  the  scroll  which  American  liberty  displays  to  the  world, 
under  the  name  of  General  Washington,  that  of  his  biographer?  Vene- 
rated by  all  men,  of  all  parties,  is  the  present  Chief  Justice,  John 
Marshall. 

James  Monroe  was  born  in  September,  1759.  His  ancestors  had  for 
many  years  resided  in  the  province  in  which  he  was  born,  and  one  of 
them  was  among  the  first  patentees  of  that  province.  That  this  ancestor 
possessed  some  of  those  noble  and  generous  qualities  of  the  heart  which 
distinguished  his  descendant,  will  be  apparent  from  the  following  anecdote. 
At  some  warmly  contested  election,  when  Madison  and  Monroe  were 
opposing  candidates,  the  friends  of  both  parties  used  the  most  strenuous 
exertions  to  bring  every  voter  to  the  polls.  When,  by  reasons  of  poverty, 
old  age,  or  bodily  infirmities,  any  voters  were  unable  to  be  present,  they 
were  sent  for  and  brought  in  c'lrts  and  wagons,  to  the  place  of  the  elec- 
tion. The  friends  of  Mr.  Madison  had  succeeded  in  transporting  from  a 
considerable  distance  a  very  aged  man.  He  was  set  down  at  the  building 
in  which  the  votes  were  to  be  cast,  and  soon  began  to  hear  some  conver- 
sation about  the  candidates.  The  name  of  James  Monroe  at4ast  struck  his 
ear,  and  he  inquired  of  the  speaker  if  the  man  whom  he  had  mentioned  was 
the  son  of  that  Monroe  who  lived  and  died  in  the  province  many  years 
before.  Upon  being  informed  that  James  was  a  grandson  of  that  indi- 
vidual, the  old  man  instantly  exclaimed,  "  Then  I  will  vote  for  James 
Monroe.  His  grandfather  befriended  me  when  I  first  came  into  the 
country,  fed  me,  and  clotlied  me,  and  I  lived  in  his  house.  I  do  not 
know  James  Madison.     I  will  vote  for  James  Monroe  !"     So  Mr.  Monroe 


MONROE.  179 

received  the  old  man's  suffrage,  tliougli  I\Ir.  Madison's  supporlcrs  had 
borne  the  trouble  and  e;<pense  of  a  long  journey.  The  same  noble  spirit 
of  benevolence,  which  prompted  the  grandfather  to  receive  within  his  door 
a  helpless  stranger,  may  be  traced  in  the  actions  of  his  illustrious  de- 
scendant, who  pledged  the  whole  of  his  property  for  the  credit  of  the 
nation,  and  was  untiring  in.  his  efforts  to  reward  revolutionary  patriots. 

Mr.  Monroe  was,  at  seventeen  years  of  age,  in  the  process  of  complet- 
ing his  classical  education  at  the  College  of  William  and  Mary,  when  the 
colonial  delegates  assembled  at  Phil;ul(>lphia,  to  deliberate  upon  the  unjust 
and  manifold  oppressions  of  Great  Britain,  declared  the  separation  of  the 
colonies,  and  promulgated  the  declaration  of  Independence.  Had  he 
been  born  ten  years  before,  it  is  highly  probable,  that,  instead  of  reading 
about  the  rise  and  fall  of  the  Grecian  republics,  he  would  have  been  one 
of  the  signers  of  that  celebrated  instrument.  His  youth  precluded  him 
from  taking  any  part  in  tlie  controversies,  which  had  agitated  the  country 
from  the  first  promulgation  of  the  stamp  act.  Indeed,  his  birth  may  be 
said  to  have  been  simultaneous  with  the  faint  dawn  of  American  freedom  ; 
for  he  was  only  in  his  fifth  year,  when,  upon  the  publication  of  that  odious 
paper,  the  fires  of  resistance  flashed,  like  beacons,  from  mountain  to 
mountain.  The  British  government  continued  to  add  new  fuel  to  the 
flame,  till  on  the  fourth  of  July,  1770,  the  conflagration  became  universal. 

Upon  the  first  formation  of  the  American  army,  young  Monroe — at  that 
period  eigliteen  years  of  age — left  his  college,  and,  repairing  to  General 
Washington's  headquarters  at  New-York,  enrolled  himself  in  the  army  as 
a  cadet  in  the  regiment  commanded  by  Colonel  Mercer.  lie  joined  the 
army  when  every  thing  looked  hopeless  and  gloomy.  The  number  of 
deserters  increased  from  day  to  day.  The  invading  armies  came  pourincr 
in  ;  and  the  tories,  a  numerous  class,  now  entirely  extinct  among  us,  not 
only  favored  {he  cause  of  the  mother  country,  but  disheartened  the  new 
recruits,  who  were  sufficiently  terrified  at  the  prospect  of  contending  with  an 
enemy  whom  they  had  been  taught  to  deem  invincible.  The  besiegers  con- 
tinued to  receive  new  accessions, while  the  besieged  wf  re  almost  reduced  to 
the  necessity  of  a  dissolution.  To  such  brave  spirits  as  James  Monroe,  who 
went  right  onward  undismayed  through  diiriculty  and  danger,  tJie  L'nited 
States  owe  their  political  emancipation.  The  young  cadet  joined  the 
ranks,  and  espoused  the  cause  of  his  injured  country,  with  a  firm  deter- 
mination to  live  or  die  with  her  strife  for  liberty.  The  fortitude  of  such 
a  determination  will  be  appreciated  by  those  who  reflect  that  our  country, 
like  the  infant  Hercules,  was  to  strangle  the  serpents,  or  perish  in  the 
attempt. 

Mr.  Monroe  shared  all  the  defeats  and  privations  which  attended  the 
footsteps  of  the  army  of  Washington,  through  the  disastrous  battles  of  Flat 
Bush,  llaerleni  Heights,  and  White  Plains.  He  was  present  at  the  suc- 
ceeding evacuation  of  New- York  and  Long  Island,  at  the  surrender  of 
Fort  Washington,  and  the  retreat  through  the  Jerseys;  "  till,"  in  the  elo- 
quent language  of  his  great  eulogist,  "  on  the  day  devoted  to  celebrate 
the  l)irth  of  the  Savior  of  mankind,  of  the  same  year  on  which  indepen- 
dence was  proclaimed,  Washington,  with  the  houseless  heads  and  unshod 
feet  of  three  thousand  new  and  undisciplined  levies,  stood  on  the  western 
24 


180  MONROE. 

bank  of  the  Delaware,  to  contend  in  arms  with  the  British  lion,  and  to 
baffle  the  skill  and  energy  of  the  chosen  champions  of  Britain,  with  ten 
times  the  number  of  his  shivering  and  emaciate  host;  the  stream  of  the 
Delaware  forming  the  only  barrier  between  the  proud  array  of  thirty 
thousand  veteran  Britons  and  the  scanty  remnant  of  his  dissolving  bands." 
Mr.  Monroe,  after  having  participated  in  the  adversities  of  the  gallant 
defenders  of  their  country,  now  rejoiced  with  them  in  their  great  and 
unanticipated  success.  At  the  battle  of  Trenton  he  led  the  vanguard, 
and,  in  the  act  of  charging  upon  the  enemy,  he  received  a  wound  in  his 
left  shoulder.  This  wound,  the  scar  of  which  remained  till  his  death, 
was  inflicted  in  the  same  battle  where  the  life-blood  of  many  a  noble 
soldier  streamed.  The  commander  of  his  regiment.  Colonel  Mercer,  fell. 
Haselet,  and  Porter,  and  Neal,  and  Fleming,  and  Shippen,  were  also, 
upon  that  memorable  day,  martyrs  to  the  holy  cause  of  freedom. 

As  a  reward  for  his  bravery,  Mr.  Monroe  was  promoted  a  captain  of 
infantry ;  and,  having  recovered  from  his  wound,  he  rejoined  the  army. 
He,  however,  receded  from  the  line  of  promotion,  by  becoming  an  officer 
in  the  staff  of  Lord  Sterling.  During  the  campaigns  of  1777  and  1778, 
in  the  actions  of  Brandy  wine,  Germantown,  and  Monmouth,  he  continued 
aid-de-camp  ;  but,  becoming  desirous  to  regain  his  position  in  the  army, 
he  exerted  himself  to  collect  a  regiment  for  the  Virginia  line.  This 
scheme,  which  was  recommended  by  General  Washington  to  the  legisla- 
ture of  Virginia,  by  whom  Captain  Monroe  was  commissioned  to  act, 
failed,  owing  to  the  exhausted  condition  of  the  state.  Upon  this  failure, 
he  entered  the  office  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  at  that  period  Governor,  and  pur- 
sued, with  considerable  ardor,  the  study  of  the  common  law.  He  did  not, 
however,  entirely  lay  aside  the  knapsack  for  the  green  bag  ;  but,  in  the 
invasions  of  the  enemy,  served  as  a  volunteer,  during  the  two  years  of 
his  legal  pursuits.  After  the  fall  of  Charleston,  in  17S0,  he  was  appointed 
by  Governor  Jefferson  a  military  commissioner,  to  examine  into  the  con- 
dition of  the  southern  army  under  De  Kalb,  as  well  as  the  situation  of  the 
states,  and  to  determine,  from  the  result  of  his  observation,  the  probability 
of  rescuing  them  from  the  enemy.  Upon  his  return,  the  Governor  and 
Executive  Council  were  well  pleased  with  his  execution  of  such  an 
important  trust. 

The  time  at  length  arrived,  when,  having  endured  the  burden  and 
heat  of  the  day  as  a  soldier,  he  was  to  enter  upon  a  different  field  of  action, 
as  the  supporter  of  a  system  of  laws,  in  a  government  which  he  had  fought 
and  bled  to  establish.  In  1782,  he  was  elected  from  King  George  county 
a  member  of  the  legislature  of  Virginia,  and  by  that  body  he  was  elevated 
to  a  seat  in  the  Executive  Council.  He  was  thus  honored  with  the  con- 
fidence of  his  fellow-citizens  at  twenty-three  years  of  age;  and,  having  at 
this  early  period,  displayed  some  of  tliat  ability  and  aptitude  for  legisla- 
tion, which  were  afterwards  employed  with  unremitting  "nergy  for  the 
public  good,  he  was,  in  the  succeeding  year,  chosen  a  memDer  of  the 
Congress  of  the  United  States,  on  the  ninth  of  June,  1783.  On  the 
thirteenth  of  December,  he  took  his  seat  in  the  continental  Congress, 
assembled  at  Annapolis,  and  on  that  day  saw  the  illustrious  leader  of  the 
victorious  revolutionary  army  resign  his  commission   into  the  hands  of 


=t1 


MONROE.  181 

those  hold  patriots  hy  wliom  it  had  heen  conferred.  From  this  year,  1783 
to  178(5,  I\Ii^  Monroe  was  a  useful  member  of  the  confederate  Congress. 
Diuint^  this  period,  he  had  frequent  opportunities  of  observing  tiie  utter 
in(!nioiency  of  the  articles  of  confederation;  and  introduced  a  series  of 
rosohitions,  to  give  Congress  the  power  of  regulating  trade,  and  of  haying 
an  impost  (hity  of  five  per  cent.  He  was  chairman  of  the  committee  who 
reported  on  these  resolutions  ;  and  in  this  report,  certain  alterations  in  the 
existing  form  of  government  were  so  strongly  urged,  that  it  was  soon  de- 
bated whether  there  should  not  be  some  formal  revision.  The  result  was 
tiie  partial  convention  of  delegates  at  Annapolis,  and  finally  the  celebrated 
Federal  Convention,  and  the  formation  and  adoption  of  that  Constitution, 
under  which  the  country  has  so  long  enjoyed  prosperity  and  happiness.  Mr. 
Monroe  also  proposed  a  plan  for  the  just  disposition  of  the  public  lands. 

In  1784,  there  aiose  a  controver.sy  between  the  states  of  Massachu- 
setts and  New- York,  upon  some  question  of  boundary  and  jurisdiction. 
It  was  one  of  the  few  powers  of  the  confederated  Congress,  to  constitute 
a  Court  of  Commissioners  to  determine  all  such  disputes,  to  be  chosen, 
however,  by  the  parties  to  the  controversy.  The  agents  of  the  two  states, 
in  December,  agreed  upon  nine  persons,  among  whom  was  James  Monroe. 
This  choice  of  so  young  a  man  indicates  the  high  esteem  in  which  he  was 
generally  held.  In  March,  1825,  he  signified  to  Congress  his  acceptance 
of  the  appointment.  But  in  a  year  from  that  time,  owing  to  the  resigna- 
tion of  some  of  the  members  of  the  court,  the  necessity  of  appointing 
others,  and  the  difficulties  and  delays  in  hearing  from  all  the  Judges,  the 
controversy  was  not  yet  decided.  On  the  fifteenth  of  May,  Mr.  Monroe 
declined  his  appointment,  stating,  in  his  letter  to  Congress,  "  some  cir- 
cumstances will  put  out  of  my  power  to  act  as  a  Judge  for  the  decision  of 
the  controversy  between  Massachusetts  and  New- York,  and  therefore  I 
present  my  resignation  to  Congress."  What  these  circumstances  were, 
may  be  easily  conjectured  from  what  had  transpired  since  the  election  of 
the  Judges.  Spain  had  always  pursued  towards  the  United  States  a 
system  of  mean  and  narrow  policy,  in  regard  to  the  navigation  of  the 
waters  of  the  Mississippi.  She  finally  sent  a  sort  of  diplomatic  agent  to 
negotiate  with  our  government,  who  had  received  instruction  absolutely 
to  resist  our  right  to  sail  through  the  mouth  of  that  important  river.  The 
Secretary  for  Foreign  Affairs,  Mr.  Jay,  was  told  by  Congress,  to  confer 
with  the  Sprinish  Enrorgardo,  but  to  enter  into  no  negotiation  until  its 
terms  should  first  be  approved  by  Congress.  The  Secretary,  not  being 
able  to  effect  any  arrangement,  recommended,  in  a  personal  address, 
some  coinpromis'i  with  Spain,  l)y  proposing  a  treaty,  in  which,  if  she 
would  give  comn.ercial  advantages  equivalent  to  our  yieldino-  the  rio-ht  to 
navigate  the  Mississippi,  we  should  forbear  to  exercise  that  rio-ht  for 
twenty  or  thirty  years,  to  which  the  duration  of  the  treaty  should  be 
limitetl.  Muny  and  angry  were  the  debates  upon  this  proposition.  The 
seven  northern  states  were  warmly  in  favor  of  it,  and  the  five  southern 
states  (Delaware  not  being  represented)  as  warmly  opposed. 

It  is  to  be  feared  tliat,  with  this  useless  discussion,  commenced  those 
sectiojial  prejudices  and  animosities,  which  have,  from  time  to  time,  pro- 
duced harsh  discord  in  the  national  harmony,  and  may,  by  and  by,  shatter 


) 


182  .  MONROE. 

the  order  and  stability  of  the  union.  Could  these  good  and  great  men, 
who  were  heated  beyond  discretion,  in  that  controversy,  have  but  foreseen, 
for  a  moment,  that  they  were  casting  on  the  winds  the  seeds  of  future 
contention,  every  tongue,  in  its  tide  of  hasty  utterance,  would  have  been 
hushed,  and  every  right  arm,  lifted  in  vehement  gesticulation,  would  have 
fallen  nerveless.  Perhaps  there  never  lived  purer  patriots  than  Rufus 
King  and  James  Monroe  ;  yet  they  were  both,  as  leaders  of  opposing 
parties,  greatly  distinguished  in  this  debate.  The  latter,  with  much 
clearness  and  strength,  at  a  subsequent  period  in  the  Virginia  Convention, 
which  met  to  deliberate  on  the  adoption  of  the  Federal  Constitution, 
explained  and  defended  the  course  he  had  taken  ;  stating,  in  conclusion, 
"  I  thought  it,  my  duty  to  use  every  effort  in  Congress  for  the  interest  of 
the  southern  states.  But  so  far  as  depended  on  me,  with  my  official 
character  it  ceased.  With  many  of  those  gentlemen,  to  whom  I  always 
considered  it  as  my  particular  misfortune  to  be  opposed,  I  am  now  in 
habits  of  correspondence  and  friendship ;  and  I  am  concerned  for  the 
necessity  whicli  has  given  birth  to  this  relation." 

After  the  quarrel  about  the  treaty,  which,  not  being  sanctioned  by 
nine  states,  was  not  arranged,  he  was  conscious  that,  by  his  opposition  to 
their  measures,  he  had  lost  the  confidence  of  the  states  by  whom  he  had 
been  chosen  a  Judge,  and,  influenced  by  the  most  honorable  motives,  he 
resigned  his  commission. 

As,  by  the  articles  of  confederation,  no  delegate  could  serve  more  than 
three  years  in  six,  Mr.  Monroe  left  Congress  in  the  fall  of  1786,  on  the 
expiration  of  his  term.  While  Congress  was  in  session  at  New- York,  he 
had  fjrmed  a  matrimonial  connexion  with  Miss  Kortwright,  of  that  city. 
This  lady  had,  in  London  and  Paris,  been  celebrated  for  her  beauty  and 
her  powers  of  conversation.  Pier  external  accomplishments  did  not  sur- 
pass those  of  her  mind  ;  and  to  the  elegance  of  her  manners  were  added 
all  tliose  endearing  qualities  of  the  heart,  which  cheer  the  gloom  of 
existence. 

In  1787,  Mr.  Monroe,  with  the  intention  of  pursuing  the  practice  of 
the  law,  establislied  himself  in  Fredericksburg  ;  but  he  was  soon  elected 
to  the  legislature  of  the  state.  In  the  following  year  he  was  chosen  a 
memljer  of  that  Virginia  Convention,  which  met  to  decide  upon  the 
Federal  Constitution,  and  in  which  there  was  an  array  of  such  power 
and  talent,  as  we  may  never  see  again  in  one  body  of  men.  Among 
other  names  which  reflect  honor  on  the  land  of  their  birth,  are  those  of 
Grayson,  Henry,  Mason,  Lee,  Madison,  Marshall,  and  Randolph.  James 
Monroe  was  of  that  number  who  opposed  the  adoptio  of  the  Federal 
Constitution,  in  the  form  in  which  it  had  been  submitted  to  the  Cohven- 
tii)i).  His  opposition  was  not  greater  than  that  of  a  large  majority  of  the 
wholti  people  of  the  country,  nor  of  many  other  illustrious  statesmen  who 
enjoyed  the  highest  public  confidence.  He  presented  certain  amend- 
ments, and,  in  his  first  speech  to  the  Convention,  very  clearly  displayed 
the  reasons  of  his  opposition.  To  those  who,  at  the  present  day,  enjoy  the 
blessings  conferred  by  the  constitution,  it  will  appear  strange  that  it  was 
opposed  by  sucii  men  as  James  Monroe,  George  Mason,  and  Patrick 
IJenry  ;   that    it  was   finally  adopted,  witli   reluctance,   by  those  who  con- 


MONROE.  183 

sidered  it  the  only  alternative  to  a  dissolution  of  the  union  ;  and  that  its 
most  warm  and  determined  supporters  never,  even  in  imagination,  antici- 
pated, or  in  hope  conceived,  the  "  extent  of  the  contrast  in  the  condition 
of  the  North  American  people,  under  that  new  social  compact,  with  what 
it  had  heen  under  the  Confederation  which  it  was  to  supersede."  The 
same  writer,  from  whom  we  have  just  quoted,  happily  calls  the  final 
adoption  and  estahlishment  of  the  present  constitution  "  the  greatest 
triumph  of  pure  and  peaceful  intellect  recorded  in  the  annals  of  the  human 
race." 

The  course  pursued  by  Mr.  Monroe,  in  the  Convention,  did  not  shake 
the  high  esteem  in  which  he  was  held  by  the  citizens  of  his  native  state  ; 
for,  upon  the  death  of  the  Honorable  William  Grayson,  in  December, '1789, 
he  was  chosen  to  supply  the  vacancy  thereby  occasioned  in  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States.  He  contiimed  in  the  Senate  till  May,  1794,  a  period  of 
nearly  five  years,  during  which  the  two  great  political  parties  became 
more  distinctly  marked.  He  belonged  to  tliat  which  flivorcd  the  objects 
of  the  French  revolution;  and  when  the  President  issued  his  proclama- 
tion of  neutrality,  he  was  among  its  most  violent  opposers.  This  measure, 
which  the  event  proved  to  have  been  dictated  by  the  soundest  policy, 
created  a  violent  fermentation,  and  the  government  was  accused  of  in- 
gratitude to  France. 

Mr.  Gouverneur  Morris,  who  had  been  Minister  Plenipotentiary  to  the 
new  republic,  was  in  favor  of  observing  the  strictest  neutrality.  He  was 
recalled,  at  the  request  of  the  French  government,  and  in  May,  1794, 
Mr.  Monroe  was  appointed  his  successor.  This  judicious  appointment 
of  a  strong  anti-federalist  was  made  to  allay  the  jealousies  which  then 
existed.  He  went  to  France,  instructed  by  the  government  to  express, 
in  the  warmest  terms,  the  friendship  of  the  United  States.  He  was 
received,  as  one  who  strongly  favored  the  revolution,  with  splendid  cere- 
mony, by  the  National  Convention  ;  and  he  there  declared  the  strong- 
attachment  of  his  country  to  the  cause  of  France.  Differing,  as  he  did, 
from  the  Executive,  in  his  views  concerning  the  policy  of  the  American 
administration,  and  believing  that  the  French  government  justly  com- 
plained of  that  policy,  it  must  have  been  an  arduous  duty  for  him  to  have 
obeyed,  with  strictness,  the  instructions  from  home  on  his  ministerial 
conduct.  At  the  close  of  Washington's  administration  he  was  recalled, 
and  his  place  supplied  by  Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney,  Esq. 

Mr.  IVIonroe,  upon  his  return  to  the  United  States,  published  a  work  in 
explanation  of  his  own  opinions  and  proceedings,  entitled,  '  A  View  of 
the  Conduct  of  the  Executive  in  the  Foreign  Affairs  of  the  United  States, 
connected  with  the  Mission  to  the  French  Repul)lic,  during  the  years 
1794,  5,  and  6."  This  book,  which  he  "  illustrated  by  his  instructions 
and  correspondence,  and  other  authentic  documents,"  is  an  octavo 
volume  of  four  hundred  and  seven  pages;  but  though  it  lies  before  us, 
it  will  be  impossil)le,  in  our  circumscribed  limits,  to  notice,  even  cur- 
sorily, the  strength  of  its  j)Ositions,  or  the  power  of  its  argument^.  The 
circumstances,  which  elicited  the  work,  are  now  regarded  by  all  parties 
in  tlie  same  light ;  and  no  one  pretends  to  doubt  the  enlightened  policy 
of  Wasiiington  towards  the  French  Republic.     Many  honest  and  honora- 


184  MONROE. 

ble  men  were,  however,  at  that  time,  of  a  different  opinion,  and  among 
them  was  the  subject  of  this  memoir.  At  a  subsequent  period,  with  the 
true  nobility  of  a  mind,  which  disdains  to  cherish  preconceived  opinions 
in  opposition  to  the  convictions  of  better  judgment,  and  for  the  sake  of  a 
false  consistency,  he  cast  off  all  remembrance  of  past  animosity  and 
unkind  feeling,  and  harmonized  with  his  countrymen  in  their  entire  and 
perfect  veneration  for  the  character  of  Washington. 

The  mission  of  Mr.  Monroe  in  France  was  contemporaneous  with  that 
of  Mr.  Jay  in  Great  Britain.  The  latter,  in  obedience  to  his  instructions, 
concluded  with  Lord  Grenville  a  treaty,  by  which,  this  government  was 
firmly  bound  to  observe  towards  Great  Britain  the  strict  neutrality  which 
had  already  been  proclaimed.  Upon  the  publication  of  this  treaty,  it 
became  the  chief  subject  of  contention,  and  created  the  most  bitter  ani- 
mosity between  the  two  parties,  of  each  of  which  Mr.  Monroe  and  Mr. 
Jay  may  be  said  to  have  maintained  the  different  political  opinions. 

There  were  no  two  individuals  more  resolutely  and  unremittingly  op- 
posed to  each  other  ;  and  yet,  in  the  same  generous  spirit  which  we  have 
just  commended,  James  Monroe,  with  the  causes  of  their  contention, 
forgot  the  angry  feelings  which  they  had  occasioned,  and  left  "  recorded, 
with  his  own  hand,  a  warm  and  unqualified  testimonial  to  the  pure  pat- 
riotism, the  preeminent  ability,  and  the  spotless  integrity  of  John  Jay." 

The  treaty,  which  had  been  concluded  by  Mr.  Jay,  proved  afterwards 
extremely  beneficial  to  this  country  ;  though  it  excited  much  hostile  feel- 
ing towards  us  in  France.  That  Mr.  Monroe's  opposition  to  this  and 
other  measures  of  the  existing  government  did  not  impair  the  confidence 
of  his  fellow-citizens,  is  made  manifest  by  his  election,  on  his  return,  to 
the  legislature  of  his  native  state,  and,  shortly  afterwards,  to  the  office  of 
Governor  of  Virginia,  in  which  he  served  for  three  years,  the  period  limit- 
ed by  the  constitution. 

While  Mr.  Monroe  was  thus  employed  in  the  honorable  discharge  of 
the  executive  duties  in  his  native  state,  his  attention,  as  well  as  that  of 
every  votary  of  freedom,  was  forcibly  turned  to  the  wonderful  events 
which  transpired  in  the  countries  of  the  old  world.  A  soldier's  sword 
had  severed  the  knot  of  the  old  dynasties  of  the  European  states ;  the 
hand  that  wielded  it,  had  pointed  to  the  cloud-capped  summits  of  the  Alps, 
and  they  had  melted  away  and  parted,  like  the  Red  Sea,  beneath  the 
patriarch's  wand,  leaving  a  passage  through  their  stupendous  barriers  for 
the  armies  of  the  republic ;  the  same  hand  had  torn  the  imperial  crown 
from  the  brows  of  the  Roman  Pontiff,  and  the  same  sword  had  been  laid, 
after  having  again  waved  those  armies  homeward,  over  the  same  snow- 
crowned  ramparts,  at  the  feet  of  the  French  Directory.  But  it  had  been 
laid  there  in  mockery,  soon  to  be  resumed,  to  flash  in  angry  splendor 
before  the  gaze  of  the  astonished  world.  Wherever  that  hand  had  waved 
that  sword,  the  sceptres  of  kings  had  f;Ulen  from  their  iron  grasp,  and  the 
plumes  and  the  banners  of  unconquered  legions  had  been  trailed  in  the 
dust.  The  rulers,  who  had  imparted  such  strength  to  that  hand,  and 
who  had  rejoiced  to  see  the  scathing  and  desolation  which  followed  that 
sword,  little  dreamed  that  it  would  soon  be  seen  in  the  very  capitol  of 
their  republic ;  and,  in  a  short  time,  be  cast  aside  to  give  place  to  the 


MONROE.  185 

rod  and  to  the  sceptre.  The  world  had  beheld  a  soldier,  distinguished 
for  skill  and  prowess  in  arms;  a  successful  general,  crowned  with  the 
laurels  of  fifty  battles  ;  a  First  Consul,  a  Dictator,  and  at  last  an  Emperor 
and  a  King,  in  one  man,  whose  name  was  Napoleon  Buonaparte.  And 
how  had  the  nations  of  Europe  borne  the  blaze  of  this  splendid  luminary  ? 
In  tlie  glowing  eloquence  of  Fisher  Ames,  "  they  seemed  to  have  been 
destined  like  comets  to  a  contact  with  the  sun  ;  not  to  thrust  him  from  his 
orb,  but  to  supply  his  waste  of  elemental  fire." 

Americans,  till  now,  had  witnessed  the  progress  of  this  wonderfiil 
meteor  from  afar  ;  but  what  must  have  been  the  terror  and  anxiety,  in 
learning  that,  through  the  misera})le  imbecility  of  Spain,  it  was  to  be 
brought  fearfully  near  to  their  own  country. 

In  the  year  1800,  Spain,  in  the  treaty  of  St.  Ildefonso,  had  secretly 
ceded  Louisiana  to  France ;  but,  though  in  reality  concluded  in  that 
year,  it  was  not  promulgated  till  1802.  The  greatest  consternation 
followed  the  bold  disclosure  of  tiiis  treaty  ;  and  nothing  less  than  a  war 
with  France  was  anticipated.  The  plan  to  take  possession  of  this  ceded 
territory  was  as  magnificent  as  the  other  projects  of  its  devisor  ;  for, 
doubtless,  with  the  intention  of  recovering  all  their  old  dominions,  from 
New  Orleans  to  Canada,  twenty  thousand  veterans  were  banded  and 
ready  to  set  sail  for  Louisiana,  when  the  current  of  events  suddenly 
took  a  new  direction,  and  caused  Buonaparte  to  relinquish  his  premedi- 
tated crusade  against  the  United  States. 

On  the  eleventh  of  January,  1803,  Mr.  Monroe  was  appointed  Envoy 
Extraordinary,  and  joined  with  that  eminent  patriot,  Robert  R.  Living- 
ston, then  Resident  Minister  Plenipotentiary,  from  the  United  States,  m 
France,  in  the  Commission  Extraordinary,  to  negotiate  a  purchase  of 
the  island  of  New  Orleans,  and  the  Spanish  territory  east  of  the  Missis- 
sippi. He  was  also  appointed,  jointly,  with  Charles  Pinckney,  then 
Minister  Plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States  at  Madrid,  to  an  Extraor- 
dinary Mission,  to  negotiate,  if  necessary,  the  same  purchase  with  Spain, 
who  still  held  possession  of  Louisiana. 

Several  months  before  Mr.  Monroe's  arrival  in  Paris,  Mr.  Livingston 
had  presented  to  the  French  government,  "  a  very  able  memorial,  shew- 
ing, by  conclusive  arguments,  that  the  cession  of  the  province  to  the 
United  States  would  be  a  measure  of  wise  and  sound  policy;  conducive 
not  less  to  the  true  interests  of  France,  than  to  those  of  the  Federal 
Union."  It  did  not,  however,  suit  the  stupendous  views  of  the  Emperor, 
to  listen  at  that  time  to  any  such  proposition  :  but  Mr.  Monroe  had  hardly 
arrived,  before  his  Imperial  Majesty  discovered  that  the  large  sum  of 
money,  which  he  might  obtain  for  the  province,  would  be  extremely  con- 
venient in  the  war  which  he  had  just  excited  between  France  and  Great 
Britain.  The  sum  which  he  proposed  was  rather  astounding,  but  the 
American  Ministers,  although  it  surpassed  their  powers,  and  their  availa- 
ble funds,  hesitated  not  to  promise  to  pay  the  French  government  fifteen 
millions  of  dollars,  for  the  territory  of  Louisiana.  The  immense  benefits 
resulting  to  the  Union,  from  the  annexation  of  this  extensive  and  beau 
tiful  territory,  cannot  be  duly  appreciated,  unless  we  contrast  the  real  with 
the  probable  condition  of  the  Federal  Union,  had  such   an   annexatioD 


186  MONROE. 

never  been  made  If  the  French  had  been  allowed  to  take  peaceful 
possession  of  the  banks  of  the  Mississippi,  and  to  become  masters  of  the 
outlets  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  we  should  soon  have  lost  all  the  blessings 
of  our  neutrality.  With  the  English,  who  are  in  possession  of  the 
northern  lakes,  and  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  they  would  have  waged  harass- 
ing and  perpetual  warfare.  We  should  have  been  enclosed  on  all  sides, 
except  that  of  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  (and  perhaps  even  there  by  the  oppos- 
ing navies,)  by  two  of  the  most  powerful  nations  of  Europe,  deadly 
hostile  to  each  other.  With  one  or  the  other  we  must  have  been  allied  : 
our  national  existence  would  have  been  constantly  endangered ;  and,  con- 
fined within  our  original  limits,  we  should  have  seen  the  rich  valleys  of  the 
west  desolated  by  that  enmity,  which  had  destroyed  towns  and  villages  in 
Europe  ;  instead  of  beholding,  as  we  now  behold,  our  empire  extended 
over  the  Rocky  Mountains,  and  stretching  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific 
Ocean,  perpetuated  and  blest  under  the  glorious  advantages  of  peace  and 
civilization. 

After  this  most  important  treaty  had  been  ratified,  and  an  adjustment 
of  certain  claims  of  American  citizens  upon  France  had  been  made,  in 
a  convention,  which  was  held  at  Paris,  in  April,  1803,  Mr.  Monroe,  in 
the  same  month,  proceeded  to  England,  where  he  was  appointed  Minister 
Plenipotentiary,  to  succeed  Rufus  King ;  who,  after  having  faithfully 
discharged  his  mission  for  seven  years,  was,  at  his  own  request,  returning 
to  his  own  country.  With  the  revival  of  the  war  with  France,  England 
jegan  anew  to  exercise  those  odious  impressments  and  unprovoked  out- 
rages upon  the  persons  and  vessels  of  neutral  powers,  which,  prior  to  the 
treaty  concluded  by  Mr.  Jay,  had  brought  us  to  the  verge  of  war :  but 
which  had  not  been  exercised  since  that  time.  It  seems  to  us  that  the 
measures  proposed  by  President  Jefferson  to  obtain  from  the  British 
government  a  convention  for  the  protection  of  our  seamen,  and  for  the 
observance  of  neutral  rights,  were  both  feeble  and  impolitic.  Our  Minis- 
ter should  not  have  been  instructed  to  solicit  what  he  had  the  right  most 
imperiously  to  demand,  viz.  a  total  cessation  of  the  rapine  and  plunder, 
committed  on  our  ships,  and  a  full  remuneration  for  the  wrongs  which 
had  already  been  inflicted.  If  such  a  peaceful  remedy  had  been  extended 
to  the  British  Minister  in  one  hand,  with  a  declaration  of  war  in  the 
other,  it  is  highly  probable  that,  harassed  as  he  was  with  the  new  French 
war,tlie  foruier  would  have  been  accepted.  The  convention  having  failed, 
in  which  the  British  government  abandoned  the  right  to  impress  seamen, 
by  a  captious  exception  for  the  narrow  seas,  made  by  the  head  of  the 
admiralty,  Mr.  Monroe,  in  the  same  conciliatory  spirit  with  Mr,  King, 
was  endeavoring  to  adjust  these  difficulties,  when  he  was  summoned  to 
/lischarge  his  extraoidinary  mission  to  Spain. 

When  Buonaparte  ceded  Louisiana  to  this  country,  he  took  care  to 
use,  in  his  grant  to  us,  the  very  words  in  which  it  had  been  conveyed  to 
him  by  Spain.  He  was  not  particular  to  have  the  exact  boundaries  spe- 
cified by  Spain  ;  but  intended  to  set  his  own  landmarks  wherever  he 
pleased.  Bui,  ,vhen  Louisiana  passed  from  his  possession,  he  very  con- 
.enienlly  forgot  that  he  intended  to  comprehend  all  the  country,  from  the 
Perdido  east,   to  the  Rio  Bravo  west,  of  the  Mississipj)i ;  but  discoverer 


MONROE.  187 

that  West  Florida  formed  no  part  of  tlic  ceded  territory;  that  the  district 
of  Mobile  was  not  to  be  included  ;  and  agreed  with  Spain  in  re(bicinfT 
the  province  of  Louisiana  to  little  more  than  the  i.shmd  of  New  Orleans. 

For  the  purpose  of  settling  this  disputed  question  of  boundary,  and  to 
purchase  tlie  remnant  of  Spain's  title  to  the  territory  of  Florida,  Mr. 
Monroe  was  called  upon  to  join  Mr.  Charles  Pinckney  at  Madrid.  On 
iiis  way  thither  he  remained  at  Paris  a  short  time  to  remind  the  Minister 
of  Foreign  Affairs,  Talleyrand,  of  a  prouiise,  which  had  been  made  at 
the  time  of  the  cession  of  Louisiana,  that  France  would  exert  her  influ- 
ence with  Spain  in  a  negotiation  for  the  acquisition  of  Florida  by  the 
United  States.  The  answer  from  that  ever-changing  Minister  was  not 
satisfactory :  and  after  having  seen  the  self-anointed  Emperor  place 
with  his  own  hands  upon  his  own  brows  the  imperial  diadem  of  France, 
in  the  presence  of  the  veneral)le  Roman  Pojitiff,  and  surrounded  by  the 
congregated  magnificence  of  the  FiUro|)ean  courts,  Mr.  Monroe  proceeded 
to  Madrid.  Here  he  remained,  witli  his  colleague,  Mr.  Piuckney,  for  the 
space  of  five  months,  and  made  constant  and  vigorous,  but  unavailinor 
efforts,  to  establish  the  claims  of  his  country.  Tlie  state  papers,  which 
passed  at  this  stage  of  our  controversy  with  Spain,  and  which,  after 
having  for  many  years  been  buried  in  the  archives  of^  government,  were 
at  last  published  at  Washington,  are  ranked  by  a  writer,  who  is  emi- 
nently qualified  to  judge,  in  the  highest  order;  and  concerning  them  he 
remarks  that  "  they  deserve  the  close  and  scrutinizing  attention  of  every 
American  statesman,  and  will  remain  solid,  however  unornamented, 
monuments  of  intellectual  power,  aj)plied  to  national  claims  of  right,  in 
the  land  of  our  fathers  and  the  age  wiiich  has  now  passed  away." 

In  the  mean  while,  affairs  in  Great  Britain  had  assumed  such  a  menac 
ing  aspect  towards  this  country,  that  Mr.  Monroe,  on  his  return  thither, 
in  June,  1805,  had  to  contend  with  great  difiiculties.  Mr.  Pitt  was  at 
the  head  of  the  British  government ;  and  pursued  the  interested  and 
base  policy  of  destroying  the  commerce  of  neutrals  with  France  and 
Spain,  to  compel  its  enemies  to  traffic  with  the  subjects  of  Great  Britain. 
To  effect  this,  the  British  cruisers  seized  many  of  our  vessels,  and  pro- 
cured their  condemnation  in  the  courts  of  admiralty.  There  seems  to 
be  no  excuse  lor  this  gross  violation  of  the  law  of  nations.  During  the 
space  of  two  years,  the  coumierce  and  navigation  of  this  country  had 
been  unmolested,  and,  upon  the  rekindling  of  war  in  Europe,  were  still 
pursuing  their  course  of  success,  never  suspecting  that  their  right  to 
trade  v\  ith  neutral  ports  would  be  disputed,  when  suddenly  our  enterpris- 
ing mariners  were  astonished  at  the  seizure  and  confiscation  of  their 
ships  and  cargoes  by  the  British.  Mr.  Monroe,  upon  being  informed  of 
these  acts  of  injustice,  reuionstrated  with  the  Earl  of  Mulgrave,  then 
Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs,  but  received  only  an  equivocal  answer.  The 
death  of  Mr.  Pitt,  which  happened  at  this  time,  brought  in  a  new  minis- 
try, at  the  head  of  which  was  Charles  James  Fox.'  This  liberal  and 
high-minded,  but  prejudiced  man,  instantly  countermanded  the  order  for 
♦  he  capture  of  neutral  ve.'^sels,  and  released  those  wliich  had  already  been 
captured,  but  could  not  make  any  compensation  to  the  owners  of  those 
vessels  which  had  been  detained  and  condemned  l)v  Sir  William 
25 


188  MONROE. 

Scott.*  When  these  facts  became  known  in  this  country,  the  excite- 
ment was  almost  terrific.  War  !  War  !  War  !  was  the  cry.  Petition 
upon  petition,  complaint  upon  complaint,  remonstrance  after  remon- 
strance, Vvere  presented  to  Congress  by  plundered  merchants  and  ruined 
ship-owners.  To  still  the  dark  and  angry  waters  of  commotion,  and  to 
obtain  some  redress  for  such  flagrant  injuries,  Mr.  William  Pinckney,  the 
most  eloquent  orator  in  the  United  States,  was  sent  as  Minister  Plenipo- 
tentiary and  Extraordinary  to  join  Mr.  Monroe  in  London.  On  Mr. 
Pinckncy's  arrival,  negotiations  were  immediately  commenced,  and  a 
treaty  was  made,. by  which,  with  proper  modifications  on  our  part,  peace 
and  harmony  might  have  been  restored  ;  but  upon  us  transmission  to 
President  Jefferson,  he  reviewed  and  returned  it  with  the  design  that 
some  securer  provisions  might  be  added  with  regard  to  the  impressment 
of  seamen.  But  the  British  Mmistry  had  undergone  another  change. 
George  Canning  had  succeeded  to  Fox  as  Prime  Minister,  and,  with  his 
daring  and  unyielding  temper,  refused  to  negotiate  further  on  the  ratifi- 
cation of  the  treaty;  the  mission  therefore  of  Monroe  and  Pickney  was  at 
an  end.  The  former,  had  some  time  previous  obtained  permission  to  return 
home.  After  having  suffered  some  short  detention  in  consequence  of  the 
unparalleled  outrage  of  Admiral  Berkley  on  the  Chesapeake,  he  returned 
at  the  close  of  the  year  1807. 

From  this  period  Mr.  Monroe  never  went  abroad  ;  but  was  employed 
till  the  expiration  of  his  Presidential  term,  in  offices  of  the  highest  im- 
portance and  trust  in  his  own  country. 

In  the  cursory  view  which  we  have  taken  of  the  incidents  of  his  event- 
ful life,  we  have  thus  far  beheld  him,  first  appear  upon  the  stage  of  public 
action,  as  a  private  soldier,  fighting  the  battles  of  freedom  and  wounded 
in  her  cause  ;  following  the  glorious  leader  of  the  revolutionary  armies 
through  disheartening  misfortunes  and  elevating  success,  and,  after  con- 
tinuing for  a  time  to  serve  in  the  staff  of  a  valiant  general,  still  volun- 
teering to  repel  the  invaders  of  his  native  land.  We  have  next  beheld 
him,  while  resolutely  pursuing  the  study  of  the  laws,  under  the  direction 
of  the  illustrious  Jefferson,  appointed  a  military  commissioner  to  the  south- 
ern army  ;  then  upon  his  return  home  elected  to  the  legislature  of 
Virginia,  and  to  the  Congress  of  the  United  States ;  then  a  member  of 
that  celebrated  convention  of  his  native  state,  which  met  to  deliberate 
upon  the  Federal  Constitution  ;  and  then  chosen  a  Senator  of  the  United 
States.  We  have  next  beheld  the  commencement  of  his  diplomatic 
career  as  Minister  Plenipotentiary  to  Trance  under  the  administration 
of  President  Washington.  By  his  conscientious  and  sincere,  though 
impolitic  and  unadvised,  conduct  in  the  discharge  of  the  duties  of 
this  mission,  having  given  such  displeasure  to  the  general  government  as 
to  produce  his  recall,  we  have  seen  him,  once  more  in  his  native  state, 
elected  to  the  leaislatuie,   and  then  to  the  exalted  office  of  Governor  of 


*  In  what  treatise  of  international  law.  Sir  W.  Scott  found  precedents  for  his  equita- 
ble adjudications,  it  remains  for  the  curious  to  investigate  ;  but  the  British  government 
has  been  wonderfully  successful,  with  the  stubborn  exception  of  Lord  Coke  and  some 
others,  in  pouring  light  into  the  minds  of  its  learned  and  incorruptible  judges. 


MONROE.  189 

Virginia,  in  the  full  enjoyment  of  the  unimpaired  confidence  and  hifrh 
respect  of  his  fellow-citizens.  After  the  expiration  of  his  const! ttitiorral 
term  as  governor,  we  have  witnessed,  in  18(Ki,  his  appointment  by  Mr. 
Jefferson,  as  Minister  Plenipotentiary  and  Extraordinary,  both  to  France 
and  Spain,  and  shortly  afterwards  to  Great  Britain  ;  and,  during  his  four 
years'  residence  in  these  countries,  his  employment  in  the  mosf  interest- 
ing and  important  diplomatic  negotiations,  in  which  the  United  States 
had  been  engaged  since  the  revolution. 

We  are  now  to  regard  him  again  receiving  the  highest  honors  of  Vir- 
ginia, and  about  to  enter  upon  a  loftier  and  broader  field  of  action.  We 
have  mentioned  his  return  home  in  1807.  For  a  few  months,  he  was 
permitted  to  rest  from  his  labor,  and  to  enjoy  that  quiet  happiness,  which 
always  blooms  under  the  shade  of  private,  domestic  tranquillity.  He 
was  now  forty-eight  years  of  age,— that  period  when  the  intellect  has 
arrived  at  its  noblest  strength  and  perfect  stature,  and  when,  aided  by 
wisdom  and  long  experience,  it  becomes  able  to  exert  its  powers,  with 
the.greatest  effect,  to  enter  upon  magnificent  enterprises,  and  to  overthrow, 
as  with  the  arm  of  a  giant,  the  obstacles  which  may  arise  in  its  path! 
With  a  consciousness  of  having  faithfully  performed  the  tasks  which  had 
been  allotted  to  him,  and  surrounded  by  all  those  home-blessings,  which 

give  a  value  to  existence — an  affectionate   wife  and   beloved  children 

Mr.  Monroe  was  enjoying  that  otium  cum  dignitate,  which  is  so  delight- 
ful to  a  great  mind  after  great  exertions,  when  he  was  once  more  sum- 
moned to  appear  in  the  legislative  chambers  of  his  own  Virginia  ;  and 
was  again  re-elected  to  the  executive  chair.  Mr.  Monroe  acted  as  go- 
vernor one  more  term,  and  in  the  spring  of  1811,  he  was  appointed  \y 
President  Madison,  Secretary  of  State.  But,  before  entering  upon  the 
consideration  of  his  faithful  performance  of  the  duties  of  the  high  offices, 
to  which  he  was  successively  elevated,  let  us  pause  to  consider  the  condi- 
tion of  these  United  States  at  this  eventful  period. 

The  war,  which  soon  broke  out  between  Great  Britain  and  this  coun 
,  try,  was  resting,  like  a  dark  cloud,  over  the  brightest  prospects  of  the 
land.  British  depredations  upon  American  commerce  had  been  continued 
to  such  an  extent,  and  our  demands  for  reparation  and  restitution  had 
been  so  unheeded,  that  to  have  tamely  submitted  in  silence  would  have 
been  the  height  of  pusillanimity.  There  were  many  different  opinions, 
however,  about  the  expediency  of  declaring  war  ;  and  many  distractin^r 
dissensions  took  place,  which  have  not  been  healed  even  at  this  distance 
of  time.  The  voice  of  one  part  of  the  country  was  heard  shouting,  in 
angry  accents,  for  war,  instant  and  desolating  war — while  the  thought's  of 
another  part  were  turned  on  the  consideration  of  some  method  of  "proce- 
dure, by  which  we  could  still  enjoy  the  blessings  of  peace.  It  was  indeed 
an  awful  and  an  important  crisis.  The  Federal  Constitution,  though  nearly 
established  in  the  affections  of  the  people,  by  its  excellent  adaptatfon  to  the 
state  of  their  country,  and  to  the  perpetuity  of  the  union,  had  never  be- 
fore been  subjected  to  the  ordeal  of  a  formidable  foreign  war.  It  was 
now  to  undergo  this  test :  and  great  indeed  must  have  been  the  weight 
of  the  responsibility,  which  was  thrown  upon  those,  who  were  intrusted 
with  the  protection  of  this  sacred  charter  of  American  rights,  and  who 


190  MONROE. 

were  to  conduct  the  vessel  of  state,  in  safety,  through  the  many  rocks 
and  quicksands  by  which  she  was  surrounded.  Yet,  with  the  star  banner 
of  liberty  nailed  to  her  mast,  and  by  the  guidance  of  the  sacred  charter 
of  the  constitution,  that  noble  ship  was  at  last  skilfully  and  manfully 
rescued  from  her  threatening  dangers,  and  even  rode  proudly  on  the  top 
of  the  wave,  with  every  rag  of  her  canvas  given  to  the  gale.  Mr. 
Monroe  came  on  board  just  before  the  vessel  plunged  into  the  midst  of 
her  perils.  As  he  had  been  among  the  first  of  those  gallant  men,  who 
joined  the  army  of  the  revolution,  when  disasters  and  difficulties  frowned 
on  every  side ;  so  was  he  called  to  the  councils  of  government  when  they 
were  harassed  and  distracted  by  the  impending  necessity  of  a  second  war, 
which  it  was  in  vain  to  attempt  to  avoid,  and  which,  though  not  so  hope- 
less as  that  of  the  revolution,  wanted  the  spirit  and  unanimity  which 
inspired  our  first  great  contest,  for  its  prosecution  and  support. 

Api)oiuted  Secretary  of  State  by  President  Madison,  in  the  spring  of 
1811,  Mr.  Monroe  discharged  the  high  duties  of  that  important  station  in 
the  cabinet  with  zeal  and  fidelity.  In  the  ensuing  year,  on  the  nineteenth 
of  June,  war  was  publicly  proclaimed  against  Great  Britain.  A  kw  days 
previous,  the  President  laid  before  Congress  the  correspondence  which 
liad  been  carried  on  between  Mr.  Monroe,  as  Secretary  of  State,  and  the 
Ministry  of  Great  Britain.  These  letters  plainly  demonstrated  the  im- 
possibility of  effecting  an  adjustment  concerning  the  two  principal  points 
of  contention — the  orders  in  council,  and  the  subject  of  impressment. 
We  have  already  alluded  to  the  uiaering  opinions  which  prevailed  in  the 
country  concerning  the  war.  On  the  issuing  of  the  proclamation  of  the 
nineteenth  of  June,  it  was  received  with  any  thing  but  demonstrations  of 
joy  in  the  New  England  States.  Indeed,  the  opposition  of  this  section 
of  the  union  was  strenuously  persevered  in,  till  the  perpetration  of  shame- 
ful ou  rages  by  the  British  troops,  and  more  particularly  the  disgraceful 
capture  of  Washington,  kindled  the  blaze  of  vindictive  resentment  in 
every  bosom,  and  created  a  unanimity  of  sentiment  in  favor  of  active 
hostilities,  which  caused  the  war  to  be  prosecuted  with  vigor,  and  finally 
terminated  with  success.  As  this  subject  has  been  fully  treated  in  our 
life  of  President  Madison,  and  as  the  events  of  this  war,  previous  to  the 
sacking  of  Washington,  were  not  directly  connected  with  Mr.  Monroe's 
part  in  the  administration,  we  shall  make  no  further  mention  of  them. 

After  this  melancholy  event,  which  at  first  exasperated  the  feelings  of 
the  people  against  the  government,  and  afterwards  so  drew  down  the 
whole  weight  of  popular  indignation  on  the  Secretary  of  War,  as  to  cause 
his  voluntary  resignation,  the  history  of  Mr.  Monroe,  until  the  end  of  the 
war,  becomes  intimately  involved  with  its  important  circumstances.  At 
the  request  of  Mr.  Madison,  without  resigning  his  office  as  Secretary  of 
State,  he  discharged  all  the  duties  of  the  War  Department;  and  with  such 
effectual  vigilance  and  judicious  foresight,  as  to  give  general  satisfaction, 
and  produce  the  most  fortunate  results.  Indeed,  a  great  politician  has 
hazarded  the  conjecture,  that  had  his  appointment  to  the  Department  of 
War  preceded,  by  six  months,  its  actual  date,  the  heaviest  disaster  of  the 
war — heaviest,  because  its  rememl>rance  must  be  coupled  with  a  blush 
of  shame — would  have  been  spared,  as  a  blotted  page,  in  the  annals  of  our 
union. 


MONROE.  101 

This  (lisnslor,  to  \vit,  thn  connarrration  of  Wasliitioton,  was  heralded 
by  a  letter  from  the  British  Afiinirai  Cochrniio  to  tlio  Secretary  of  State 
dated  the  day  previous  to  debarkation,  tlioiitrh  not  delivered  until  subse- 
quent to  the  literal  fuHilinent  of  his  barbarous  connriands;  statiiiir,  that, 
"  liaving  been  called  upon  by  the  Governor-General  of  the  Canadas,  to  aid 
him  in  carrying  into  effect  measures  of  retaliation  against  the  inhabitants 
of  the  United  States,  for  the  wanton  destruction  committed  by  the  army 
in  Upper  Canada,  it  became  imperiously  his  duty,  conformably  with  the 
notice  of  the  Governor-General's  application,  to  issue  to  the  naval  force 
under  his  command,  an  order  to  destroy  atid  lay  waste  such  towns  aud 
districts  upon  the  coast,  as  might  be  found  assailable." 

To  the.se  accusations,  so  grossly  false,  the  Secretary  of  State  could  only 
reply,  in  the  simple  language  of  truth,  that  "  in  no  instance  had  the 
United  States  authorized  a  deviation  from  the  known  usages  of  war  :  that, 
in  the  few  cases  in  which  there  liad  been  even  a  charge  against  them,  the 
government  had  formally  disavowed  the  acts  of  its  officers,  at  the  same 
time  subjecting  the  conduct  of  such  officers  to  punishment  or  reproba- 
tion :  that  amongst  those  kw,  the  charge  of  burning  the  parliament-house 
in  Upper  ('anada  was  now,  for  the  first  time,  brouglit  forward:  until  now, 
such  nil  accusation  had  not  been  made  against  the  Americans ;  on  the 
contrary,  one  of  the  most  respectable  civil  functionaries,  at  that  place, 
had  addressed  a  letter  of  thanks  to  General  Dearborn,  for  the  good 
conduct  of  his  troops;  and,  moreover,  that  when  Sir  George  Prevost,  six 
months  afterwards,  proceeded  to  measures  of  retaliation,  the  affair  of  the 
brick  house  was  not  mentioned.' 

But  though  Admiral  Cochrane  succeeded  in  overcoming  the  feeble 
force  with  which  the  capital  of  the  country  was  ineffectually  guarded,  and 
in  spreading  desolation  among  splendid  mansions,  both  public  and  private, 
to  revenge  the  enormous  crime  of  which  the  American  army  had  been 
guilty  in  burning  a  brick  house,  hired  for  the  temporary  occupation  of 
the  provincial  legislature,  the  measures  of  retaliation  adopted  by  the 
British  were  not  so  successful  upon  other  places  which,  they  invaded. 
The  plan  of  operations  necessary  for  defence,  pursued  by  the  Department 
of  War,  was  far  more  vigorous  and  effective;  and  the  invading  armies, 
both  on  the  water  and  on  the  land,  met  with  such  a  determined  resist- 
ance and  total  defeat  at  Baltimore,  as  to  cool  their  retaliatory  vengeance 
and  to  spread  a  glow  of  joy  over  the  whole  country.  The  victory  at 
Plattsburgh  soon  followed,  to  reanimate  and  excite  to  nobler  exertion  the 
.spirit  of  every  American  citizen. 

The  duties  whicli  Mr.  Monroe  had  to  perform,  at  this  time,  were 
extremely  difficult  and  arduous.  Being  appointed  Secretary  of  War, 
towards  the  close  of  the  campaign  of  ]8I4,  his  first  care  was  to  mark  out 
a  general  plan  of  military  operations  for  the  ensuing  year.  Louisiana 
was  threatened  with  a  formidable  invasion.  The  war  in  which  Great 
Britain  had  been  engaged  with  the  conqueror  of  Europe  had  been  crowned 
with  the  most  brilliant  success.  During  the  commencement  of  our  war, 
the  strength  of  her  armies  was  concentrated  against  Napoleon  ;  but  at  this 
period  "  her  numerous  victorious  veteran  legions,  flushed  with  the  glory, 
and  stung  with  the  ambition,  of  long-contested,  hard-earned  success,  were 


192  MONROE. 

turned  back  upon  her  hands,  without  occupation  for  their  enterprise, 
eager  for  new  fields  of  battle,  and  new  rewards  of  achievement."  From 
these  veterans  ten  thousand  were  selected,  and  having  been  placed  under 
the  command  of  an  approved  and  brave  officer,  whose  subsequent  untimely 
fate  all  parties  lamented,  they  were  sent  to  attack  New  Orleans,^  and  to 
acquire  possession  of  the  shores  and  waters  of  the  Mississippi.  To  meet 
this  emergency,  and  to  raise  the  necessary  funds  for  the  defence  of  New 
Orleans,  and  for  the  repulsion  of  these  dreaded  invaders,  became  the 
task  of  James  Monroe.  From  the  peculiar  circumstances  of  the  times, 
this  task  was  difficult  in  the  extreme. 

The  state  of  our  financial  concerns  was  deplorable.  There  had  al- 
ways been  a  deficiency  of  funds  for  the  vigorous  prosecution  of  the  war, 
and  the  national  credit  had  been  progressively  degraded.  When  the  war 
beo-an,  the  rivalry  of  opposing  interests  and  political  prejudice  had  pre- 
vented the  renewal  of  the  charter  of  the  first  bank  of  the  United  States, 
and  the  most  dismal  consequences  ensued.  The  public  credit  was  almost 
ruined,  and  the  currency  of  the  country  fallen  into  frightful  disorder 
"  Banks  with  fictitious  capital,"  says  an  able*  financier,  "  swarmed 
throughout  the  land,  and  spunged  the  purse  of  the  people,  often  for  the 
use  of  their  own  money,  with  more  than  usurious  extortion.  The  solid 
banks  were  unable  to  maintain  their  integrity,  only  by  contracting  their 
operations  to  an  extent  ruinous  to  their  debtors  and  to  themselves.  A 
balance  of  trade,  operating  like  universal  fraud,  vitiated  the  channels  of 
intercourse  between  north  and  south  ;  and  the  treasury  of  the  union  was 
replenished  only  with  millions  of  silken  tatters,  and  unavailable  funds  ; 
chartered  corporations,  bankrupt,  under  the  gentle  name  of  suspended 
specie  payments,  and  without  a  dollar  of  capital  to  pay  their  debts,  sold, 
at  enormous  discounts,  the  very  evidence  of  those  debts  ;  and  passed  off 
upon  the  government  of  the  country,  at  par,  their  rags,  purchasable,  in 
open  market,  at  depreciations  of  thirty  and  forty  per  cent," 

At  this  period  when,  from  the  low  state  of  the  national  credit,  and  from 
the  exhausted  condition  of  the  treasury,  it  was  impossible  to  raise  funds 
to  meet  the  pressing  necessity  of  the  preparations  for  the  defence  of  New 
Orleans,  then  it  was  that  the  subject  of  this  memoir,  with  a  noble  gene- 
rosity of  soul  and  a  patriotic  devotedness  to  the  cause  of  his  country, 
which  was  worthy  of  the  brightest  epoch  of  Grecian  renown,  performed 
an  act,  which,  if  it  stood  solitary  and  alone,  should  embalm  his  name  in 
the  grateful  remembrance  of  every  votary  of  freedom.  As  subsidiary  to 
the  credit  of  the  nation,  he  pledged  his  own  individual  credit. 

It  is  to  be  deeply  regretted,  as  we  shall  soon  have  occasion  to  show, 
that  the  conduct  of  our  Congress,  after  Mr.  Monroe's  retirement  into 
private  life,  was  such  as  to  strengthen  the  impression,  which  has  long  and 
falsely  prevailed,  and  which  the  friends  of  arbitrary  power  have  endeavor- 
ed to  keep  alive,  concerning  the  ingratitude  of  republics.  In  making  so 
great  a  personal  sacrifice,  the  Secretary  probably  believed  that  there  could 
arise,  in  future,  no  hesitation  in  recognising  his  claim  of  remuneration  ; 
but  we  feel  convinced,  upon  considering  other  noble  and  disinterested 
actions  of  his  life,  that  he  would  have  performed  the  same  generous  deed, 
even  if  he  had  anticipated  the  pecuniary  difficulties  which  it  was,  conse- 


MONROE.  193 

quently,  his  lot  torncountor.  Besides  offering  op  his  private  interests  on 
tlie  shrine  of  his  country's  freedom,  he  did  not  hesitate  to  r(!liiiquisli  that 
wliich  must  liave  heen  far  dearer  to  him,  tlie  prospect?  of  a  reasonable  and 
praiseworthy  ambition. 

The  acts  of  Congress  had  already  authorized  an  army  which  numbered 
sixty  thousand  men.  The  first  jjroposition  of  Mr.  Monroe  was  to  raise 
forty  thousand  more,  and  his  phin  was  to  levy  upon  the  whole  mass  of  the 
people.  If  this  had  been  carried  into  effect,  there  would,  probably,  have 
been  no  bounds  to  the  resentment  of  the  people  against  its  projector.  He 
would  have  lost,  by  one  severe  though  necessary  measure,  all  that  de- 
served popularity,  which  he  had  been  so  long  acquiring  ;  for  it  was  a 
resort,  seemingly  opposed  to  the  genius  of  our  institutions,  and  assimi- 
lated, in  the  minds  of  the  people,  to  the  conscriptions  of  the  French 
government.  Our  sturdy  yeomanry  would  have  deemed  such  a  course  an 
encroachment  on  their  riglits  as  freemen;  and,  though  many  were  willii.g 
to  volunteer,  few  would  have  submitted  tamely  to  be  dragjponed  into 
service  by  the  forcible  arguments  of  a  recruiting  officer.  Such  an  officer 
would,  doubtless,  have  been  authorized,  as  in  foreign  countries,  to  take 
the  farmer  from  his  plough,  the  weaver  from  his  loom,  the  mechanic  from 
his  shop,  and  the  clerk  from  his  desk,  as  well  as  to  intrude,  unquestioned 
and  unforbidden,  upon  the  retirement  of  the  scholar,  and  into  the  halls  of 
the  wealthy.  Mr.  Monroe  was  conscious  of  those  consequences  which 
would  attend  the  prosecution  of  such  a  plan;  and  he  determined,  in  his 
own  ujind,  to  withdraw  his  name  from  the  presidential  canvass,  as  the 
friends  of  the  opposing  candidates  would  doubtless  seize  upon  this  event 
to  make  his  name  unpopular.  To  two  or  three  individuals,  in  his  confi- 
dence, he  disclosed  his  feelings  upon  the  subject,  and  had  authorized 
them  to  publish  his  intention  of  declining  his  nomination,  as  chief 
magistrate  of  the  union,  when  the  conclusion  of  peace  rendered  the 
increase  of  the  army  unnecessary,  and  therefore  removed  the  objections 
which  would  have  influenced  such  a  resignation. 

On  the  return  of  peace,  Mr.  Monroe,  having  relinquished  his  office  in 
the  Department  of  \Var,  reassumed  those  of  the  Department  of  State, 
which  he  continued  to  discharge  til!  the  close  of  Rlr.  Madison's  adminis- 
tration. Indeed,  Mr.  Monroe  has  been  justly  said  to  have  performed  the 
duties  of  these  high  stations  with  untiring  assiduity,  with  universally 
acknowlediied  ability,  and  with  a  zeal  of  patriotism,  which  counted  health, 
fortune,  and  life  itself,  nothing  in  t!ie  ardo/  of  self-devotion  to  the  cause 
of  his  country.  Until  the  expiration  of  President  Madison's  term  of 
oflice,  Mr.  Monroe  warmly  co-operated  with  him  in  those  measures 
wliicii  were  necessary  to  restore  the  harmony  of  the  government  and  to 
<ixtricate  the  affairs  of  the  country  from  the  confusion  into  which  they  had 
been  thrown  by  the  misfortunes  of  the  war. 

On  the  5th  of  March,  1817,  Mr.  Monroe  was  inaugurated  as  President 
of  the  United  States.  The  President  and  Vice-President  were  escorted 
by  a  large  cavalcade  of  citizens,  to  Congress  Hall,  where  the  Ex-Presi- 
dent, the  Judges  of  the  Supreme  Court,  and  the  Senate  were  assemltled  ; 
by  whom  the  incumbent  was  attended  to  the  portico,  where  he  delivered  a 
speech   from  which  we  have  selected  the   most  prominent   and  striking 


194  MONROE. 

passages.  After  expressing  his  high  sense  of  the  confidence  which  his 
fellow  citizens  had  shown  towards  him,  and  of  the  feeling  of  deep  respon- 
sibility with  which  he  entered  upon  the  discharge  of  his  arduous  duties, 
he  took  a  rapid  and  general  view  of  the  prosperous  condition  of  the  Re- 
public under  the  wise  provisions  of  its  venerated  Constitution. 

"  Other  considerations  of  the  highest  importance  admonish  us  to  cher- 
ish our  Union,  and  to  cling  to  the  Government  which  supports  it.  For- 
tunate as  we  are  in  our  political  institutions,  we  have  not  been  less  so  in 
other  circumstances,  on  which  our  prosperity  and  happiness  essentially 
depend.  Situated  within  the  temperate  zone,  and  extending  through 
many  degrees  of  latitude  along  the  Atlantic,  the  United  States  enjoy  all  the 
varieties  of  climate,  and  every  production  incident  to  thai  portion  of  the 
globe.  Penetrating,  internally,  to  the  great  lakes,  and  beyond  the  sources 
of  the  great  rivers  whicli  communicate  through  our  whole  interior,  no  coun- 
try was  ever  happier  with  respect  to  its  domain.  Blessed,  too,  with  a  fertile 
soil,  our  produce  has  always  been  very  abundant,  leaving,  even  in  years 
the  least  favorable,  a  surplus  for  the  wants  of  our  fellow  men  in  other 
countries.  Such  is  our  peculiar  felicity,  that  there  is  not  a  part  of  our 
Union  that  is  not  particularly  interested  in  preserving  it.  The  great  agri- 
cultural interest  of  the  nation  prospers  under  its  protection.  Local  inte- 
rests are  not  less  fostered  by  it.  Our  fellow  citizens  of  the  north,  engag- 
ed in  navigation,  find  great  encouragement  in  being  made  the  favored 
carriers  of  the  vast  productions  of  the  other  portions  of  the  United  States, 
while  the  inhabitarats  of  these  are  amply  recompensed,  in  their  turn,  by 
the  nursery  for  seamen  and  naval  force,  thus  formed  and  reared  up  for 
the  support  of  our  common  rights.  Our  manufactures  find  a  generous 
encouragement  by  the  policy  which  patronizes  domestic  industry  ;  and 
the  surplus  of  our  produce,  a  steady  and  profitable  market  by  local  wants, 
in  less  favored  parts  at  home. 

"  Such,  then,  being  the  highly  favored  condition  of  our  country,  it  is 
the  interest  of  every  citizen  to  maintain  it.  What  are  the  dangers  which 
menace  us  ?  If  any  exist,  they  ought  to  be  ascertained  and  guarded 
against. 

"  In  explaining  my  sentiments  on  this  subject,  it  may  be  asked,  what 
raised  us  to  the  present  happy  state  ?  How  did  we  accomplish  the  revo- 
lution ?  How  remedy  the  defects  of  the  first  instrument  of  our  Union,  by 
infusing  into  the  national  government  sufficient  power  for  national  pur- 
poses, without  impairing  the  just  rights  of  the  States,  or  affecting  those  of 
individuals?  How  sustain,  and  pass  with  glory  through  the  late  war? 
The  government  has  been  in  the  hands  of  the  people.  To  the  people, 
therefore,  and  to  the  faithful  and  able  depositories  of  their  trust,  is  the 
credit  due.  Had  the  people  of  the  United  States  been  educated  in  diflh- 
rent  principles  ;  had  they  been  less  intelligent,  less  independent,  or  less 
virtuous  ;  can  it  be  believed  that  we  should  have  maintained  the  same 
steady  and  consistent  career,  or  been  blessed  with  the  same  success  ? 
While  then  the  constituent  body  retains  its  present  sound  and  healthful 
state,  every  thing  will  be  safe.  They  will  choose  competent  and  faithful 
representatives  for  every  department.  It  is  only  when  people  become 
ignorant   and   corrupt ;  when  they  degenerate  into  a  populace,  that  they 


MONROE:  195 

are  incapable  of  exercising  the  sovereignty.  Usurpation  is  then  an  easy 
attainment,  and  an  usurper  soon  found.  The  people  themselves  become 
the  willing  instruments  of  their  own  debasement  and  ruin.  Let  us  then 
look  to  the  great  cause,  and  endeavor  to  preserve  it  in  full  force.  Let  us, 
by  all  wise  and  constitutional  measures,  promote  intelligence  among  the 
people,  as  the  best  means  of  preserving  our  liberties. 

"  Dangers  from  abroad  are  no  less  deserving  of  attention.  Experienc- 
ing the  fortune  of  other  nations,  the  United  States  may  be  again  involved 
in  war,  and  it  may,  in  that  event,  be  the  object  of  the  adverse  parly  to 
overset  our  government,  to  break  our  union,  and  demolish  us  as  a  nal's^n. 
Our  distance  from  Europe,  and  the  just,  moderate  and  pacific  policy  of 
our  government,  may  form  some  security  against  these  dangers,  but  they 
ought  to  be  anticipated  and  guarded  against.  Many  of  our  citizens  are 
engaged  in  commerce  and  navigation,  and  all  of  them  are  in  a  certain 
degree  dependent  on  their  prosperous  state.  Many  are  engaged  in  the 
fisheries.  These  interests  are  exposed  to  invasion  in  the  war  between 
other  powers,  and  we  should  disregard  the  faithful  admonition  of  experi- 
ence, if  we  did  not  expect  it.  We  must  supf>ort  our  rights  or  lose  our 
character,  and  with  it  perhaps  our  liberties.  A  people  who  fail  to  do  it, 
can  scarcely  be  said  to  hold  a  place  among  independent  nations.  National 
honor  is  national  property  of  the  highest  value.  The  sentiment  in  the 
mind  of  every  citizen  is  national  strength.  It  ought,  therefore,  to  be 
cherished. 

"  To  secure  us  against  these  dangers,  our  coast  and  inland  frontiers 
should  be  fortified,  our  army  and  navy  regulated  upon  just  princi|)les  as 
to  the  force  of  each,  be  kept  in  perfect  order,  and  our  militia  be  placed 
on  the  best  practicable  footing.  To  put  our  extensive  coast  in  such  a 
state  of  defence  as  to  secure  our  cities  and  interior  from  invasion,  will  be 
attended  with  expense,  but  the  work,  when  finished,  will  be  permanent  ; 
and  it  is  fair  to  presume,  that  a  single  campaign  of  invasion  by  a  navaj 
force  superior  to  our  own,  aided  by  a  few  thousand  land  troops,  would 
expose  us  to  greater  expense,  witliout  taking  into  the  estimate  the  loss 
of  property  and  distress  of  our  citizens,  than  would  be  sufficient  for  this 
great  work. 

"  Our  land  and  naval  forces  should  be  moderate,  but  adequate  to  the 
necessary  purposes.  The  former  to  garrison  and  preserve  our  fortifica- 
tions, and  to  meet  the  first  invasions  of  a  foreign  foe  ;  and,  while  consti- 
tuting the  elements  of  a  greater  force,  to  preserve  the  science,  as  well  as 
all  the  necessary  implements  of  war,  in  a  state  to  be  brought  into  activity 
in  the  event  of  war.  The  latter,  retained  within  the  limits  proper  in  a 
state  of  peace,  might  aid  in  maintaining  the  neutrality  of  the  United 
States  with  dignity  in  the  wars  of  other  powers,  and  in  saving  the  pro- 
perty of  their  citizens  from  spoliation.  In  time  of  war,  with  the 
enlargement  of  which  the  great  naval  resources  of  the  country  render  it 
susceptible,  and  which  should  be  duly  fostered  in  time  of  peace,  it  would 
contribute  essentially,  both  as  an  auxiliary  of  defence,  and  as  a  powerful 
engine  of  annoyance,  to  diminish  the  calamities  of  war,  and  to  bring  the 
war  to  a  speedy  and  honorable  termination. 

"  But  it  ought  always  to  be  held  prominentlv  in  view,  that  the  safety  of 
26 


196  MONROE. 

these  states,  and  of  every  thing  dear  to  a  free  people,  must  depend,  in  an 
eminent  degree,  on  the  militia.  Invasions  may  be  made,  too  formidable 
to  be  resisted  by  any  land  and  naval  force,  which  it  would  comport,  either 
with  the  principles  of  our  Government,  or  the  circumstances  of  the 
United  States,  to  maintain.  In  such  cases,  recourse  must  be  had  to  the 
great  body  of  the  people,  and  in  a  manner  to  produce  the  best  effect.  It 
is  of  the  highest  importance,  therefore,  that  they  be  so  organized  and 
trained,  as  to  be  prepared  for  any  emergency.  The  arrangement  should 
be  such,  as  to  put  at  the  command  of  the  Government  the  ardent 
patriotism  and  youthful  vigor  of  the  country.  If  formed  on  equal  and 
just  principles,  it  cannot  be  oppressive.  It  is  the  crisis  which  makes  the 
pressure,  and  not  the  laws  which  provide  a  remedy  for  it.  This 
arrangement  should  be  formed  too,  in  time  of  peace,  to  be  better  prepared 
for  war.  With  such  an  organization  of  such  a  people,  the  United  States 
have  nothing  to  dread  from  foreign  invasion.  At  its  approach,  an  over- 
whelming force  of  gallant  men  might  always  be  put  in  motion. 

"Other  interests,  of  high  importance,  will  claim  attention,  among 
which  the  improvement  of  our  country  by  roads  and  canals,  proceeding 
always  with  a  constitutional  sanction,  holds  a  distinguished  place.  By 
thus  facilitating  the  intercourse  between  the  States,  we  shall  add  much  to 
the  convenience  and  comfort  of  our  fellow  citizens  ;  much  to  the  orna- 
ment of  the  country;  and,  what  is  of  greater  importance,  we  shall  shorten 
distances,  and  by  making  each  part  more  accessible  to,  and  dependent 
on  the  other,  we  shall  bind  the  Union  more  closely  together.  Nature 
has  done  so  much  for  us,  by  intersecting  the  country  with  so  many  great 
rivers,  bays,  and  lakes,  approaching  from  distant  points  so  near  to  each 
other,  that  the  inducement  to  complete  the  work  seems  to  be  peculiarly 
strong.  A  more  interesting  spectacle  was,  perhaps,  never  seen,  than  is 
exhibited  within  the  limits  of  the  United  States  ;  a  territory  so  vast, 
and  advantageously  situated,  containing  objects  so  grand,  so  useful,  so 
happily  connected  in  all  their  parts. 

"  Our  manufactures  will  likewise  require  the  systematic  and  fostering 
care  of  the  government.  Possessing,  as  we  do,  all  the  raw  materials, 
the  fruit  of  our  own  soil  and  industry,  we  ought  not  to  depend,  in  the 
degree  Ave  have  done,  on  supplies  from  other  countries.  While  we  are 
thus  dependent,  the  sudden  event  of  war,  unsought  and  unexpected,  can- 
not fail  to  plunge  us  into  the  most  serious  difficulties.  It  is  important, 
too,  that  the  capital,  which  nourishes  our  manufactures,  should  be 
domestic,  as  its  influence  in  that  case,  instead  of  exhausting,  as  it  may 
do  in  foreign  hands,  would  be  felt  advantageously  on  agriculture,  and 
every  other  branch  of  industry.  Equally  important  is  it  to  provide  at 
home  a  market  for  our  raw  materials,  as,  by  extending  the  competition, 
it  will  enhance  the  price,  and  protect  the  cultivator  against  the  casualties 
incident  to  foreign  markets. 

"  With  the  Indian  tribes  it  is  our  duty  to  cultivate  friendly  relations, 
and  to  act  with  kindness  and  liberality  in  all  our  transactions.  Equally 
proper  is  it  to  persevere  in  our  efforts  to  extend  to  them  the  advantages 
of  civilization. 

"  The  great  amount  of  our  revenue,  and  the  flourishing  state  of  the 


MONROE.  197 

treasury,  arc  a  full  proof  of  the  competency  of  the  national  resources, 
for  any  emergency,  as  they  are  of  the  willingness  of  our  fellow  citizens 
to  boar  the  burdens,  which  the  public  necessities  require.  The  vast 
amount  of  vacant  lands,  the  value  of  which  daily  augments,  forms  an 
additional  resource  of  great  extent  and  duration.  These  resources,  be- 
sides accomplishing  every  other  necessary  purpose,  put  it  completely  in 
the  power  of  the  United  States  to  discharge  the  national  debt  at  an 
euriy  period.  Peace  is  the  best  time  for  improvement  and  preparation  of 
every  kind ;  it  is.in  peace  that  our  cowimerce  flourishes  most ;  that  taxes 
are  most  easily  paid,  and  that  the  revenue  is  most  productive." 

He  then  remarked  on  the  necessity  of  a  faithful  disbursement  of  the 
public  money,  and  expressed  his  determination  to  do  all  in  his  power  to 
secure  the  utmost  economy  and  fidelity  in  this  important  branch  of  the 
administration.  The  absence  of  all  foreign  hostilities,  and  the  return  of 
domestic  harmony,  formed  other  gratifying  topics  of  reflection.  The 
speech  concludes  with  a  few  observations  on  the  instructive  and  useful 
examples  presented  by  the  administrations  of  his  illustrious  predecessors, 
and  with  the  fervent  hope  that  the  Almighty  would  graciously  continue 
that  protection  to  the  Republic,  which  He  had  already  displayed  so  con- 
spicuously in  its  favor. 

On  the  conclusion  of  his  address,  the  oath  of  office  was  administered 
to  the  President  by  the  Chief  Justice  of  the  United  States.  A  signal 
gun  having  been  fired,  salutes  were  given  from  the  navy  yard,  the  bat- 
tery, Fort  Warburton,  and  from  a  corps  of  artillery.  The  day  was 
delightful,  and  the  crowd  of  spectators,  including  numerous  American 
ind  foreign  functionaries,  was  estimated  at  from  six  to  eight  thousand. 

Among  the  early  appointments  of  President  Monroe,  was  that  of  Mr. 
John  Quincy  Adams  as  Secretary  for  the  department  of  State ;  of  Mr. 
William  H.  Crawford  for  the  department  of  the  Treasury;  and  Mr. 
Isaac  Shelby,*  of  Kentucky,  for  the  department  of  War.  Mr.  Calhoun  was 
afterwards  appointed  to  the  War  department,  and  Mr.  B.  W.  Crowninshield 
to  the  Navy.  About  the  first  of  June,  the  President  left  Washington  to 
commence  his  tour  through  the  States ;  which  gave  occasion  to  so  many 
speculations  among  newspaper  politicians,  and  which  elicited  a  most 
general  expression  of  kindness,  respect,  and  courtesy. 

The  President  arrived  at  Baltimore  on  Sunday,  the  1st  of  June, 
visited  the  field  where  the  British  general  Ross  received  his  fatal  wound, 
reviewed  a  brigade  of  militia,  visited  various  public  works,  received  and 
answered  a  congratulatory  address  from  the  Mayor  and  City  Council, 
and  on  Tuesday  continued  his  journey  as  far  as  New-Castle.  His  reply 
to  the  Mayor  and  City  Council  of  Baltimore  was  in  the  following 
words : 

"Fellow  Citizens, — The  sentiments  which  you  have  communicated, 
have  afforded  me  very  great  satisfaction.  They  are  just,  as  to  the 
objects  adverted  to,  and  to  me  they  are  generous  and  kind. 

"  It  was  impossible  for  me  to  approach  Baltimore,  without  recollecting, 


*  Mr.  Shelby  did  not  accept  the  apointment. 


198  MONROE. 

with  deep  interest,  the  gallant  conduct  of  her  citizens,  in  the  late  war 
and  the  happy  resuUs  ittending  their  exertions.  The  glorious  victory 
which  was  achieved  by  her,  and  in  which  her  citizens  bore  so  distin- 
guished a  paft,  at  a  very  important  epoch,  not  only  protected  this  patri- 
otic city,  but  shed  a  great  lustre  on  the  American  name. 

"  Experience  has  shown  our  dangers,  and  admonished  us  as  to  the 
means  of  averting  them.  Congress  has  appropriated  large  sums  of 
money,  for  the  fortification  of  our  coast,  and  inland  frontier,  and  for  the 
establishment  of  naval  dock-yards,  and  building  a  navy.  It  is  proper 
that  those  works  should  be  executed  with  judgment,  fidelity,  and 
economy.  Much  depends,  in  the  execution,  on  the  Executive,  to  whom 
extensive  power  is  given,  as  to  the  general  arrangement ;  and  to  whom 
the  superintendence  usually  belongs.  You  do  me  justice  in  believing, 
that  it  is  to  enable  me  to  discharge  these  duties,  with  the  best  advantage 
to  my  country,  that  I  have  undertaken  this  tour. 

"  From  the  increased  harmony  of  public  opinion,  founded  on  the 
successful  career  of  a  government,  which  has  never  been  equalled,  and 
which  promises,  by  a  further  developement  of  its  faculties,  to  augment, 
in  an  eminent  degree,  the  blessings  of  this  favored  people,  I  unite  with 
you  in  all  the  anticipations  which  you  have  so  justly  suggested. 

"  In  performing  services,  honestly  and  zealously  intended  for  the 
benefit  of  my  fellow  citizens,  I  shall  never  entertain  a  doubt  of  their 
generous  and  firm  support.  Incapable  of  any  feelings  distinct  from 
those  of  a  citizen,  I  can  assume  no  style,  in  regard  to  them,  different 
from  that  character ;  and  it  is  a  source  of  peculiar  delight  to  me,  to 
know  that,  while  the  Chief  Magistrate  of  the  United  States  acts  fully 
up  to  this  principle,  he  will  require  no  other  guard  than  what  may  be 
derived  from  their  confidence  and  affection.'"^ 

On  Wednesday  the  President  proceeded  up  the  Delaware,  and  arrived 
at  the  navy-yard  in  Philadelphia  between  three  and  four  o'clock  on 
Thursday,  in  the  barge  of  the  Franklin  seventy-four,  in  which  Commo- 
dore Murray  and  Captain  Stuart  had  gone  down  to  Wilmington  to 
receive  him.     Every  respectful  attention  was  paid  to  him  in   this  city. 

*  In  the  previous  address  of  the  Mayor  was  a  passage  which  afforded  the  editor 
of  the  New-Vnrk  Post  an  opportunity  for  the  following  pleasant  sally. 

"Among  oi  her  topics,''  says  the  Post,  "of  which  this  famous  speech  was  composed, 
the  following  pompous  and  important  passage  presents  itself: 

"  '  That  a  city  which  bore  so  conspicuous  a  part  in  the  national  defence  should 
first  be  honored  with  the  presence  of  the  Chief  Magistrate  of  the  Union,  is  as 
flattering  as  it  is  natural.' 

"  We  cannot  but  accede  to  the  truth  of  the  observation,  that  it  was  natural  that 
the  President  in  his  journey  to  the  eastward,  should  visit  Baltimore  before  he  did 
Philadelphia,  situated  a  hundred  miles  further  on  his  route,  nor  enough  admire  the 
mgenuity  that  could  turn  such  a  circumstance  into  a  flattering  compliment  to  the 
former  city.  We  should  not  have  been  surprised  if  the  President,  when  he  heard 
this,  had  cut  Mr.  Stiles  as  short,  by  expressing  his  entire  satisfaction,  as  Henry  IV. 
cut  the  French  mayor,  who  came  out  to  meet  him  on  a  similar  occasion,  and  began 
a  speech  which  he  had  prepared,  containing  ten  reasons  why  they  had  not  saluted 
his  Majesty's  approach  with  the  discharge  of  cannon,  the  first  of  which  was  that 
they  had  no  cannon,  when  the  King  interrupted  him,  and  lold  him  he  might  spare 
himself  the  trouble  of  giving  the  other  nine." 


MONROE.  199 

"^Tiile  here  the  mpmbers  of  the  Pennsylvania  Society  of  the  Cincinnati 
paid  tlieir  respects  to  him  and  presented  the  following  address : 

"  SiK — Embracing  the  occasion  which  your  attention,  as  Chief  Magis- 
trate, to  the  military  defence  of  the  United  States  lias  afforded,  it  is 
with  peculiar  pleasure  that  the  members  of  the  Pennsylvania  Society  of 
the  Cincinnati,  a  portion  of  the  surviving  few  who  were  your  associates 
in  arms  during  the  war  of  the  revolution,  approach  to  renew  their  per- 
sonal intercourse,  and  to  assure  you  of  their  cordial  support  to  the  firm 
and  impartial  administration  of  the  government,  whicli,  by  combining 
in  its  measures  domestic  tranquillity  with  the  respect  of  foreign  nations, 
they  confidently  anticipate,  will  promote  the  best  interests  of  ibe  United 
Stales,  and  insure  to  our  citizens  the  advantages  of  social  harmony  and 
individual  happiness. 

"  That  you  may  participate  those  blessings,  and  enjoy  the  grateful 
esteem  of  a  happy  people,  is  the  sincere  wish  of 

"  Your  faithful  friends,  and  respectful  fellow  citizens." 
To  which  the  President  made  the  following  reply  : 
"  Fellow  Citizens — In  attending  to  the  military  and  naval  defence  of 
the  United  States,  nothing  can  be  more  gratifying  to  me  than  to  meet 
the  surviving  members  of  my  associates  in  "arms,  who  distinguished 
themselves  in  our  revolutionary  contest.  I  can  never  forget  the  dangers 
of  that  great  epoch,  nor  be  indifferent  to  the  merit  of  those  who  partook 
in  them. 

"  To  promote  tranquillity  at  home,  and  respect  abroad,  by  a  firm  and 
impartial  administration,  are  among  the  highest  duties  of  the  Chief 
Magistrate  of  the  United  States.  To  acquit  myself  in  the  discharge  of 
these  duties  with  advantage  to  my  fellow  citizens,  Avill  be  the  undt-viat- 
ing  object  of  my  zealous  exertions  Their  approbation  will  be  the 
highest  recompense  which  I  can  receive." 

It  is  the  province  of  biography  and  memoir  writing  to  record  matters 
too  trifling  for  the  dignity  of  history.  With  this  impression  we  scatter 
through  our  pages  descriptions  of  manners  and  ceremonies,  too  unim- 
portant, apparently,  to  warrant  any  minute  details,  but  yet  interesting,  as 
depicting  those  every-day  fashions  and  changes,  about  which  we  are  all 
naturally  curious.  With  these  observations  we  would  preface  the  fol- 
lowing account  of  the  President's  costume,  and  the  extracts  in  the  note-* 


*  "Mrs.  Monroe  is  an  elegant,  accomplished  woman.  She  po.ssesses  a  charmin" 
mind,  and  dignit)^  of  manners,  which  peculiarly  fit  her  for  her  elevated  station.  Her 
retired  domestic  habits  will  be  much  annoyed  by  what  is  called  here  socidy,  if  she 
does  not  totally  change  the  etiquette  (if  it  may  be  called  so)  established  by  Mrs. 
Washington,  Adams,  and  Madison — a  routine  which  her  feeble  constitution  Avill  not 
permit  her  to  encounter;  to  go  through  it,  she  must  become  a  perfect  slave  to  the 
sacrifice  of  her  health.  The  president,  secretanes,  senators,  members,  foroiim 
ministers,  consuls,  comptrollers,  auditors,  accountants,  ofl^cers  of  the  navy  arid 
army  of  every  grade,  farmers,  merchants,  parsons,  priests,  lawyers,  judges,  notaries, 
auctioneers,  office-hunters,  brokers,  clerks,  stay-tape  and  buckram  gentry,  spcrula- 
tors,  and  m>thiti<;arians — all  with  their  wives,  and  some  with  their  gawking  oll'spring  — 
crowd  to  the  President's  every  Wednesday  evening— some  in  shoes,  most  in  boots, 
and  many  m  spurs— some  snufling,  others  chewing,  and  many  longuig  tor  their  ciijar 
an('.  whiskey  punch  left  at  home— some  with  powdered  heads,  others  frizzled  and 


200  MONROE 

from  a  letter  from  Washington,  dated  previously  to  the  inauguration  of 
Mr.  Monroe  in  his  new  office. 

The  barge  fitted  up  for  the  reception  of  the  President  at  Philadelphia, 
was  lined  and  trimmed  with  crimson  velvet,  and  rowed  by  sixteen  oarsmen, 
dressed  in  scarlet  vests,  white  sleeves  and  trowsers.  The  President  Avas 
dressed  in  a  dark  blue  coat,  buff  vest,  doe-skin  buff-colored  breeches  and 
top  boots;  he  wore  a  mihtary  cocked  hat  of  the  fashion  of  the  revolution, 
and  a  black  bowed  ribbon  of  the  same  fashion  as  a  cockade. 

On  Thursday,  the  12th  of  June,  the  President  visited  the  fortifications 
and  navy-yard  at  New-York,  amidst  salutes  of  cannon.  On  the  follow- 
ing day  he  was  publicly  initiated  as  a  member  of  the  Literary  and  Phi- 
losophical Society  of  New-York,  when  the  President  of  the  Association, 
Mr.  De  Wilt  Clinton,  delivered  an  address.  The  reply  of  President 
Monroe  to  the  address  of  the  Mayor,  Aldermen,  and  Commonalty  of  the 
city  of  New-York,  is  one  of  the  happiest  specimens  of  the  parade  day 
oratory  required  for  such  an  occasion.  It  is  concise,  vigorouSj  and 
eloquent : 

"Fellow  Citizens — In  performing  a  duty  enjoined  on  me  by  the  con- 
stitution and  laws  of  the  United  Slates,  I  cannot  express  the  satisfaction 
which  I  derive  from  the  intercourse  to  which  it  leads  with  so  many  of 
my  fellow  citizens ;  and  from  the  opportunity  it  affords,  to  behold  in  per- 
son the  blessings  which  an  all  gracious  Providence  has  extended  to  them. 
In  executing  the  laws  which  Congress  have  wisely  adopted  for  the  national 
defence,  the  Atlantic  and  inland  frontiers  of  this  Stale,  by  their  exposed 
situation,  are  entitled  to  particular  attention.     I  am  aware,  too,  that  this 


oiled,  Math  some  whose  heads  a  comb  has  never  touched,  half  hid  by  dirty  collars, 
reaching  above  their  ears,  as  stifl"  as  pasteboard.  'Mrs.  President,  this  is  my  wife' 
— '  Ma'am,  this  is  my  daughter' — '  Mr.  President,  this  is  my  Dick,  a  hopeful  youth, 
"just  freed  from  college  rules,"  and  light  as  the  vapor  he  puffs  from  Havana's  best.' 

"How  distressing  to  every  man  who  feels  for  the  honor  and  dignity  of  his  govern- 
ment. Mrs.  Madison  feels  all  this,  while  she  is  harassed  to  death  by  these  boobies. 
She  must  feel  gneatly  relieved  by  her  prospect  of  retirement.  She  is  justly  adored 
by  all  parties.  This  estimable  woman,  in  '  stooping  to  conquer,'  has  carried  her 
amiability  and  affability  as  far  as  to  return  the  visits  of  all  those  who  have  called  oa 
her.  It  ought  not  to  be  expected  that  the  wife  of  the  President  should  return  visits. 
Our  nation  is  increasing  so  fast,  and  there  is  such  an  influx  of  foreigners  here 
(particularly  at  this  season  of  the  year)  that  a  stop  ought  to  be  put  to  it,  and  sorne 
rules  adopted  for  the  presentation  of  strangers  to  the  Chief  Magistrate  and  his 
family ;  otherwise  his  valuable  time  will  be  absorbed  in  ridiculous  visits  from  the 
idle  and  curious.  In  the  drawing-room  no  one  ought,  in  my  opinion,  to  be  admitted, 
without  a  previous  introduction  to  the  President  by  some  respectable  member  of  the 
o;overnment ;  and  if  those  members  were  not  discreet  in  the  characters  and  numbers 
of  these  introductions,  they  ought  to  be  told  of  it.  All  judicious,  sensible  person.s 
see  now  the  necessity  of  such  arrangements. 

"  These  foreign  ministers  and  agents,  too,  are  far  too  intimate  at  the  President's, 
and  uith  the  different  branches  of  the  government.  Towards  them  the  same  eti- 
quette ought  to  be  adopted,  as  is  known  to  exist  at  their  own  courts.  This  they 
would  not  complain  of.  There  is  a  respect  due  to  our  sachems,  which  this  vulgar 
Btate  of  things  diminishes.  We  allow  our  generals  and  commanders  of  sliips  to 
establish  formalities  at  their  posts,  and  on  their  quarter-decks ,  and  will  you  not 
allow  the  President  to  form  certain  rules  for  the  government  of  his  house  and  the 
distribution  of  his  time  ?" 


MONROE.  201 

populous  and  flourishing  city  presents,  in  time  of  war,  a  strong  temptation 
to  the  cupidity  of  an  invading  foe.  It  is  in  the  spirit  of  the  laws  which 
1  lun  called  to  execute,  it  is  in  the  spirit  of  the  people  whom  I  represent, 
to  pr(nide  amply  for  the  security  of  every  part,  according  to  the  danger 
to  which  it  is  exposed.  In  performing  this  duty,  I  shall  endeavor  to  be 
their  faithful  organ. 

"The  present  prosperous  condition  of  our  country  is,  as  you  justly 
observe,  the  best  proof  of  the  excellence  of  our  institutions,  and  of  the 
wisdom  with  which  they  have  been  administered. 

"  It  affords,  too,  a  solid  ground  on  which  to  indulge  the  most  favorable 
anticipations  as  to  the  future.  An  enlightened  people,  educated  in  the 
principles  of  liberty,  and  blessed  with  a  free  government — bold,  vigorous, 
and  enterprising  in  the  pursuit  of  every  just  and  honorable  attainment — 
united  by  the  strong  ties  of  a  common  origin,  of  interest,  and  affection — 
possessed  of  a  vast  and  fertile  territory — improving  in  agriculture,  in  the 
arts  and  manufactures — extending  their  commerce  to  every  sea — already 
powerful,  and  rapidly  increasing  in  population — have  every  inducement 
and  every  means  whereby  to  perpetuate  these  blessings  to  the  latest  pos- 
terity. 

"The  honorable  termination  of  the  late  war,  whereby  the  rights  of  the 
natioii  ivere  vi?idicated,  should  not  lull  us  into  repose — the  events  attend- 
ing it  show  our  vulnerable  points ;  and  it  is  in  time  of  peace  that  we 
ought  to  provide  by  strong  works  for  their  defence. 

"  The  gallantry  and  good  conduct  of  our  army,  navy,  and  militia,  and 
the  patriotism  of  our  citizens,  generally,  so  conspicuously  displayed  in 
that  war,  may  always  be  relied  on.  Aided  by  such  works,  our  frontiers 
will  be  impregnable. 

"  Devoted  to  the  principles  of  our  government  from  my  earliest  youth, 
and  satisfied  that  the  great  blessings  which  we  enjoy  are,  under  Divine 
Providence,  imputable  to  that  great  cause,  it  will  be  the  object  of  my  con- 
stant and  zealous  efforts  to  give  to  those  principles  their  best  effect 
Should  I,  by  these  efforts,  contribute  in  any  degree  to  the  happiness  of 
my  fellow  citizens,  I  shall  derive  from  it  the  highest  gratification  of  which 
my  mind  is  susceptible." 

While  in  New  York  the  President  was  elected  a  member  of  the  So- 
ciety for  the  encouragement  of  American  Manufactures ;  he  attended  a 
meeting  of  that  Society,  and  avowed  his  desire  to  promote  the  object  of 
their  institution.  John  Adams,  Thomas  Jefl^erson,  and  James  Madison 
were  elected  members  at  the  same  time. 

The  President  was  received  in  a  similar  style  of  respectful  hospitality, 
at  New  Haven,  Hartford,  Middletown,  Springfield,  and  Boston.  On 
reaching  the  southern  entrance  of  Boston,  he  was  met  by  the  Committee 
of  Arrangements,  and  received  with  a  few  words  of  welcome  from  the 
Honorable  Mr.  Otis :  "  Sir — You  are  now  arrived  within  the  limits  of 
Boston,  and  these  gentlemen  are  a  Committee  appointed  to  welcome  your 
approach,  and  escort  you  to  your  lodgings.  Upon  your  arrival  there, 
they  will  avail  themselves  of  your  permission,  to  express  to  you  in  a  more 
formal  and  respectful  manner  than  can  be  done  here,  the  assurances  of  the 
unfeigned  satisfaction  which  the  citizens  of  Boston  realize  in  the  honor 


202  MONROE. 

you  liave  oeen  pleased  to  confer  upon  them  by  this  visit."  A  procession 
was  then  formed,  and  the  President  was  escorted  through  the  principal 
streets  of  the  city  to  the  rooms  provided  for  his  reception  in  the  Exchange 
Cofl'ee-House.  During  the  march  of  the  cavalcade,  salutes  were  fired 
from  Dorchester  heights,  from  the  common,  '^ort  Independence,  and  the 
navy-yard.  State-street,  through  which  the  procession  passed,  was 
fancifully  decorated  with  the  flags  of  the  United  States,  and  the  numerous 
merchant  ships  in  the  harbor  made  a  brilliant  display  of  their  stars  and 
stripes.  The  crowd  of  spectators  which  surrounded  the  procession  was 
immense,  greater  than  any  which  had  been  witnessed  since  the  visit  of 
Washington.  Shortly  after  the  arrival  of  the  President  at  his  rooms,  he 
accompanied  the  Committee  to  the  second  gallery  of  the  old  Exchange, 
where  the  Chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Arrangements  made  an  address 
in  behalf  of  the  inhabitants  of  Boston.  He  remained  in  Boston  for  seve- 
ral days,  and  was  received  with  the  greatest  kindness  and  respect  by  all 
its  citizens  without  distinction  of  party."^ 

The  President  continued  his  journey,  and  was  received  with  similar 
tokens  of  honor  at  the  principal  towns  on  his  northern  route.  Much 
disappoinmient  was  expressed  at  the  manner  in  which  the  President  was 


*  The  minuteness  with  which  the  movements  of  the  President  are  chronicled  in  the 
newspapers  of  the  time,  almost  reminds  us  of  the  similar  details  of  the  British  jour- 
nals in  respect  to  the  various  movements  of  their  nobility.  The  following  is  the 
account  of  his  visit  to  Charlesiown  : 

"  On  Saturday  morning  the  President  visited  the  navy-yard  in  Charlestown,  con- 
ducted by  Commodore  Hull,  the  Commissioner.  He  inspected,  with  much  minuteness, 
but  with  rapidity,  the  numerous  branches  of  this  important  and  extensive  establish- 
ment ;  and  which  the  Commissioner  has  ornamented  with  numerous  improvements. 
After  inspecting  the  arsenal,  warehouses,  depots  of  ordnance  and  naval  stores,  and 
the  various  quarters  and  barracks,  the  President  went  on  board  the  ships  in  ordinary 
-the  Constitution,  Java,  RIacedonian,  and  Guerriere.  He  took  particular  interest  in 
eximining  'Old  Iron-Sides,'  which  vessel,  we  understood,  he  said,  'ought  not  to  be 
again  sent  to  sea,  but  be  preserved  as  a  monument  of  national  glory.'  The  marine 
garrison,  under  Captain  Wainwright,  did  the  guard  of  honor  duties  upon  the  occasion, 
af.d  exhibited  a  state  of  exact  discipline.  On  his  entrance  and  departure  from  the 
nav  yard,  the  President  was  saluted  with  nineteen  guns  from  the  water  battery  of 
the  yard.  After  the  examination  of  the  whole  establishment,  the  President  partook 
of  a  sumptuous  and  elegant  dejerm'  with  Blrs.  Hull,  the  lady  of  the  Commissioner. 
Of  the  guests  were  nearly  two  hundred  personages,  embracing  His  Excellency  the 
Governoi,  His  Honor  the  Lieutenant-Governor,  Counsellors,  Senators  and  Represen- 
tatives of  the  Slate,  Members  of  Congress,  Judges  and  Magistrates,  Commodore 
Bainbridge,  and  numerous  naval  officers,  General  Miller,  and  numerous  officers  of 
the  army,  and  many  strangers  of  eminence.  The  breakfast  table  was  ornamented 
with  the  superb  vases  and  services  of  plate  presented  to  the  Commodore  by  the  citi- 
zens of  Philadelphia  and  Charleston.  The  President  was  on  the  righi,  and  Governor 
biouks  on  the  left  of  Mrs.  Hull ;  and  the  splendor  of  the  martial  insignia,  united  with 
the  lustre  of  beauty  and  accomplishment,  heightened  the  ensemble  of  a  banquet 
which  displayed  the  taste  of  the  fair  hostess,  and  the  munificence  of  the  gallant  Com- 
modore. 

"  Among  the  persons  introduced  to  the  President,  on  Bunker  Hill,  were  Mr.  Thomas 
Miller,  Timothy  Thompson,  and  John  Kettel,  the  only  surviving  inhabitants  of  Charles, 
to^-n,  who  were  in  the  memorable  battle  that  comnienced  the  war  of  Independence, 
\m  the  very  spot  they  then  trod  upon.  The  President  received  them  with  much  affa- 
bility, and  was  evidently  aiTected  with  the  scene."' 


MONROE.  203 

n^ccived  i.i  \c\v  Hampshire.  During  the  whole  of  nis  to\ir,  he  had  re- 
ceived the  personal  atleiitioii  of  all  the  executives  of  the  Slates  on  enter- 
ing their  limits,  until  he  reached  New  Hampshire.  Being  then  left  by 
the  Massachusetts  escort,  he  was  obliged  to  trust  himself  to  stagedrivers 
and  guideposts,  until  he  arrived  at  Greenland.  Here  he  was  received 
by  a  large  number  of  the  citizens  of  Portsmouth,  and  conducted  to  the 
metropolis.  The  neglect  of  the  Governor  in  not  waiting  upon  the  Presi- 
dent, nor  providing  him  an  escort,  was  the  subject  of  much  witticism  at 
the  time  among  the  journals  of  both  parties.  "  How  Governor  Plumer," 
observed  one  pai^er,  "  will  excuse  his  conduct  upon  this  occasion,  we  are 
unable  to  say.  The  eastern  doctors  disagree  upon  this  subject.  One 
editor  says,  he  did  not  order  out  the  militia  because  he  had  not  the  power. 
Another  says,  he  possessed  t#;e  power,  but  not  the  disposition.  A  third 
observes,  that,  being  tenacious  of  the  honor  of  the  State,  his  Excellency 
wisely  concluded  that  his  non-appearance  in  public  would  be  attended 
with  the  least  disgrace  to  his  constituents.  A  fourth  says,  it  is  owing  to 
an  act  passed  by  the  Legislature  a  few  weeks  since,  ofTering  a  bounty  for 
killing  crows ;  which  makes  it  extremely  hazardous  for  his  Excellency 
to  appear  in  public.  But,  after  all,  we  suspect  tliese  gentlemen  do  not 
understand  the  business.  The  expenses  of  a  parade  must  necessarily  be 
considerable;  and  the  probability  is,  that  the  Governor,  having  gene- 
rously relinquished  a  very  considerable  portion  of  his  salary  for  the  pui- 
chase  of  popularity,  could  not  well  afford  it.  This  we  suspect  is  the  true 
secret ;  and  if  so,  the  censures  passed  upon  the  Governor  are  very  unjust 
and  wicked."  His  Excellency  afterwards  addressed  an  apologetical  let- 
ter to  Mr.  Monroe,  explaining  his  personal  non-attendance  by  his  ill 
health,  and  stating  that  by  the  jealousy  of  the  State  Constitution  on  the 
subject  of  the  militia,  he  was  not  authorized  to  call  them  out,  except  for  cer- 
tain known  objects  particularly  designated.  We  hope  that  the  conscien- 
tious scruples  of  the  worthy  Governor  will  find  numerous  examples  of 
imitation  on  more  important  subjects. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  follow  the  President  particularly  in  his  northern 
and  western  progress.  On  leaving  Portsmouth,  he  directed  his  course 
westward  to  Plaitsburg,  in  the  state  of  New  York.  In  his  route  thither, 
he  visited  Dover,  Concord,  and  Hanover,  in  New  Hampshire,  and  V.  ind- 
sor  and  Burlington,  in  Vermont.  The  important  post  at  Plattsburg 
occupied  his  attention  for  several  days.  From  this  place  he  continued 
westward  to  Ogdensburg,  Sackett's  Harbor,  and  Detroit.  He  reached 
Washington,  on  his  return,  on  the  19th  of  September.  Here  he  was  re- 
reived  with  honors  similar  to  those  v,'hich  had  been  paid  to  him  else- 
where, and  returned  the  following  answer  to  the  address  of  the  Mayor 
and  Aldermen  of  Washington  : 

"  1  cannot  express  in  sufficiently  strong  terms  the  gratification  which  1 
feel  in  returning  to  the  seat  of  government,  after  the  long  and  very  inte- 
resting tour  in  which  I  have  been  engaged;  and  J  beg  you  to  be  assured 
that  nothing  can  contribute  more  to  dissipate  the  fatigue  to  which  I  have 
been  exposed,  than  the  very  cordial  reception  which  has  been  given  me 
by  my  fellow  citizens  and  neighbors,  of  the  city  and  district. 

"I  shall  always  look  back  to  the  important  incidents  of  my  late  tour, 
27 


204  MONROE. 

with  peculiar  sa.isfaction.  1  flatter  myself  that  I  kive  derived  from  it 
information,  which  will  be  very  useful  in  the  discharge  of  the  duties  of 
the  high  trust  confided  to  me ;  and,  in  other  respects,  it  has  afforded  me 
the  highest  gratification.  In  all  that  portion  of  our  country  through 
which  I  have  passed,  1  have  seen,  with  delight,  proofs  the  most  conclu- 
sive of  the  devotion  of  our  fellow  citizens  to  the  principles  of  our  free 
republican  government,  and  to  our  happy  union.  The  spontaneous  and 
independent  manner  in  which  these  sentiments  were  declared,  by  the 
great  body  of  the  people,  with  other  marked  circumstances  attending 
them,  satisfied  me  that  they  came  from  the  heart.  United  firmly  in  the 
support  of  these  great,  these  vital  interests,  we  may  fairly  presume  that 
all  difficulty  on  minor  questions  will  disappear. 

'•  In  returning  to  the  city  of  Washington,  I  rejoice  to  find  the  public 
building,  intended  for  the  accommodation  of  the  Chief  Magistrate,  iri  a 
state  to  receive  me,  and  to  admit  within  it  this  friendly  interview  with 
you." 

Thus  terminated  the  felicitous  tour  of  President  Monroe,  which  could 
not  fail  to  prove  of  lasting  benefit  to  the  states,  by  bringing  the  Execu- 
tive in  such  close  connexion  Avith  all  over  whom  its  power  was  exerted, 
by  conciliating  sectional  prejudices,  and  giving  birth  to  a  generous  mu- 
tuality of  confidence  between  the  people  and  their  Chief  Magistrate. 

On  the  first  of  December,  in  pursuance  of  constitutional  provisions, 
the  members  of  the  new  Congress  assembled  at  the  Capitol,  when  each 
house  organized  itself,  and  adopted  the  usual  preliminaries  of  business. 
Mr.  Gaillard  of  South  Carolina  took  the  chair  of  the  Senate  as  President 
pro  tern  ;  twentjz-three  members  were  present.  A  committee  was  then 
appointed  to  join  one  from  the  House,  to  wait  on  the  President  of  the 
United  States,  and  inform  him  that  they  were  ready  to  receive  his  cona- 
munications.  The  members  of  the  House  were  called  to  order  by  their 
old  clerk,  Mr.  Dougherty,  and  they  proceeded  immediately  to  the  choice 
of  a  Speaker,  when  Mr.  Henry  Clay  received  one  hundred  and  forty 
from  one  hundred  forty-seven  votes,  and  was  declared  to  be  elected.  Be- 
ing conducted  to  the  chair,  and  the  oath  having  been  administered,  Mr. 
Clay  delivered  the  following  address  : 

"If  xve  consider,  gentlemen,  the  free  and  illustrious  origin  of  this  as- 
sembly ;  the  extent  and  magnitude  of  the  interests  committed  to  its  charge ; 
and  th"  brilliant  prospects  of  the  rising  confederacy,  whose  destiny  may 
be  materially  affected  by  the  legislation  of  Congress  ;  the  House  of  Eepre- 
sentntives  justly  ranks  among  the  most  eminent  deliberative  bodies  tha\ 
have  existed.  To  be  appointed  to  preside  at  its  deliberations  is  an  ex- 
alted lionor  of  which  I  entertain  the  highest  sense.  And  I  pray  you  to 
accept,  for  the  flattering  manner  in  which  you  have  conferred  it,  my  pro- 
found acknowledgments. 

"  If  I  bring  into  the  chair,  gentlemen,  the  advantage  of  some  experi- 
ence of  its  duties,  far  from  inspiring  me  with  undue  confidence,  that  ex- 
perience serves  only  to  fill  me  with  distrust  of  my  own  capacity.  1  have 
been  taught  by  it  how  arduous  those  duties  are,  and  how  unavailing 
would  be  any  efforts  of  mine  to  discharge  them,  without  the  liberal  sup- 
port and  cheering  countenance  of  the  House,     I  shall  anxiously  seek, 


MONROE.  205 


gentlemen,  to  merit  that  support  and  countenance  by  an  undeviatino-  aim 
at  impartiality,  and  at  the  preservation  of  that  decorum,  without  the  ob- 
servance of  which  the  public  business  must  be  illy  transacted,  and  the 
dignity  and  the  character  of  the  House  seriously  impaired." 

On  the  following  day  Mr.  Monroe  transmitted  to  both  Houses  of  Con- 
gress the  customary  message.     He  opened  with  a  few  remarks  on  the 
happy  and  prosperous  condition  of  our  country,  the  establishment  of  pub- 
lic credit  and  the  fortunate  dissipation  of  local  prejudices.     Among  the 
principal  topics  of  the  message  were   the  arrangement  between  Great 
Britain  and  the  United  States  for  the  reduction  of  the  naval  force  upon 
the  lakes ;  the  report  of  the  commissioners  on   the  island  in  Passama- 
quoddy  Bay;  the   negociation  with  Spain  for  spoliations  on  our  com- 
merce, and  the   settlement  of  bovmdaries ;    and  our  relations  with  the 
various  powers  of  Europe.     The  view  of  our  internal  affairs  was  repre- 
sented as  very  gratifying  ;  and  the  revenue  Avas  described  as  in  a  very 
productive  state.     It  promised  ability  to  redeem  the  whole  of  the  Loui- 
siana debt,  and  to  discharge  the  Mississippi  stock  by  the   year  1819. 
The  militia  force  of  the  several  States  was  estimated  at  eight  hundred 
thousand  men,  and  an  improvement  in  their  organization  and  discipline 
was  recommended  to  the  unremitted  attention  of  Congress.     Purchases 
from  the  Indian  tribes  on  the  borders  of  Lake  Erie,  anil  the  other  public 
lands  of  the  Union,  form  other  subjects  of  consideration.     The  most  im- 
portant part  of  the  message  is  that  which  has  reference  to  the  subject  of 
internal  improvements,  in  which  the  President  expresses  his  opinion  of 
the  constitutionality  of  the  interference  of  Congress.     This  is  embraced 
in  the  portion  of  the  message  extracted  below. 

"  "When  Ave  consider  the  vast  extent  of  territory  within  the  United 
States,  the  great  amount  and  value  of  its  productions ;  the  connexion  of 
its  parts,  and  other  circumstances,  on  which  their  prosperity  and  happi- 
ness depend,^  we  cannot  fail  to  entertain  a  high  sense  of  the  advantage  to 
be  derived  from  the  facility  which  may  be  afforded  in  the  intercourse 
between  them,  by  means  of  good  roads  and  canals.  Never  did  a  country 
of  such  vast  extent  offer  equal  inducements  to  improvements  of  this  kind, 
nor  ever  w^ere  consequences  of  such  magnitude  involved  in  them.  As 
this  subjectwas  acted  on  by  Congress  at  the  last  session,  and  there  may 
be  a  disposition  to  revive  it  at  the  present,  I  have  brought  it  into  view, 
for  the  purpose  of  communicating  my  sentiments  on  a  very  important 
circumstance  connected  with  it,  with  that  freedom  and  candor  which  a 
regard  for  the  public  interest,  and  a  proper  respect  for  Congress,  require. 
A  difference  of  opinion  has  existed,  from,  the  first  formation  of  our  con- 
stitution to  the  present  time,  among  our  most  enlightened  and  virtuous 
citizens,  respecting  the  right  of  Congress  to  establish  such  a  system  of 
improvement.  Taking  into  view  the  trust  with  which  I  am  now  honored, 
it  would  be  improper,  after  what  has  passed,  that  tbe  discussion  should 
be  revived,  with  an  uncertainty  of  my  opinion  respecting  the  right. 
Disregarding  early  impressions,  I  have  bestowed  on  the  subject  all'^the 
deliberation  which  its  great  importance,  and  a  just  sense  of  my  duty, 
required — and  the  result  is,  a  settled  conviction  in  my  mind,  that  Congress 
do  not  possess  the  right.     It  is  not  contained  in  any  of  the  specified  powers 


206  MONROE. 

granted  to  Congress;  nor  can  I  consider  it  incidental  to,  or  a  necessary 
mean,  viewed  on  the  most  liberal  scale,  for  can-ying  into  effect  any  of  the 
powers  v\-hich  are  specifically  granted.  In  communicating  this  result,  1 
cannot  resist  the  obligation  which  I  feel  to  suggest  to  Congress  the  pro- 
priety of  recommending  to  the  States  the  adoption  of  an  amendment  to 
the  Constitution,  which  shall  give  to  Congress  the  right  in  question.  In 
cases  of  doubtful  construction,  especially  of  such  vital  interest,  it  comports 
with  the  nature  and  origin  of  our  institutions,  and  will  contribute  m\ich 
to  preserve  them,  to  apply  to  our  constituents  for  an  explicit  grant  of  the 
power.  We  may  confidently  rely,  that  if  it  appears  to  their  satisfaction, 
thai,  the  power  is  necessary,  it  will  always  be  granted.  In  this  case  I  am 
happy  to  observe,  that  experience  has  afforded  the  most  ample  proof  of 
its  utility,  and  that  the  benign  spirit  of  conciliation  and  harmony  which 
now  manifests  itself  throughout  our  Union,  promises  to  such  a  recom- 
mendation the  most  prompt  and  favorable  result.  I  think  proper  to  sug- 
gest, also,  in  case  this  measure  is  adopted,  that  it  be  recommended  to  the 
States  to  include,  in  the  amendment,  a  right  in  Congress  to  institute, 
likewise,  seminaries  of  learning,  for  the  all-important  purpose  of  diffusing 
knowledge  among  our  fellow  citizens  throughout  the  United  States. 

"  Our  manufactories  will  require  the  continued  attention  of  Congress. 
The  capital  employed  in  them  is  considerable,  and  the  knowledge 
acquired  in  the  machinery  and  fabric  of  all  the  most  useful  manufactures 
is  of  great  value.  Their  preservation,  which  depends  on  due  encourage- 
ment, is  connected  with  the  high  interests  of  the  nation. 

"  Although  the  progress  of  the  public  buildings  has  been  as  favorable 
as  circumstances  have  permitted,  it  is  to  be  regretted  that  the  Capitol  is 
not  yet  in  a  state  to  receive  you.  There  is  good  cause  to  presume  that 
the  two  wings,  the  only  part  as  yet  commenced,  will  be  prepared  for  that 
purpose  at  the  next  session.  The  time  seems  now  to  have  arrived,  when 
this  subject  may  be  deemed  worthy  the  attention  of  Congress,  on  a  scale 
adequate  to  national  purposes.  The  completion  of  the  middle  building 
will  be  necessary  to  the  convenient  accommodation  of  Congress,  of  the 
committees,  and  various  offices  belonging  to  it.  It  is  evident  that  the 
other  public  buildings  are  altogether  insufficient  for  the  accommodation 
of  the  several  (executive  departments,  some  of  whom  are  much  crowded, 
and  even  subjected  to  the  necessity  of  obtaining  it  in  private  building.-^ 
at  some  distaiice  from  the  head  of  the  department,  and  with  inconve 
nience  to  the  management  of  the  public  business.  Most  nations  have 
taken  an  interest  and  a  pride  in  the  improvement  and  ornament  of  their 
metropolis,  and  none  were  more  conspicuous  in  that  respect  than  the 
ancient  republics.  The  policy  which  dictated  the  establishment  of  a 
permanent  residence  for  the  national  government,  and  the  spirit  in  which 
it  was  commenced  and  has  been  prosecuted,  show  that  such  improvements 
were  thought  worthy  the  attention  of  this  nation.  Its  centml  position, 
between  the  northern  and  southern  extremes  of  our  union,  and  its  ap- 
proach to  the  west,  at  the  head  of  a  great  navigable  river,  which  inter- 
locks with  the  western  waters,  prove  the  vi^isdom  of  the  councils  which 
established  it.  Nothing  appears  to  be  morfl  reasonable  and  proper,  than 
that  convenient  accommodations  should  be  provided,  on  a  well  digested 


MONROE.  207 

plan,  for  the  heads  of  the  several  departments,  and  for  the  Attorney 
General ;  and  it  is  believed  ihat  the  public  ground  in  the  city,  applied  to 
those  objects,  will  be  found  amply  sufTicient.  I  submit  this  subject  to  the 
consideration  of  Congress,  that  such  further  provision  may  be  made  in  it, 
as  to  them  may  seem  proper. 

"  In  contemplating  the  happy  situation  of  the  United  States,  our  atten- 
tion is  drawn,  with  peculiar  interest,  to  the  surviving  oflicers  and  soldiers 
of  our  revolutionary  army,  who  so  eminently  contributed,  by  their  services, 
to  lay  its  foundation.  Most  of  those  very  meritorious  citizens  have  paid 
the  debt  of  nature,  and  gone  to  repose.  It  is  believed  that  among  the 
survivors  there  are  some  not  provided  for  by  existing  laws,  who  are  re- 
duced to  indigence,  and  even  to  real  distress.  These  men  have  a  claim 
on  the  gratitude  of  their  country,  and  it  will  do  honor  to  their  country  to 
provide  for  them.  The  lapse  of  a  few  years  more,  and  the  opportunity 
will  be  forever  lost :  indeed,  so  long  already  has  been  the  interval,  that 
the  number  to  be  benefited  by  any  provision  which  may  be  made,  will 
»iot  be  great. 

"  It  appearing  in  a  satisfactory  manner  that  the  revenue  arising  from 
imposts  and  tonnage,  and  from  the  sale  of  the  public  lands,  will  be  fully 
adequate  to  the  support  of  thecivil  government,  of  the  present  military 
and  naval  establishments,  including  the  annual  augmentation  of  the  latter, 
to  the  extent  provided  for;  to  the  pajmient  of  the  interest  on  the  public 
debt,  and  to  the  extinguishment  of  it  at  the  times  authorized,  without  the 
aid  of  the  internal  taxes ;  I  consider  it  my  duty  to  recommend  to  Con- 
gress their  repeal.  _  To  impose  taxes,  when  the  public  exigencies  require 
them,  is  an  obligation  of  the  most  sacred  character,  especially  with  a  free 
people.^  The  faithful  fulfilment  of  it  is  among  the  highest  proofs  of 
their  virtue  and  capacity  for  self-governmenL  To  dispense  with  taxes, 
when  it  may  be  done  with  perfect  safety,  is  equally  the  duty  of  their 
representatives.  In  this  instance  we  have  the  satisfaction  to  know  that 
thpy  were  imposed  when  the  demand  was  imperious,  and  have  been  sus- 
tained with  exemplary  fidelity.  I  have  to  add,  that  however  gratifying 
it  may  be  to  me,  regarding  the  prosperous  and  happy  condition  of  our 
country,  to  recommend  the  repeal  of  these  taxes  at  this  time,  I  shall 
nevertheless  be  attentive  to  events,  and,  should  any  future  emergency 
occur,  be  not  less  prompt  to  suggest  such  measures  and  burthens  as' may 
then  be  requisite  and  proper." 

On  the  eleventh  of  December,  the  State  of  Mississippi  was  ar^know- 
ledged  by  Congress  as  sovereign  and  independent,  and  was  admitted  to 
the  Union.  In  the  course  of  the  same  month,  an  expedition  which  had 
been  set  on  foot  by  a  nurrtber  of  adventurers  from  different  countrief;, 
against  East  and  VVest  Florida,  was  terminated  by  the  troops  of  the 
United  Stales.  They  had  formed  an  establishtuent  at  Amelia  Island,  at 
that  time  the  subject  of  negociation  between  Spain  and  our  government, 
and  their  direct  objects  being  undoubtedly  piratical,  the  law  of  nations 
and  the  stipulations  of  various  treaties  required  of  the  United  States  to 
suppress  it.  A  similar  establishment  had  been  previously  formed  at  Gal- 
Vfzton,  a  small  island  on  the  coast  of  Texas,  and  it  was 'subsequently  m 
a  like  manner  s.ippressed. 


208  MONTvOK. 

Severfil  important  measures  were  adopted  by  Congress  during  ihe 
session  1817 — 18;  among  which  v/ere  the  bill  fixing  the  compensation  of 
members  of  Congress  at  eight  dollars  a  day ;  a  second,  in  acquiescence 
with  the  suggestion  of  the  President,  to  abolish  internal  duties ;  and  a 
third,  providing,  upon  the  same  recommendation,  for  the  indigent  officers 
and  soldiers  of  the  revolutionary  army.  In  April,  1818,  Illinoi.'*  adopted 
a  State  constitution,  raid  in  December  following  was  admitted  ai^  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Union. 

Soon  after  the  conclusion  of  this  session  of  Congress,  the  President, 
in  pursuance  of  his  determination  to  visit  those  parts  of  the  United  States 
most  exposed  to  the  enemy,  prepared  to  survey  the  Chesapeake  bay,  and 
the  country  lying  on  its  extensive  shores.  In  the  month  of  May,  he  left 
Washington,  accompanied  by  the  Secretary  of  War,  the  Secretary  of  the 
Navy,  and  other  gentlemen  of  distinction.  On  his  arrival  at  Annapolis, 
the  President  and  his  suite  made  a  minute  examination  of  the  contiguous 
waters,  in  reference  to  their  fitness  for  a  naval  depot.  After  making  a 
farther  examination  of  the  coast,  he  proceeded  to  Norfolk.  Having  at 
length  accomplished  the  principal  object  of  his  tour,  he  returned  to 
Washington  on  the  seventeenth  of  June,  through  the  interior  of  Virginia 
The  same  demonstrations  of  respect  and  affection  that  were  extended  to 
him  during  his  northern  tour,  followed  him  in  this. 

On  the  tv/enty-seventh  of  May,  1818,  a  treaty  concluded  at  Stock 
holm  with  the  government  of  Sweden,  by  Mr.  Russell,  Minister  Plenipo 
tentiary  to  that  court,  was  ratified  by  the  President  and  Senate  on  the 
part  of  the  United  States.  During  the  same  year  a  war  was  carried 
on  between  the  United  States  and  the  Seminole  Indians,  Avhich  terminat- 
ed in  the  complete  discomfiture  of  the  latter  party.  A  psirticular  account 
of  this  war  is  given  in  the  life  of  President  Jackson,  who  bore  a  con- 
spicuous part  in  it. 

On  the  twenty-eighth  of  January,  1819,  a  convention  between  Great 
Britain  and  the  United  States,  -concluded  at  London,  October  20th,  181S, 
and  ratified  by  the  Prince  Regent  on  the  second  of  November  following, 
was  ratified  by  the  President  of  the  United  States.  By  the  first  article 
of  this  convention,  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  have  liberty,  in 
common  Math  the  subjects  of  Great  Britain,  to  take  fish  on  the  southern, 
western,  and  northern  coast  of  Newfoundland.  The  second  article  estab- 
lishes the  northern  boundaries  of  the  United  States  from  the  Lake  of  the 
Woods,  to  the  Stony  Mountains.  By  the  fourth  article,  the  commercial 
convention  between  the  two  countries,  concluded  at  London,  in  1815,  is 
extended  for  the  term  of  ten  years  longer. 

On  the  twenty-second  of  February  following,  a  treaty  was  concluded 
at  Washington,  by  John  Quincy  Adams,  and  Luis  de  Onis,  by  which 
East  and  West  Florida,  with  all  the  islands  adjacent,  were  ceded  by 
Spain  to  the  United  States.  By  this  treaty  the  western  boundary  between 
the  United  States  and  Spain  was  settled.  A  sum  not  exceeding  five 
millions  of  dollars  was  to  be  paid  by  the  United  States  out  of  the  proceeds 
of  sales  of  lands  in  Florida,  or  in  stock,  or  money,  to  citizens  of  the 
United  States,  on  account  of  Spanish  spoliations  and  injuries.  To  liqui- 
date the  claims,  a  board  wa^  to  be  constituted  by  the  government  of  tiie 


]M  0  N  R  0  E  .  209 

United  States,  of  American   citizens,  to  consist  of  three  commissioners, 
who  should  report  within  three  years. 

On  the  second  of  March,  1819,  the  government  of  the  Arkansas  Ter- 
ritory was  organized  by  act  of  Congress.  During  the  following  summer, 
llic  President  visited  the  southern  section  of  the  countiy,  having  in  view 
the  same  great  national  interests  which  had  prompted  him  in  his  previous 
tour  to  the  north.  In  this  tour  the  President  visited  Charleston,  Savan- 
nah, and  Augusta;  thence  he  proceeded  to  Nashville,  through  the 
Cherokee  nation,  and  thence  to  Louisville  and  Lexington,  Kentucky,  and 
returned  to  the  seat  of  government  early  in  August. 

The  most  important  topic  of  consideration,  during  the  ensuing  session, 
\v;is  connected  with  the  admission  of  the  territory  of  Missouri  into  the 
Union.  It  Avas  on  the  expediency  of  imposing  it  as  a  condition  of  this 
admission,  that  the  future  removal  or  transportation  of  slaves  into  that 
territory  should  be  prohibited.  This  question  divided  itself  into  three 
branches  :  1.  The  constitutionality  of  the  measure.  2.  Its  conformity 
to  the  stipulations  of  the  treaty  of  1803,  by  which  France  ceded  the 
territory  in  question  to  the  United  States.  'X  The  expediency  of  the 
measure,  as  it  might  affect  the  relative  condition  of  slaves  in  the  United 
States,  and  as  it  might  affect  the  relations  between  different  parts  of  the 
Union.  The  affirmative  and  negative  of  these  propositions  were  sup- 
ported with  equal  zeal  and  eloquence  by  nearly  equal  numbers.  Mr. 
Rufus  King,  and  Mr.  John  Sergeant,  took  the  lead  in  this  debate  in  favor 
of  restriction ;  Mr.  Clay  and  Mr.  Pinckney  were  the  champions  of  the 
opposite  party.  This  question  gave  rise  to  great  w^armth  of  feeling,  and 
seemed  at   one  time  to  threaten  the  dissolution  of  the  Union. ^     In  the 


*  In  the  debate  in  the  Senate  on  this  subject,  Mr.  Lowrie,  of  Maryland,  observed— 
"Before  I  sit  down,  permit  me  to  advert  to  some  expressions  which  have  fallen  from 
gentlemen  in  this  debate.  The  gentleman  from  Virginia  (Mr.  Barbour)  the  other 
day  told  us,  that  this  subject  will  be  an  ignited  spark,  which,  communicated  to  an 
unmense  mass  of  combustion,  will  produce  an  explosion  that  will  shake  this  Union 
to  its  centre.  The  gentleman  from  Georgia  (Mr.  Walker)  tells  us,  that  he  thinks  he 
hears  the  thunders  roll,  he  sees  the  father  arrayed  against  the  son,  and  the  brother 
drawing  the  bloody  sword  from  the  bosom  of  the  brother!  Mr.  President,  I  will  not 
now  detain  the  Senate,  by  inquiruig  in  which  of  the  States  these  combustible  mate- 
rials  are,  or  by  pointing  out  the  field  on  wiiich  the  battle  will  be  fought.  Before  that 
bill  leaves  your  table,  if  no  other  gentleman  takes  up  this  part  of  the  subject,  I  may 
perhaps  lake  the  liberty  of  looking  at  it  a  little  more  in  detail ;  not,  sir,  as  a  member 
from  a  single  state,  but  as  one  of  the  representatives  of  the  whole  United  States.  At 
present,  however,  I  will  only  observe,  that  1  also  believe  wiih  those  gentlemen',  tliat 
we  are. drawing  to  a  very  serious  crisis;  to  save  us  from  which,  all  the  wisdom  of 
the  present  Congress,  as  well  as  the  blessings  of  the  Almighty,  will  be  necessary. 
But,  sir,  if  the  alternative  be,  as  gentlemen  thus  broadly  intimate,  a  dissolution  of 
the  Union,  or  the  extension  of  slavery  over  this  whole  western  coimtry,  I,  for  one 
will  choose  the  former.  I  do  not  say  this  lightly ;  I  am  aware  that  the  idea  is  a 
dreadlul  one.  The  choice  is  a  dreadful  one.  Either  side  of  the  alternative  fills  my 
mind  with  horror.  I  have  not  however  yet  dcsjiaii'ed  of  the  republic.  And,  unless 
the  melancholy  result  convinces  me  to  tlie  contrary,  1  nmst  still  believe,  that  we 
are  able  to  dispose  of  this  distracting  question  so  as  to  satisfy  the  reasonable  expec- 
tations ol  the  i)eople  of  the  United  States." 

A  New  York  paper  remarks,  "  We  have  no  fear  as  to  the  result  of  this  war  of 
words.    Mr.  King,  were  he  left  to  struggle  single-handed,  would,  on  this  subject, 


210  MONROE. 

view  of  the  subject  taken  by  Mr.  King,  he  confined  himself  chiefly  to 
the  power  of  Congress  to  lay  tliis  restriction,  implied  in  the  general 
authority  to  admit  new  States,  and  to  the  nature  of  state  sovereignty. 
The  concluding  portion  of  his  speech  was  devoted  to  a  very  high  and 
momentous  consideration:  that  bv  the  law  of  nature,  and  the  eternal  rule 
of  justice,  there  can  be  no  such  thing  as  a  right  in  a  fellow  creature  to 
hold  him  and  his  posterity  in  bondage  ;  that  treaties  and  constitutions 
ought  to  be  construed  in  the  sense  of  this  great  paramount  law;  and  that 
the  toleration  of  slavery  in  the  original  States  and  those  formed  from  the 
original  States,  a  toleration  acknowledged  to  have  grown  out  of  necessity, 
could  furnish  no  ground  for  originating  this  unjust  institution,  where  such 
necessity  does  not  exist.  In  a  subsequent  speech  he  alluded  to  the 
injustice  of  placing  freemen  on  the  footing  of  slaves ;  and  to  the  sense 
of  injury  which  the  inhabitants  of  the  free  States  must  and  ought  to 
feel  at  finding  themselves  outvoted  by  an  union  of  freemen  and  slaves, 
in  any  ratio  whatever.  He  stated  and  repeated  that  the  slave  ratio  in 
the  representation  of  the  old  States,  and  those  formed  out  of  the  old 
States,  was  a  matter  of  deliberate  and  sacred  compact.  But  he  main- 
tained that  to  force  upon  the  non-slave-holding  States  new  parties  to  this 
compact,  and  to  continue  to  extend  the  slave  ratio  over  the  vast  tract  of 
country  growing  up  into  new  States,  was  an  injustice  most  flagrant  in  its 
nature,  and  ruinous  in  its  necessary  consequences. 

In  the  progress  of  this  discussion  an  attempt  was  made  to  annex  the 
Missouri  bill  to  the  Maine  bill ;  it  was  proposed  in  the  Senate,  and 
rejected  by  the  House.  The  course  taken  in  the  final  decision  of  the 
question  of  restriction  was  not  a  little  remarkable.  On  the  last  day  of 
February,  1820,  after  one  of  the  longest  and  ablest  debates  ever  held  in 
Congress,  the  House  of  Representatives  voted,  by  a  majority  of  eight,  to 
adopt  an  amendment  to  the  Missouri  bill  restricting  slavery;  and  on  the 
first  day  of  March,  they  voted,  by  a  majority  of  four,  to  reject  the  amend- 
ment, to  which  they  had  so  deliberately  agreed.*  On  the  third  of  March, 
an  act  was  passed,  admitting  Maine  into  the  Union  on  an  equal  footing 
with  the  original  States. 

One  of  the  most  unfortunate  incidents  of  a  pubJic  nature  that  mark 
this  period  of  our  history,  is  the  death  of  Commodore  Decatur.  He  fell 
in  a  duel  fought  on  the  twenty-first  of  March  with  Commodore  Barron. 
The  course  pursued  by  the  House  of  Representatives  on   this   occasion 

triumph  over  ihe  combined  battery  of  senatorial  combatants  for  the  extension  of 
slavery.  He  will,  however,  he  powerfully  supported  bv  Otis,  Mellen,  Roberts,  and 
others;  who,  in  point  ol  talents,  rank  high" in  our  national  senate." 

*The  Missouri  question  is  at  length  decided.  The  fatal  die  is  cast,  by  which  a 
new  wound  is  inflicted  on  the  honor  of  our  country,  and  the  curse  of  slavery  is 
extended  over  a  tract  of  country  nearly  equal  to  the  five  original  slave-holding 
States  of  the  Union.  This  has  been  done  by  means  of  the  votes  of  men  in  both 
houses  of  Congress,  whose  constituents  have  unequivocally  expressed  their  disappro- 
bation of  the  measure.  The  vote  was  decided  in  both  houses  by  men  Avho  acted  in 
opposition  to  the  expressed  instructions  of  their  State  Legislatures;  the  decision  iu 
the  House  of  Representatives  by  the  votes  of  two  men  from  our  own  State ;  one  of 
them  even  from  our  own  town,  and  almost  the  only  man  belonging  to  the  town  who 
did  not  anjciously  wi:  h  for  a  contrary  decision. — Boston  Repertory. 


MONROE.  211 

was  higlily  dignified  and  honorable.  Eminent  as  had  been  tlie  public; 
services  of  the  deceased,  they  refused  to  take  the  usual  notice  of  such  an 
event  by  adjournment,  because  he  had  fallen  in  violation  of  the  laws 
of  God  and  of  his  country.  His  funeral  took  place  at  Washington  on 
the  twenty-fifth  of  the  month.  An  immense  assemblage  of  citizens  was 
collected  on  the  melancholy  occasion.  His  remains  were  attended  to  the 
vault  at  Kalorama,  in  which  they  were  deposited,  by  a  great  part  of  the 
male  population  of  the  city  and  adjacent  country,  by  the  President  of  the 
Ur.ited  Slates,  and  nearly  all  the  officers  of  government,  members  of 
Congress,  and  representatives  of  foreign  governments. at  that  lime  resi- 
dent in  Washington.  Due  military  honors  were  rendered  on  the  occasion 
by  the  marine  corps  under  the  command  of  Major  Miller,  and  minute 
guns  were  fired  from  the  navy-yard  during  the  procession  and  funeral 
service. 

On  the  twenty-seventh  of  March,  the  President  transmitted  to  Congress 
an  extract  of  a  letter  from  the  Minister  Plenipotentiary  of  the  United 
States  at  St.  Petersburgh,  bearing  date  the  preceding  first  of  November, 
on  the  subject  of  our  relations  with  Spain ;  indicating  the  sentiments  of 
the  Emperor  of  Russia,  respecting  the  non-ratification,  by  his  Catholic 
Majesty,  of  the  treaty  recently  concluded  between  the  United  States  and 
Spain,  and  the  strong  interest  taken  by  his  majesty  in  promoting  the  ratifi- 
cation of  that  treat}^  He  also  transmitted  an  extract  of  a  letter  from  our 
Minister  at  Madrid,  of  a  later  date  than  those  previously  communicated, 
by  which  it  appears,  that  at  the  instance  of  the  Charge  des  Affaires  of  the 
Russian  Emperor,  a  new  pledge  had  been  given  by  the  Spanish  government 
that  the  Minister  who  had  been  lately  appointed  to  the  United  States, should 
set  out  on  his  mission  without  delay,  with  full  power  to  settle  all  differences 
in  a  manner  satisfactory  to  the  parties.  The  President  further  communi- 
cated that  the  governments  of  France  and  Russia  had  expressed  an  earnest 
desire  that  the  United  States  would  take  no  immediate  step  on  the  principle 
of  reprisal,  which  might  tend  to  disturb  the  peace  between  the  Stales  and 
Spain.  Under  these  circumstances,  he  submitted  to  Congress  the  pro- 
priety of  postponing  a  decision  on  the  questions  then  depending  with 
Spain,  until  the  next  session. 

On  the  tenth  of  May,  the  President  communicated  to  Congress  another 
message  on  the  same  subject.  The  minister  sent  from  Spain  had  received 
no  authority  to  surrender  the  territory  in  dispute,  and  the  treaty  with 
Spain  still  remained  unratified  by  his  Catholic  Majesty.  The  object  of 
his  mission  was  merely  to  make  complaints,  and  demand  expLiuations 
respecting  an  imputed  system  of  hostility  on  the  part  of  ciiizens  of  the 
United  Staies,  against  the  subjects  and  dominions  of  Spain,  and  an 
unfriendly  policy  in  their  government,  and  to  obtain  new  stipulations 
against  these  alleged  injuries,  as  the  condition  on  which  the  treaty  should 
be  ratified.  One  proposition  of  the  minister  was,  that  the  United  States 
should  abandon  the  right  to  recognise  the  revolutionary  colonies  in  South 
America,  or  to  form  new  relations  with  them.  In  short,  the  treaty  was 
declared  to  be  of  no  obligation  whatever;  and  its  ratification  was  made  to 
depend,  not  on  the  considerations  which  led  to  its  adoption,  and  the  con- 
ditions which  it  contained,  but  on  a  new  article  unconnected  with  it, 
28 


212  MONROE. 

respecting  which  a  new  negociation  was  to  be  opened,  of  indefinite  dura- 
tion, and  doubtful  issue.  The  concluding  passage  of  this  message  is 
highly  honorable  to  the  feelings  which  prompted  it. 

"  Under  this  view  of  the  subject,  the  course  to  be  pursued  Avould 
appear  to  be  direct  and  obvious,  if  the  affairs  of  Spain  had  remained  in 
the  state  in  which  they  were  when  this  minister  sailed.  But  it  is  known 
that  an  important  change  has  since  taken  place  in  the  government  of  that 
country,  Avhich  cannot  fail  to  be  sensibly  felt,  in  its  intercourse  with  other 
nations.  The  Minister  of  Spain  has  essentially  declared  his  inability  to 
act,  in  consequence  of  that  change.  With  him,  however,  under  his 
present  powers,  nothing  could  be  done.  The  attitude  of  the  United 
States  must  now  be  assumed,  on  full  consideration  of  what  is  due  to  their 
rights,  their  interest,  and  honor,  without  regard  to  the  powers  or  incideuts 
of  the  late  mission.  We  may,  at  pleasure,  occupy  the  territory,  which 
was  intended  and  provided  by  the  late  treaty  as  an  indemnity  for  losses 
so  long  since  sustained  by  our  citizens,  but  still  nothing  could  be  settled 
definitely,  without  a  treaty  between  the  two  nations.  Is  this  the  time  to 
make  the  pressure  ?  Tf  the  United  States  were  governed  by  views  of 
ambition  and  aggrandizement,  many  strong  reasons  might  be  given  in  its 
favor.  But  they  have  no  objects  of  that  kind  to  accomplish  ;  none  which 
are  not  founded  in  justice,  and  which  can  be  injured  by  forbearance. 
Great  hope  is  entertained  that  this  change  will  promote  the  happiness  of 
the  Spanish  nation.  The  good  order,  moderation,  and  humanity,  which 
have  characterized  the  movement,  are  the  best  guarantees  of  its  success. 
The  United  States  would  not  be  justified  in  their  own  estimation,  should 
they  take  any  step  to  disturb  its  harmony.  When  the  Spanish  govern- 
ment is  completely  organized  on  the  principles  of  this  change,  as  it  is 
expected  it  soon  will  be,  there  is  just  ground  to  presume  that  our  diffe- 
rences with  Spain  will  be  speedily  and  satisfactorily  settled.  With  these 
remarks,  I  submit  it  to  the  wisdom  of  Congress,  whether  it  will  not  still 
be  advisable  to  postpone  any  decision  on  this  subject  until  the  next 
session." 

On  the  thirteenth  of  November,  1820,  Congress  reassembled  at  Wash- 
mgton.  Mr.  Gaillard  took  the  chair  of  the  Senate  as  President  pro  tem- 
pore ;  and  a  committee  was  appointed  to  wait  on  the  President  of  the 
Uxiited  States,  to  inform  him  of  the  organization  of  the  Senate,  and  of  its 
readiness  to  receive  and  act  upon  such  communication  as  he  might  think 
proper  to  make.  In  the  House  of  Representatives,  on  calling  over  the 
roll,  it  appeared  that  there  were  present  a  sufficient  number  of  members 
to  constitute  a  quorum.  This  being  ascertained,  the  clerk  informed  the 
House  that  he  had  received  a  letter  from  the  Honorable  Henry  Clay,  late 
Speaker  of  the  House,  in  which  Mr.  Clay  begged  leave  to  resign  the 
office  of  Speaker,  as  imperious  circumstances  would  prevent  him  from 
attending  to  its  duties  till  after  the  Chi-istiras  holidays.  This  was  ordered 
to  lie  on  the  table,  and  to  be  inserted  in  the  journals  of  the  House.  The 
House  then  proceeded  to  ballot  for  a  new  Speaker,  and  no  choice  having 
been  made  after  seven  successive  trials,  an  adjournment  took  place  without 
election.  It  was  evident,  from  an  inspection  of  the  ballotings,  that  the  old 
distinctions  of  party  had  been  broken  down  on  the  occasion,  and  that  the 


MONROE.        '  213 

votes  (lid  not  indicate  the  strength  of  any  party  before  known  in  the 
country. 

The  whole  of  the  following  day  w^as  spent  by  the  House  in  an  ineffec- 
tual attempt  to  choose  a  Speaker.  Nineteen  ballots  look  place,  \vilhout 
the  intervention  of  any  circumstances,  either  from  the  accession  of  mem- 
bers, or  a  disposition  to  effect  an  union,  to  show  whether  or  not  a  Speaker 
was  to  be  chosen.  The  favorite  candidates  were  Mr.  Lowndes,  of  South 
Carolina,  Mr.  J.  W.  Taylor,  of  New  York,  and  Mr.  Smith,  of  Maryland. 
On  iiiis  day's  balloting  the  former  had  a  plurality  of  votes  four  times, 
Mr.  Taylor  five  times,  and  Mr.  Smith  three  times. 

On  the  second  day  of  the  session,  a  communication  was  made  to  the 
Senate  by  the  President,  accompanied  with  a  copy  of  the  Constitution  as 
adopted  for  the  government  of  the  State  of  Missouri.  This  communica- 
tion having  been  read,  it  was  resolved  that  a  committee  should  be 
appointed  to  inquire  whether  any,  and  if  any,  what  legislative  measures 
may  be  necessary  for  admitting  the  State  of  Missouri  into  the  Union. 
On  the  following  day,  the  choice  of  Speaker  of  the  House  was  efTected, 
and  Mr.  John  W.  Taylor,  of  New  York,  took  the  chair.  The  President's 
message  was  this  day  received  and  read. 

It  commenced  with  an  expression  of  much  satisfaction  at  the  state  of 
public  afiairs,  and  of  the  general  felicity  of  our  situation.  Nothing 
explicit  was  communicated  in  respect  to  our  relations  with  Spain  ;  and 
no  change  had  occurred  in  our  relations  with  Great  Britain.  An  attempt 
had  been  made  to  regulate  our  commerce  wuth  France,  on  the  principle 
of  reciprocity  and  equality,  and  the  French  minister  was  soon  expected 
at  Washington  to  attempt  an  arrangement  of  these  important  interests. 
The  contest  between  Spain  and  her  colonies  was  declared  to  be  main- 
tained by  the  latter  with  most  success. 

"In  looking  to  the  internal  concerns  of  the  country,"  continued  the 
message,  "you  will,  I  am  persuaded,  derive  much  satisfaction  from  a  view 
of  the  several  objects  to  which,  in  the  discharge  of  your  official  duties, 
your  attention  will  be  drawn.  Among  these,  none  holds  a  more  impor- 
tant place  than  the  public  revenue,  from  the  direct  operation  of  the  power 
by  which  it  is  raised,  on  the  people,  and  by  its  influence  in  giving  effect 
to  every  other  power  of  the  government.  The  revenue  depends  on  the 
resources  of  the  country,  and  the  facility  by  which  the  amount  required 
is  raised,  is  a  strong  proof  of  the  extent  of  the  resources,  and  of  the 
efficiency  of  the  government.  A  few  prominent  facts  will  place  this 
great  interest  in  a  just  light  before  you.  On  the  thirtieth  of  September, 
1S15,  the  funded  and  floating  debt  of  the  United  Siates  was  one  hundred 
and  nineteen  millions  six  hundred  and  thirty-five  thousand  five  hundred 
and  fifty-eight  dollars.  If  to  this  sum  be  added  the  amount  of  five  per 
cent,  stock,  subscribed  to  the  Bank  of  the  United  States,  the  amount  of 
Mississippi  stock,  and  of  the  stock  which  was  issued  subsequently  to  that 
date,  the  balances  ascertained  to  be  due  to  certain  States,  for  military 
services,  and  to  i)idividuals,  for  supplies  furnished,  and  services  rendered, 
during  the  late  war,  the  public  debt  may  be  estimated  as  amounting  at 
that  date,  and  as  afterwards  liquidated,  to  one  hundred  and  fifty-eight 
millions  seven  hundred  and  thirteen  thousand  forty-nine  dollars.     On 


214  *      MONROE. 

the  thirtieth  of  September,  1S20,  it  amounted  to  ninety-one  millions  nine 
hundred  and  ninety-three  thousand  eight  hundred  and  eighty-three  dol- 
lars, having  been  reduced  in  that  interval,  by  payments,  sixty-six  millions 
eight  hundred  and  seventy-nine  thousand  one  hundred  and  sixty-five 
dollars.  During  this  term,  the  expenses  of  the  government  of  the  United 
States  were  likewise  defrayed,  in  every  branch  of  the  civil,  military,  and 
naval  establishments ;  the  public  edifices  in  this  city  have  been  rebuilt, 
with  considerable  additions  ;  extensive  fortifications  have  been  commenced, 
and  are  in  a  train  of  execution  ;  permanent  arsenals  and  magazines  have 
been  erected  in  various  parts  of  the  Union ;  our  navy  has  been  conside- 
rably augmented,  and  the  ordnance,  munitions  of  war,  and  stores,  of  the 
army  ancl  navy,  which  were  much  exhausted  during  the  war,  have  been 
replenished. 

"  By  the  discharge  of  so  large  a  proportion  of  the  public  debt,  and  the 
execution  of  such  extensive  and  important  operations,  in  so  short  a  time, 
a  just  estimate  may  be  formed  of  the  great  extent  of  our  national  resour- 
ces. The  demonstration  is  the  more  complete  and  gratifying,  when  it  is 
recollected  that  the  direct  tax  and  excise  were  repealed  soon  after  the 
termination  of  the  late  war,  and  that  the  revenue  applied  to  these  purposes 
has  been  derived  almost  wholly  from  other  sources. 

"  The  receipts  into  the  Treasury  from  every  source,  to  the  thirtieth  of 
September  last,  have  amounted  to  sixteen  millions  seven  hundred  and 
ninety-four  thousand  one  hundred  and  seven  dollars  and  sixty-six  cents; 
whilst  the  public  expenditures,  to  the  same  period,  amounted  to  sixteen 
millions  eight  hundred  and  seventy-one  thousand  five  hundred  and  thirty- 
four  dollars  and  seventy-two  cents:  leaving  in  the  Treasury,  on  that  day, 
a  sum  estimated  at  one  million  nine  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  dollars. 

"  With  the  Indians  peace  has  been  preserved,  and  a  progress  made  in 
carrying  into  effect  the  act  of  Congress,  making  an  appropriation  for  their 
civilization,  with  the  prospect  of  favorable  results.  As  connected  equally 
with  both  these  objects,  our  trade  with  those  tribes  is  thought  to  merit  the 
attention  of  Congress.  In  their  original  state,  game  is  their  sustenance, 
and  war  their  occupation  ;  and,  if  they  find  no  employment  from  civilized 
powers,  they  destroy  each  other.  Left  to  themselves,  their  extirpation  is 
inevitable.  By  a  judicious  regulation  of  our  trade  with  them,  we  supply 
their  wants,  administer  to  their  comforts,  and  gradually,  as  the  game 
retires,  draw  them  to  us.  By  maintaining  posts  far  in  the  interior,  we 
acquire  a  more  thorough  and  direct  control  over  them ;  without  Avhich  it 
is  confidently  believed  that  a  complete  change  in  their  manners  can  never 
be  accomplished.  By  such  posts,  aided  by  a  proper  regulation  of  our 
trade  with  them,  and  a  judicious  civil  administration  over  them,  to  be 
provided  for  by  law,  we  shall,  it  is  presumed,  be  enabled  not  only  to  pro- 
tect our  own  settlements  from  their  savage  incursions,  and  preserve  peace 
among  the  several  tribes,  but  accomplish  also  the  great  purpose  of  their 
civilization. 

"  Considerable  progress  has  also  been  made  in  the  construction  of  ships 
of  war,  some  of  which  have  been  launched  in  the  course  of  the  present 
year. 

"  Our  peace  with  the  powers  on  the  coast  of  Barbary  has  been  preserved, 


MONROE.  215 

but  we  owe  it  altngcther  to  the  presence  of  our  squadron  in  the  Mcdi- 
trrraiiean.  It  lias  been  found  equally  necessary  to  employ  some  of  our 
vessels  for  the  protection  of  our  commerce  in  the  Indian  sea,  the  Pacific, 
atid  along  the  Atlantic  coast.  The  interests  which  wc  have  depending 
in  those  quarters,  which  have  been  much  improved  of  late,  are  of  grent 
^■xteiit,  and  of  high  importance  to  the  nation,  as  well  as  to  the  parties 
cnncerned,  and  would  undoubtedly  suiTer,  if  such  protection  was  not 
c-xtended  to  them.  In  the  execution  of  the  law  of  the  last  session,  for 
ihe  suppression  of  the  slave  trade,  some  of  our  public  ships  have  also 
bef  »i  employed  on  the  coast  of  Africa,  where  several  captures  have  already 
oeen  made  of  vessels  engaged  in  that  disgraceful  traffic." 

On  the  twenty-fifth,  Mr.  Lowndes,  from  the  committee  on  the  Consti- 
tution of  Missouri,  made  an  able  report  on  the  subject,  declaring  said 
constitution  to  be  republican,  and  concluding  with  a  Resolve,  That  the 
State  of  Missouri  shall  be,  and  is  hereby,  declared  to  be  one  of  the  United 
States  of  America,  and  is  admitted  into  the  Union  on  an  equal  footing 
\\\\.\\  the  original  States,  in  all  respects  w^hatever.     Mr.  Lowndes  moved 
to  refer  the  resolution  to  a  committee  of  the  whole,  on  the  state  of  the 
union,  which  put  it  into  the  power  of  the  House  to  act  upon  it  at  any 
lime.     Whilst  on  the  floor,  he  took  occasion  to  say  that  this  report  must 
be  considered,  as  indeed  must  all  reports  of  committees,  as  the  act  of  a 
majority  of  the  committee,  and  not  as  expressing  the  sentiment  of  every 
individual  of  the  committee.     The  debate  on  this  subject  continued  one 
week,  and   it  was   decided  by  a  majority  of  fourteen   in  the  House,  that 
Missouri  could  not  be  admitted  into  the  Union  wnth  the  present  Constitu- 
tion.    This  discussion  was  managed  with  great  ability  and  good  temper. 
The    members  from    Maryland,    Virginia,    North  and   South  Carolina, 
Georgia,  Kentucky,  Tennessee,  Alabama,  and   Mississippi,  voted  unani- 
mously in  support  of  the   Missouri    Constitution.     The    northern   and 
middle    States,   with  a  few  exceptions,   cast  all   their   votes   against  its 
admission. 

The  Missouri  question  again  presented  itself  in  rather  a  different 
shape,  on  the  fourteenth  of  February,  1821,  the  day  appointed  by  law 
for  opening  and  counting  the  voles  for  President  and  Vice-President  for 
the  ensuing  term.  It  was  foreseen  that  a  difficulty  might  arise  in  regara 
to  the  voles  for  Missouri,  and,  to  guard  against  it,  a  resolution  had  been 
passed  in  the  Senate  the  day  before,  directing,  among  other  things,  that 
in  case  any  objection  should  be  made  to  counting  the  votes  returned  from 
Missouri,  and  provided  these  votes  w^ould  not  make  any  difference  in 
the  result,  the  President  should  declare  that  if  the  votes  of  Missouri 
were  counted,  the  number  of  votes  for  A.  B.  for  President  would  be  so 
many,  and  if  the  votes  of  Missouri  were  not  counted,  the  number  would 
be  so  many,  and  that  in  either  case  A.  B.  is  elected.  The  same  course 
ill  relation  to  Vice-President.  This  resolution  was  taken  up  in  the 
House  this  morning.  It  was  generally  supported  by  the  restnctionists, 
and  was  also  warmly  supported  by  Mr."^  Clay  as  the  only  mode  of  avoid- 
ing the  difficulty.  ,  It  was,  however,  opposed  by  most  of  the  Missouri 
party.  It  was  finally  agreed  to  on  the  part  of  the  House,  sometime  after 
the  hour  appointed  for  the  meeting  of  the  two  Houses  to  count  the  votes. 


216  MONROE 

The  Constitution  is  not  very  explicit  in  prescribing  the  mode  of  proce- 
dure, or  who  shall  be  judge  of  the  returns.  The  Senate  had  passed  a 
resolution,  directing  that  the  President  of  the  Senate  should  preside 
while  the  two  Houses  were  assembled.  The  House  of  Representatives, 
not  to  yield  the  point  of  dignity,  passed  a  resolution  directing  that  the 
Speaker  of  the  House  should  retain  his  seat,  and  that  a  chair  should  be 
provided  at  his  right  for  the  President  of  the  Senate.  A  message  was 
sent  to  the  Senate  to  inform  them  that  the  House  w^ere  ready  to  receive 
them  in  the  Representatives'  Chamber,  and  to  proceed  to  count  the  votes.^ 
Mr.  Clay  moved  that  a  committee  should  be  appointed  to  receive  the 
President  and  Senate  at  the  door,  and  conduct  them  to  their  seats.  This 
motion  was  opposed,  as  without  precedent,  but  it  prevailed.  A  part  of 
the  seats  of  the  members,  on  the  right  of  the  chair,  were  vacated  to 
accommodate  the  members  of  the  Senate.  The  President  of  the  Senate 
liaving  taken  his  seat,  the  returns  were  laid  before  him  by  the  clerk  of 
the  Senate,  remaining  sealed.  Mr.  Barbour,  teller  on  the  part  of  the 
Senate,  and  Messrs.  Smith  and  Sergeant,  tellers  on  the  part  of  the 
House,  sat  at  the  clerk's  table,  and  the  clerks  of  the  Senate  and  House 
occupied  separate  tables  in  front.  The  President  of  the  Senate  first  took 
up  the  return  from  the  State  of  New  Hampshire,  cut  the  seal  and  handed 
it  to  the  teller  on  the  part  of  the  Senate.  He  first  read  the  superscrip- 
tion, then  the  certificate  of  the  Governor  of  the  due  appointment  of  the 
electors, — the  record  of  proceedings  of  the  electors, — the  number  of  votes 
given  for  each  candidate,  duly  certified  by  all  the  electors.  The  papers 
v.-ere  then  handed  to  one  of  the  tellers  on  the  part  of  the  House,  who 
repeated  the  reading  of  all  the  documents  in  the  same  order.  The 
Clerk  of  the  Senate,  who  in  the  meantime  had  made  an  entry  of  the 
votes  given  by  the  State  for  each  candidate,  read  it  aloud.  The  clerk 
of  the  House  then  read  the  entry  which  he  had  made,  precisely  of  the 
same  import.  The  entries  made  by  the  clerks  were  then  handed  to  the 
tellers  and  examined  by  them,  and  handed  back  to  the  clerks.  The 
President  of  the  Senate  then  took  up  the  return  of  the  State  of  Massa- 
chusetts, cut  the  seal,  and  handed  it  to  the  teller,  and  the  same  order  of 
proceedings  was  had  upon  it  as  before.  The  same  order  was  observed 
in  relation  to  the  returns  of  all  the  States.  Some  of  the  returns  were 
much  more  full  and  formal  than  others,  and  occupied  much  time  in 
reading.  The  reading  of  the  whole  occupied  several  hours.  When 
the  President  of  the  Senate  came  to  the  return  of  the  votes  of  Missouri, 
Mr.  Livermore  of  New  Hampshire  objected  to  their  being  received  and 
counted,  Missouri  not  being  a  State.  As  soon  as  this  objection  was 
made,  a  member  of  the  Senate  proposed  that  the  Senators  should  with- 
draw. The  Senate  immediately  withdrew,  and  Mr.  Floyo,  of  Virjjinia, 
proposed  a  resolution,  importing  that  Missouri  is  a  State  of  the  Union, 
and  the  votes  returned  from  that  State  ought  to  be  received  and  counted. 
A  debate  ensued  on  this  resolution.  A  motion  was  made  to  postpone 
the  consideration,  and  afterwards  a  motion  to  lay  it  on  the  table,  which 
last  prevailed.  The  Senate  were  then  informed  by  message,  that  the 
House  vv'ere  ready  to  proceed  in  counting  the  votes. 

The  Senate  again  came  in.     The  return  of  Missouri  was  opened  and 


MONHOE.  217 

read  and   recorded  by  the  clerks.     The  statement  of  the  votes  as  return- 
ed was  then  read  over  by  the  President  of  the  Senate,  and  he  declared 
the  result    in   the    fornri  prescribed   by   the   joint  resolution  of  the  two 
Houses,  viz.  "  If  the  votes  of  Missouri  were  counted,  the  number  of  vctea 
for  James  Monroe  would  be  two  hundred  and  thirty-one  ;  if  thev  are  not 
counted,  the  number  of  votes  for  James  Monroe  is  two  hundred  and  twenty- 
eight,  and  for  John  Q.  Adams  one.     For  Vice-President,  if  the  votes  of 
Missouri  were  counted,  the  number  of  votes  for  D.  D.  Tompkins  would 
be  two  hundred  and   eighteen,  if  not,  two  hundred   and  fifteen,  &c." — 
This  is  not  the  precise  form,  but  the  words  were  to    this  effect.     He 
was  going  on  to  declare  Monroe  and  Tompkins  duly  elected,  when  Mr. 
Floyd  rose,  and  addressing  the  President  of  the  Senate,  demanded  to  be 
informed  whether  the  votes    of  Missouri   were  counted   or  not.     The 
President  of  the  Senate  replied,  that  it  was   an  occasion  on  which  there 
could  be  no  debate.     Mr.  Floyd  repeated  his  question,  and   demanded 
an  answer.     The  Speaker  of  the  House   rose  and   said  that  the  gentle- 
man   from    Virginia    must     take    his    seat.      Mr.    Randolph   rose    and 
addressed  the  President  of  the  Senate  nearly  to  the  same  effect  as  he  had 
been   addressed  by  Mr.  Floyd.     The   Speaker  told  him  he  was  out  of 
order,  and  must  take  his  seat.     Mr.  Randolph  remained  upon  the  floor, 
and  there  ^vere  cries  of  order,  order,  from  all  parts  of  the  House.     The 
Speaker  again  told  Mr.    Randolph  he  must  take  his  seat.     Mr.  R.  sat 
down,  and  instantly  Mr.  Brush  of  Ohio,  ^vho  sat  near  him,  rose  and 
said,  "I  rise  to    support  the   right  of  the    gentleman   from    Virginia." 
The  Speaker  told  Mr.  Brush   that  he  also  was  out  of  order,  and  must 
take  his   seat.     He   sat   down,  and  order   being  restored,  the   President 
of  the  Senate  proceeded  to  declare  James  Monroe  and  D.    D.  Tompkins 
duly    elected   President  and  Vice-President.     Mr.  Randolph  then  rose 
and  addressed  the  chair. 

Mr.  Randolph  said,  it  was  not  without  reluctance  that  he  offered 
himself  to  the  attention  of  the  House  at  this  time;  but  he  submitted  to 
the  very  worthy  gentleman  from  Maryland  who  had  just  taken  his  seat, 
whether  the  object  which  he  had  in  view  could,  according  to  his  own 
views  of  propriety,  be  effectuated  by  the  course  which  he  had  recommend- 
ed to  this  House.  It  was  no  part  of  his  nature,  Mr.  R.  said,  nor  of  his 
purpose  to  inflate,  to  a  greater  magnitude  this  exaggerated  question  of 
the  admission  of  Missouri  into  the  Union.  But  the  question  had  now 
assumed  that  aspect  which,  had  it  depended  on  him,  it  should  have  taken 
at  an  earlier  period  of  the  session.  It  was,  he  said,  not  only  congenial 
with  the  principles  and  practices  of  our  free  government,  but,  unless  he 
was  deceived,  with  the  practice  of  that  country  from  which  we  have 
adopted,  and  wisely  adopted,  our  manly  institutions,  that  on  any  occasion 
Avhen  any  person  presents  himself  to  a  representative  body  wi\h  creden- 
tials of  title  to  a  seat,  he  shall  take  his  seat,  and  perform  the  functions 
of  a  member,  until  a  prior  and  a  better 'claim  shall  not  only  be  preferred, 
but  established.  It  was  seen,  that,  but  the  day  before  yesterday,  the 
committee  of  elections  of  this  House  came  forward  with  a  report,  statins 
that  the  qualifications  and  returns  of  certain  members  were  perfect  who 
have  been  acting  and  legislating,  and  on  whose  votes  the  laws  of  the 


218  MONKOE. 

land  liavo  dcpenled,  for  the  last  three  or  four  months.  Just  so  it  ought 
to  have  been  with  regard  to  the  Representative  from  the  Slate  of  Missouri, 
She  has  now,  said '^Mr.  R.,  presented  herself,  for  the  first  time,  in  a 
visible  and  tangible  shape.  She  comes  into  this  House,  not_  in  forma 
vauperis,  but  claiming  to  be  one  of  the  co-sovereignties  of  this  confede- 
rated government,  and  presents  to  you  her  vote,  by  receiving  or  reject- 
in<T  which,  the  election  of  your  Chief  Magistrate  will  be  lawful  or  unlawful ; 
he°did  not  mean  by  the  vote  of  Missouri,  but  by  the  votes  of  all  the  States. 
Now  comes  the  question,  whether  we  will  not  merely  repel  her,  but 
repel  her  with  scorn  and  contumely.  Cui  boyio  1  And  he  might  add, 
quo  warranto  1  He  should  like  to  hear,  he  said,  from  the  gentleman 
from  New  Hampshire  (Mr  Livermore)  where  this  House  gets  its  authori- 
ty  he  should  like  to  hear  some  of  the  learned  (or  unlearned)  sagesof 

the  law,  with  which  this  House,  as  well  as  all  our  legislative  bodies, 
abounds,  shew  their  authority  for  refusing  to  receive  the  votes  from 
Missouri.  Mr.  R.  said  he  went  back  to  first  principles.  The  Electoral 
Colleges,  he  said,  fire  as  independent  of  this  House,  as  this  House  is 
of  the'm.  They  had  as  good  a  right  to  pronounce  on  their  qualifications, 
as  this  House  has  on  those  of  its  members.  Your  office,  said  he,  in 
regard  to  the  electoral  voles,  is  merely  ministerial.  It  is  to  count  the 
voTes,  and  you  undertake  to.  reject  the  votes.  To  what  will  this  lead  ? 
Do  you  ever  expect  to  see  the  time  when  there  shall  be  in  the  Presidential 
chair  a  creature  so  poor,  so  imbecile,  not  only  not  worthy  of  being  at  the 
head  of  the  nation,  but  not  worthy  of  being  at  the  head  of  a  petty 
corporation — do  you  ever  expect  to  see  in  that  office  an  animal  so  poor, 
as  not  to  have  in  this  House  retainers  enough  to  enable  him  to  reject  the 
vote  of  any  State,  Avhich,  being  counted,  might  prevent  his  contmuance, 
and  their  continuance,  and  that  of  their  friends,  in  office  ?  He  spoke 
not  of  the  present  incum.bent — he  was  not  so  wanting  in  common  decency 
and  decorum  as  to  do  so — he  spoke  in  reference  not  only  to  what  is  past, 
but  to  that  which  is  prospective,  and  which  every  man  who  looks  the 
least  into  futurity,  must  know  will  happen,  and,  in  all  probability,  will 
shortly  happen.  He  undertook  to  say,  that  if  this  House  should,  by  a 
vote  of  indefinite  postponement — for  the  form  was  immaterial— or  in 
any  other  way — and  it  would  be  observed,  for  the  first  instance  in  the 
person  of  Missouri,  of  this  much  injured,  long  insulted,  trampled  upon 
member  of  this  confederacy,  was  this  example  to  be  set — if,  said  he,  you 
do,  for  the  first  time,  now  refuse  to  receive  the  votes  of  a  State,  it  will  be 
created  into  a  precedent,  and  that  in  the  lifetime  of  some  of  those  who 
now  hear  me,  for  the  manufacture  of  Presidents  by  this  House.  The 
wisest  men  may  make  constitutions  on  paper,  as  they  please.  What, 
Mr.  R.  asked,  was  the  theory  of  this  Constitution  ?  It  is,  that  this 
House,  except  upon  a  certain  contingency,  has  nothing  at  all  to  do  with 
the  appointment  of  President  and  Vice-lPresident  of  the  United  States, 
and  when  it  does  act,  must  act  by  States,  and  by  States  only  can  it  act  on 
this  subject,  unless  it  transcend  "the  limits  of  the  Constitution.  What,  he 
asked,  was  to  be  the  practice  of  the  Constitution,  as  now  proposed  ? 
That  an  informal  meeting  of  this  and  the  other  House  is  to  usurp  the 
initiative,  the  nominative  power,  with  regard  to  the  two  first  officers  of  the 


MONROE.  219 

y-overnment ;    that  they  are  to    wrest    from    tho    people  of  the   United 
States  their  indubitable  right  of  telling  us   whom  they  wish  to   exercise 
the    functions   of  thg    government,    in   despite    and    contempt    of   their 
decision.     Is  there  to  be  no  limit  to  the  power  of  Congress  ?     No  mound 
or   barrier  to  stay  their  usurpation  <     Why  were    the   electoral    bodies 
established  ?     The    Constitution    has    wisely    provided    that    they  shall 
assemble,  each  by  itself,  and  not  in  one  great  assembly.      By  this  means, 
assuredly,  that  system  of  intrigue  which  was  matured  into  a  science,  or 
rather  into  an  art  here,  was  guarded  against.      But  Mr.  R.  ventured  to  say, 
that  the  electoral  college  of  this   much   despised   Missouri,  acting  con- 
formably to  law,  and   to  the  genius  and  nature  of  our  institutions,  if  it 
were  composed  of  but  one  man,  was  as  independent  of  this  House  as  this 
House  was  of  it.     If,  however,  said   he,  per  fas  ant  nefas,  the  point  is  to 
be  carried  ;  if  the  tocsin  is  to  be  sounded  ;  if  the  troops  are  to  be  rallied, 
and  Missouri  is  to  be  expelled  with  scorn  from  our  august   presence — 
how  august,  Mr.  Speaker,  I  leave  it  for  you  to   decide — there  are  those 
who  will   be  willing  to   take   her  to  their  arms.     And  in  point  of  mere 
expediency,    he   would    ask  of  gentlemen — he   put    the   suggestion    in 
that  shape,  because  he  believed  they  were  nowdoing  nothing  but  riveting 
those  ties  by  which  Missouri  would,  he  trusted,  forever  be  ibound  to  that 
section  of  the  country  by  which,  with  whatever  reason,  her  rights  have 
been   supported  on  this  floor  ?     I  do   look  with  a  sentiment   I    cannot 
express,   said   Mr.  R. — I  look  with  a  sentiment  of  pity — and  that  has 
been  said  to  be   nearly  allied  to  love,  as  I  know  it  to  be  allied  to   a  very 
different  emotion — I  look  with  pity  on  those  who  believe  that,  by  their 
feeble    efforts    in    this  House, — governed  by    forms    and   technicalities, 
your   sergeant  at  arms    and  committees  of  attendance,  and   mummeries 
such   as   belong  to  other  countries   where  I  have   never  travelled,   and 
trust    in   God   I    never  shall, — they   can   stop   the  growth   of  the    rising 
Empire  in  the   West. — Let  gentlemen  lay  a  resolution  on  the  table,  let  it 
be  engrossed  in   a  fair  hand,  and  do  you,  Mr.  Speaker,  sign  it,  that  the 
waves  of  the  Mississippi   shall  not  seek   the   ocean,  and  then  send  your 
sergeant  at  arms   to  carry  it   into  execution  ;   and  see  whether  you  can 
enforce  it   with   aJl   the    force,  physical    or  moral,  under  your  control. 
Mr.    R.    concluded  by  expressing   his    hope    that  the    gentleman  from 
Maryland  would  withdraw  his  motion  for  indefinite  postponement. 

Mr.   Archer   replied  to  Mr.  Randolph,  who  rose   again  in  his  turn  to 
explain. 

Mr.  Randolph  said  it  was  highly  probable  that  the  few  remarlvs  which 
he  had  made  might  give  rise  to  misapprehensions,  in  the  minds  of  other 
gentleinen,  as  they  had  done  in  the  mind  of  his  colleague. — He  therefore 
wished  to  explain.  His  position,  he  said,  was  misunderstood.  It  had 
been  said,  and  pertinently  said,  that  Missouri  might  be  admitted  into  the 
Union  in  more  ways  than  one.  His  position,  then,  was,  that  this  is  the 
first  instance  in  which  Missouri  has  knocked  at  the  door  and  demanded 
her  rights.  It  is  now  for  us,  said  Mr.  R.,  by  permitting  her  to  come  in, 
or  rather  by  refraining  from  extruding  her  from  this  hall,  to  de- 
termine whether  she  shall  now  be  one  of  our  c-mmonwealih,  or,  as 
the  fashion  is  to  call  it,  of  our  empire.  Mr.  R.  said,  he  lad  no 
29 


220  MONROE. 

doubt  that  Congress  might  drive  Missouri  into  the  wilderness,  like 
another  son  of  Hagar.  If  we  do,  said  he,  we  drive  her  at  our  own  peril. 
If  either  of  the  worthy  Senators  and  Representatives  from  Missouri,  whose 
long  forbearance  had  excited  surprise  in  no  man's  breast  more  than  in 
that  of  Mr.  R. — he  did  not  mean  to  blame  them  for  pursuing  the  counsel 
of  cooler  heads  than  his — had  presented  themselves  here,  would  you 
(addressing  the  speaker)  haye  felt  yourself  bound  to  exclude  them  from 
the  communion  with  more  than  papal  power — not  only  from  the  cup  of 
wine,  but  from  the  bread  of  life  itself?  Let  me  tell  my  friend  before  me, 
(Mr.  Archer,)  we  have  not  the  power  which  he  seems  to  think  we  pos- 
sess ;  and,  if  this  be  a  cassus  omissus  in  the  Constitution,  I  want  to 
know  where  we  acquire  the  power  to  supply  the  defect.  You  niay  keep 
Missouri  out  of  the  Union  by  violence,  but  here  the  issue  is  joined. 
She  comes  forward  in  the  person  of  Presidential  and  Vice-Presidential 
Electors,  instead  of  that  of  her  Representative  ;  and  she  was  thus  pre- 
sented in  a  shape  as  unquestionable  as  that  of  New  York,  Pennsylvarda, 
Massachusetts,  or  the  proudest  and  oldest  State  in  the  Union.  She 
comes  forward  by  her  attorneys,  her  electors.  Will  you  deny  them 
admittance  ?  Will  you  thnist  her  electors,  and  hers  only  from  this  hall  ? 
Mr.  R.  said,  his  friend  had  not  given  to  this  subject  the  sort  of  considera- 
tion which  he  knew  him  to  be  capable  of  giving  it.  I  made  no  objection, 
said  Mr.  R.,  to  the  votes  of  New  Hampshire,  Maine,  or  Vermont :  I 
have  as  good  a  right  to  object  to  the  votes  of  New  Hampshire,  as  the 
gentleman  from  New  Hampshire  has  to  object  to  the  votes  of  Missouri. 
Who  made  thou,  Cain,  thy  brother's  keeper  ?  Who  put  Missouri  into 
custody  of  the  honorable  gentleman  of  New  Hampshire?  The  electors  of 
Missouri  are  as  m.\xc\\  homines  probi  et  le gales  as  the  electors  of  New 
Hampshire.  This,  Mr.  R.  said,  was  no  skirmish,  as  it  had  been  called. 
This  Vv'as  the  battle,  when  Greek  meets  Greek  ;  it  was  a  conflict  not  to  be 
decided  between  the  phalanx  and  the  legion,  whether  the  impenetrability 
of  the  one  or  the  activity  of  the  other  shall  prevail.  Let  us  buckle  on  our 
armor,  said  Mr.  R.,  letus  put  aside  all  this  flummery,  these  metaphysical 
distinctions,  these  legal  technicalities,  these  special  pleadings,  this  dry 
minuteness,  this  unprofitable  drawing  of  distinctions  without  difference  : 
let  us  say  now,  as  we  have  said  on  another  occasion,  we  will  assert, 
maintain,  and  vindicate  our  rights,  or  put  to  every  hazard  what  you 
pretend  to  hold  in  such  high  estimation.  Mr.  R.  said,  he  recollected 
perfectly  well,  in  the  celebrated  election  of  Thomas  Jefferson  and  Aaron 
Burr — they  live,  said '  he,  illustrious  examples  of  the  merits  of  their 
respective  partisans — what  were  we  then  told  ?  Why,  that  we  must 
withdraw  our  opposition,  or  there  would  be  no  election;  that  a  dissolu- 
tion of  the  Union  impended ;  that  volcanoes  began  to  play ;  that  earth- 
quakes yawned  beneath  us — and,  recollect.  Sir,  we  had  a  President  in 
the  chair  who  had  a  majority  in  this  House,  small  as  it  was.  He 
treated  the  idea  of  giving  way  with  derision  and  scorn :  we  said, 
we  will  not  give  way,  and  you  must  take  the  consequences  :  we 
appealed,  said  Mr.  R.,  to  the  good  sense  of  the  nation — and  I  do  now 
appeal  to  this  nation,  said  he,  whether  this  pretended  sympathy  for  the 
rights  of  free  negroes  and  mulattoes  is  to  supersede  the  rights  of  the  free 


MONROE.  221 

white  citizens,  of  ten  times  their  whole  numbrr.  They  gave  way,  Sir 
said  Mr.  R. — The  sheep  is  the  most  timid  and  hclple-'s  of  all  animals:  it 
retreats  before  any  attack  is  offered  to  it.  The  President  of  the  United 
States,  Mr.  R.  said,  possesses  great  powers  and  highly  responsible 
fiincfions,  and  should  be  looked  up  to  with  veneration  and  deference, 
because  he  is  a  chief  magistrate  of  a  people,  legally  appointed  by  their 
suffrages.  But  a  President  of  the  United  States,  appointed  by  the 
exclusion, of  the  votes  of  those  who  are  the  same  flesh  and  blood  as 
ourselves — for  the  people  of  Missouri  are  not  natives  of  Missouri,  with 
the  e.xception  of  a  few  French  and  still  fewer  Spaniards — is  no  more 
the  chief  magistrate  of  this  country,  than  that  thing — that  pageant,  which 
the  majorities  of  the  two  Houses  proposed  to  set  up  just  twenty  years 
ago — a  President  made  by  law — no,  by  the  form  and  color  of  law, 
against  the  principles  of  the  Constitution,  and  in  violation  of  the  rights 
of  the  freemen  of  this  country.  Sir,  said  Mr.  R.,  I  would  not  give  a 
button  for  him.  On  his  personal  account,  and  for  his  personal  qualities, 
I  might  treat  him  with  respect  as  an  individual,  but  as  Chief  Magistrate 
of  this  country,  he  would  be  more  odious  to  my  judgment  than  one  of 
the  house  of  Stuart  attempting  to  seat  himself  on  the  throne  of  England, 
in  defiance  of  the  laws  of  succession  and  of  the  opinion  of  the  people. 

The  President  of  the  Senate  then  proposed  that  the  Senate  should 
retire,  and  to  this  proposition  the  members  of  the  Senate  acceded.  Mr. 
Randolph  in  the  meanwhile  speaking.  The  Senate  then  withdrew,  and 
Mr.  Randolph  submitted  the  following  resolutions  : 

1.  Resolved,  That  the  electoral  votes  of  the  State  of  Missouri  have 
this  day  been  counted,  and  do  constitute  part  of  the  majority  of  two 
hundred  and  thirty-one  votes  given  for  President,  and  of  two  hundred 
and  eighteen  votes  given  for  Vice-President. 

2.  Resolved,  That  the  whole  number  of  electors  appointed,  and  of 
votes  given  for  President  and  Vice-President,  have  not  been  announced 
Dy  the  presiding  ofBcers  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives, 
agreeable  to  the  provisions  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  Slates,  and 
that  therefore  the  proceeding  has  been  irregular  and  illegal. 

A  motion  was  then  made  to  adjourn,  which  was  carried  by  yeas  and 
nays. 

On  the  twenty-sixth  of  February,  Mr.  Clay,  from  the  joint  committee 
appointed  on  the  Missouri  subject,  reported  the  following  resolution. 

Resolved,  That  Missouri  shall  be  admitted  into  th^s  Union  on  an 
equal  footing  with  the  original  States,  in  all  respects  whatever,  upon  the 
fundamental  condition,  that  the  fourth  clause  of  the  twenty-sixth  section 
of  the  third  article  of  the  Constitution  submitted  on  the  part  of  said 
State  to  Congress,  shall  never  be  construed  to  authorize  the  passage  of 
any  law,  and  that  no  law  shall  be  passed  in  conformity  thereto,  by  which 
any  citizen  of  either  of  the  States  in  this  Union  shall  be  excluded  from 
the  enjoyment  of  any  of  the  privileges  and  immunities  to  which  such 
citizen  is  entitled  under  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  :  Provided, 
that  the  Legislature  of  the  said  Slate,  by  a  solemn  public  act,  shall 
declare  the  assent  of  the  said  State,  to  the  said  fundamental  condition,  and 
shall  transmit  to  the  President  of  the  United    States,  on  or  before  the 


2^  MONROE. 

fourth  Moivday  in  November  next,  an  authentic  copy  of  the  said  ael ; 
upon  the  receipt  whereof  the  President,  by  proclamation,  skill  announce 
the  fact:  whereupon,  and  without  any  further  proceeding  on  the  part 
©.f  Congress,  the  admission  of  the  said  State  into  this  Union  shall  be 
considered  as  complete. 

Mr.  Clay  briefly  explained  the  views  of  the  committee,,  and  the  con- 
siderations which  induced  them  to  report  the  resolution.  He  considered 
this  resolution  as  being  the  same  in  effect  as  that  which  had  been 
previously  reported  by  the  former  committee  of  thirteen  m.ember3  ;  and 
stated  that  the  commhtee  on  the  part  of  the  Senate  was  unanimous,  and 
that  on  the  part  of  the  House  nearly  so,  in  favor  of  this  resolution. 

Mr.  Adams,  of  Massachusetts,  delivered  his  objections  to  the  resolution, 
on  the  o-roLind  of  the  defect  of  power  in  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States,  to  authorize  or  require  the  Legislature  of  a  State  once  admitted 
into  the  Union,  to  do  the  act  proposed  by  this  resolution  to  be  demanded 
of  the  Legislature  of  Missouri. 

Mr,  Alien,  of  Massachusetts,  delivered  his  sentiments,  with  n^uch  ear- 
nestness, and  pretty  much  at  large,  in  opposition  to  the  resolution,  on  the 
ground  as  well  of  its  terms,  as  of  hostility  to  the  toleration  of  slavery  in 
any  shape,  ov  under  any  pretence,  by  the  legislation  of  Congress  ;  and 
eoncluded  by  moving  to  amend  the  resolution  by  striking  out  the  word 
citizen,  wherever  it  occurs  in  the  resolution,  as  above  printed,  and  to 
insert  in  lieu  thereof  "  free  negro  or  mulatto." 

At  length  the  final  question  was  taken,  and  decided  in  the  affirmative, 
by  a  vote  of  eighty-seven  to  eighty-on-e.  vSo  the  resolution  was  passed, 
and  ordered  to  be  sent  to  the  Senate  for  concurrence  ;  here  it  received  its 
last  reading  and  was  pased  on  the  twenty-eighth. 

On  the  twenty-second  of  February,  a  proclamation  was  issued  by  the 
President,  promulgating  the  treaty  which  had  been  made  with  Spoin, 
and  ils  final  ratifications  by  the  United  States  and  his  Catholic  Majesty. 
Two  measures  of  great  public  interest  and  importance  were  thus  at  about 
the  same  period  brought  to  a  felicitous  termination.  The  session  of 
Congress,  though  it  had  been  stormy  in  its  progress,  terminated  in  good 
order  and  perfect  harmony. 

On  ihe  fifth  of  March,  Mr.  Monroe  took  the  oath  to  support  the  Coi> 
stitulion  of  the  United  States,  and  was  again  inaugurated  as  President. 
On  this  occasion  he  made  an  address  to  his  fellow  citizens  at  large,  and 
laid  before  them  a  general  view  of  the  policy  which  the  goveri\ment 
intended  to  pursue.  He  very  properly  availed  himself  of  his  re-election, 
to  consider  it  as  the  public  approbation  of  his  conduct  in  the  preceding 
term.  After  a  brief  notice  of  measures  for  fortification  and  defence, 
which  had  been  rendered  necessary  by  the  events  of  the  last  war,  the 
President  took  a  cursory  review  of  our  foreign  relations,  and  the  state  of 
the  national  revenue.  The  address  concludes  with  the  following  para- 
graphs : 

"  The  care  of  the  Indian  tribes  within  our  limits  has  long  been  an 
essential  part  of  our  system,  but,  unfortunately,  it  has  not  been  executed 
in  a  manner  to  accomplish  all  the  objects  intended  by  it.  We  have 
treated  them  as  independent  nations,  without  their  having  any  substan- 


MONROE.  225 

tial  pretension  to  that  'rank.  The  distinction  has  flattered  their  pride, 
relarded  their  improvement,  and,  in  many  instances,  paved  tlie  way  to 
their  destruction.  The  progress  of  our  settlements  westward,  sup- 
ported as  they  are  by  a  dense  population,  has  constantly  driven  them 
back-  with  almost  the  total  sacrifice  of  the  lands  which  they  have  been 
compelled  to  abandon.  They  have  claims  on  the  magnanimity,  and,  I 
may  add,  on  the  justice  of  this  nation,  which  we  must  all  feel.  We 
should  become  their  real  benefactors,  we  should  perform  tlie  office  of 
their  Great  Father,  the  endearing  title  which  they  emphatically  give  to 
the  Chief  Magistrate  of  our  Union.  Their  sovereignty  over  vast  territo- 
ries should  cease,  in  lieu  of  which  the  right  of  soil  should  be  secured  to 
each  individual,  and  his  posterity  in  competent  pcytions  ;  and,  for  the 
territory  thus  ceded  by  each  tribe,  some  reasonable  equivalent  should  be 
granted,  to  be  vested  in  permanent  funds  for  the  support  of  civil  go- 
vernment over  them,  and  for  the  education  of  their  children,  for  their 
instruction  in  the  arts  of  husbandry,  and  to  provide  sustenance  for  them 
until  they  could  provide  it  for  themselves.  My  earnest  hope  is,  that 
Congress  will  digest  some  plan,  founded  on  these  principles,  with  such 
improvements  as  their  wisdom  may  suggest,  and  carry  it  into  effect  an 
soon  as  it  may  be  practicable. 

"  Europe  is  again  unsettled,  and  the  prospect  of  war  increasing. 
Should  the  flame  light  up,  in  any  quarter,  how  far  it  may  extend,  it  is 
impossible  to  foresee.  It  is  our  peculiar  felicity  to  be  altogether  uncon- 
nected with  the  causes  which  produce  this  menacing  aspect  elsewhere. 
With  every  power  we  are  in  perfect  amity,  and  it  is  our  interest  to  remain 
so,  if  it  be  practicable  on  just  conditions.  I  see  no  reasonable  cause  to 
apprehend  variance  with  any  power,  unless  it  proceed  from  a  violation  of 
our  maritime  rights.  In  these  contests,  should  they  occur,  and  to  what- 
ever extent  they  may  be  carried,  we  shall  be  neutral ;  but,  as  a  neutral 
power,  we  have  rights  which  it  is  our  duty  to  maintain.  For  light  injuries 
it  will  be  incumbent  on  us  to  seek  redress  in  a  spirit  of  amity,  in  full 
confidence  that,  injuring  none,  none  would  knowingly  injure  us.  For 
more  imminent  dangers  we  should  be  prepared,  and  it  should  alwa^is  be 
recollected  that  sncli  preparation,  adapted  to  the  circumstances,  and  sanc- 
tioned bv  the  judgment  and  wishes  oi  our  constituents,  cannot  fail  to  have 
a  good  effect  of  averting  dangers  of  every  kind.  We  should  recollect, 
also,  that  the  season  of  pence  is  best  adapted  to  Itiese  preparations. 

"  If  we  turn  our  attention,  fellow  citizens,  more  immediately  to  the 
internal  concerns  of  our  country,  and  more  especially  to  those  on  which 
its  future  welfare  depends,  we  have  every  reason  to  anticipate  the  hap- 
piest results.  It  is  now  rather  more  than  forty-four  years  since  we 
declared  our  independence,  and  thirty-seven  since  it  was  acknowledged. 
The  talents  and  virtues  which  were  displayed  in  that  great  struggle  were 
a  sure  presage  of  all  that  has  since  followed.  A  people  who  were  able 
to  surmount,  in  their  infant  state,  such  great  perils,  would  be  more  com-  jj 

potent,  as  they  rose  into  manhood,  to  repel  any  which  they  might  meet  ij 

in  their  progress.     Their  physical  strength  would  be  more  adequate  to  -j 

foreign  danger,  and  the  practice  of  self-governmer.t,  aided  by  the  light  of  , 

experience,  could  not  fail  to  produce  an  effect,  equally   salutary,  on  ail 


224  MONROE. 

those  questions  connected  with  the  internal  organisation.  These  fuvom- 
ble  anticipations  have  been  realized.  In  our  whole  system,  national  and 
state,  we  have  shunned  all  the  defects  which  unceasingly  preyed  ontiie 
vitals  and  destroyed  the  ancient  republics.  In  them  there  were  distinct 
orders,  a  nobility  and  a  people,  or  the  people  governed  in  one  assembly. 
Thus,  in  the  one  instance,  there  was  a  perpetual  conflict  between  the  orders 
in  society  for  the  ascendancy,  in  which  the  victory  of  either  terminated 
in  the  overthrow  of  the  government,  and  the  ruin  of  the  state.  _  la  the 
other,  in  which  the  people  governed  in  a  body,  and  whose  dominions  sel- 
dom exceeded  the  dimensions  of  a  county  in  one  of  our  States,  a  tumul- 
tuous and  disorderly  movement  permitted  only  a  transitory  existence.  In 
this  great  nation  there  is  but  one  order,  that  of  the  people,  whose  power, 
by  a  peculiarly  happy  improvement  of  the  representative  principle,  is 
transferred  from  them  without  impairing,  in  the  slightest  degree,  their 
sovereignty,  to  bodies  of  their  ow^n  creation,  and  to  persons  elected  by 
themselves,  in  the  full  extent  necessary  for  all  the  purposes  of  free, 
enlightened,  and  efficient  government.  The  whole  system  is  elective, 
the  complete  sovereignty  being  in  the  people,  and  every  officer,  in  every 
department,  deriving  his  authority  from,  and  being  responsible  to  them, 
for  his  conduct." 

On  the  8d  of  December,  Congress  again  assembled,  and  the  Honorable 
Philip  P.  Barbour  was  elected  Speaker  of  the  House.  On  the  5th,  the 
President  transmitted  to  both  Houses  of  Congress  the  annual  message. 
It  was  quite  long  and  interesting,  presenting  a  favorable  view  of  the 
affairs  of  the  nation,  as  respected  its  commerce,  manufactures,  and  revenue. 
It  stated  that,  in  pursuance  of  the  treaty  Avith  Spain,  possession  of  East 
and  West  Florida  had  been  given  to  the  United  States,  but  that  the 
officers  charged  with  that  service  had  omitted,  in  contravention  of  the 
orders  of  their  sovereigns,  the  delivery  of  the  archives^  and  documents 
relative  to  the  sovereignty  of  those  provinces.  This  omission  had  given 
rise  to  several  disagreeable  and  painful  incidents.  The  success  of  the 
South  American  colonies,  during  the  previous  year,  was  another  topic  of 
the  message.  The  new  government  of  Colombia  had  extended  its  terri- 
tories, and  considerably  augmented  its  strength ;  and  at  Buenos  Ayres, 
where  civil  dissension  had  sometime  before  prevailed,  greater  harmony 
and  better  order  had  been  restored.  Equal  success  had  attended  their 
efforts  in  the  provinces  on  the  Pacific.  It  was  advised,  as  the  true  policy 
of  the  United  States,  to  promote  a  settlement  of  this  question  with  Spain 
based  on  the  independence  of  the  colonies. 

Manufactures  receive  particular  attention  in  this  message.  "  It  cannot 
be  doubted,  that  the  more  complete  our  internal  resources,  and  the  less 
dependent  we  are  on  foreign  powers,  for  every  national,  as  well^  as 
domestic  purpose,  the  greater  and  more  stable  will  be  the  public  felicity. 
By  the  increase  of  domestic  manufactures,  Avill  the  demand  for  the  rude 
materials  at  home  be  increased,  and  thus  will  the  dependence  of  the 
several  parts  of  our  Union  on  each  other,  and  the  strength  of  the  Union 
itself,  be  proportionably  augmented.  In  this  process,  which  is  very 
desirable,  and  inevitable  under  the  existing  duties,  the  resources  which 
obviously  present  themselves  to  supply  a  deficiency  in  the  revenue,  should 


M  0  N  K  0  E .  225 

it  occur,  arc  the  interests  wliich  maj'  derive  the  principal  bencilt  from  the 
change.  If  domestic  manufactures  are  raised  by  duties  on  foreign,  the 
deficiency  in  the  fund  necessary  for  public  purposes  should  be  supplied 
by  duties  on  the  former.  At  the  last  session,  it  seemed  doubtful,  whether 
tlie  revenue  derived  from  the  present  sources  would  be  adequate  to  all 
the  great  purposes  of  our  Union,  including  the  construction  of  our  forti- 
fications, the  augmentation  of  our  navy,  and  the  protection  of  our 
commerce  against  the  dangers  to  which  it  is  exposed.  Had  the  deficiency 
been  such  as  to  subject  us  to  the  necessity,  either  to  abandon  those 
measures  of  defence,  or  to  resort  to  other  means  for  adequate  funds,  the 
course  presented  to  the  adoption  of  a  virtuous  and  enlightened  people 
appeared  to  be  a  plain  one.  It  must  be  gratifying  to  all  to  know,  ihat 
this  necessity  does  not  exist.  Nothing,  however,  in  contemplation  of 
such  important  objects,  which  can  be  easily  provided  for,  should  be  left 
to  hazard.  It  is  thought  that  the  revenue  may  receive  an  augmentation 
from  the  existing  sources,  and  in  a  manner  to  aid  our  manufactures, 
without  hastening  prematurely  the  result  which  has  been  suggested.  It 
is  believed  that  a  moderate  additional  duty  on  certain  articles  would  have 
that  eifect,  without  being  liable  to  any  serious  objection." 

On  the  twenty-first  of  January,  on  motion  of  Mr.  Sergeant,  chairman 
of  the  committee  on  the  judiciary,  the  House  went  into  a  committee  of 
the  whole,  Mr.  Taylor  in  the  chair,  on  the  bill  for  establishing  an  '.niform 
system  of  bankruptcy.  The  first  section  of  the  bill  being  under  conside- 
ration, Mr.  Sergeant  rose  and  occupied  the  floor  in  favor  of  the  bill,  till 
the  hour  of  adjournment,  when  the  committee  rose  and  the  House  ad- 
journed. On  the  following  day,  Mr.  Sergeant  resumed  and  closed  his 
speech  on  this  important  subject.  Mr.  Randolph  utterly  denied  the  power 
of  Congress,  to  pass  a  law  impairing  the  obligation  of  contracts,  whenever 
made.  Mr.  Smyth,  of  Virginia,  took  a  prominent  stand  in  opposition  to 
the  bill ;  and  Mr.  Sergeant  continued  to  the  close  the  chief  speaker  in 
its  defence.  The  bill  was  finally  rejected  in  the  House  by  a  vote  of 
ninety-nine  to  seventy-two. 

On  the  twenty-sixth  of  February,  Mr.  Lloyd,  of  Maryland,  rose  in  the 
Senate,  and  addressed  the  chair  as  follows  : 

"  Mr.  President  :  It  has  become  ray  painful  duty  to  announce  to  the 
Senate  the  melancholy  fact,  that  my  much  esteemed  and  distinguished 
colleague  is  no  more.  An  attempt  to  excite  the  sympathies  of  the  Senate 
for  a  loss  so  great  and  so  afflicting — a  loss  Ave  must  all  sincerely  deplore 
— would  betray  a  suspicion  of  their  sensibility.  This  chamber,  Sir, 
has  been  one  of  the  fields  of  his  fame.  You  have  seen  him  in  his 
strength.  You  have  seen  him  the  admiration  of  the  Senate  ;  the  pride 
of  his  native  State  ;  the  ornament  of  his  country.  He  is  now  no  more. 
But,  for  his  friends  and  relatives,  there  is  consolation  beyond  the  grave. 
I  humbly  and  firmly  trust,  that  he  ,now  reposes  on  the  bosom  of  his  God." 

Sun'^.y  resolves  were  then  entered  into,  for  appointing  a  committee 
for  superintending  the  funeral,  and  for  the  Senate's  attending  the  same, 
and  weanng  a  mourning  badge.  Similar  proceedings  also  took  place  in 
the  House;  in  which  body,  tiie  preceding  day,  Mr.  Randolph  had  moved 


226  MONROE. 

and  carried  an  adjournment,  on  the  premature  report  of  Mr.  Pfnckney's 
death;  on  which  occasion  he  made  the  following  observations: 

Mr.  Randolph  rose,  he  said,  to  announce  to  the  House  a  fact,  which, 
he  hoped,  would  put  an  end,  at  least  for  this  day,  to  all  further  jar  or 
collision,  here  or  elsewhere,  among  the  members  of  this  body.  Yes,  for 
this  one  day,  at  least,  said  he,  let  us  say,  as  our  first  mother  said  to  our 
first  father, 

"  While  yet  we  live,  scarce  one  short  hour,  perhaps, 
Between  us  two  let  there  be  peace." 

"  I  rise  to  announce  to  the  House,  the  not  unlooked  for  death  of  a  man 
who  held  the  first  place  in  the  public  estimation,  in  the  first  profession  in 
that  estimation,  in  this  or  in  any  other  country.  We  have  been  talking  of 
General  Jackson,  and  a  greater  than  him  is  not  here,  but  gone  forever! 
I  allude.  Sir,  to  the  boast  of  Maryland,  and  the  pride  of  the  United  States.' 
— the  pride  of  all  of  us — but  particularly  the  pride  and  ornament  of  the 
profession  of  which  you,  Mr.  Speaker,  are  a  member,  and  an  eminent 
one.  He  was  a  man  with'  whom  I  lived,  when  a  member  of  this  House, 
and  a  new  one  too ;  and  ever  since  he  left  it  for  the  other — I  speak  it 
with  pride — in  habits,  not  merely  negatively  friendly,  but  of  kindness  and 
cordiality.  The  last  time  that  I  saw  him  was  on  Saturday — the  last 
Saturday  but  one — in  the  pride  of  life,  and  full  possession  and  vigor  of 
all  his  faculties,  in  that  lobby.  He  is  now  gone  to  his  account,  (for  as 
the  tree  falls,  so  it  must  lie)  where  we  must  all  go,  where  I  must  very 
soon  go,  and  by  the  same  road  too,  the  course  of  nature — and  where  all 
of  us,  put  off  the  evil  day  as  long  as  we  may,  must  also  soon  go.  For 
what  is  the  past  but  as  a  span,  and  Avhich  of  us  can  look  forAvard  to  as 
many  years  as  we  have  lived  ?  The  last  act  of  intercourse  between  us 
was  an  act,  the  recollection  of  which  I  would  not  be  without,  for  all  the 
offices  that  all  the  men  of  the  United  States  have  filled,  or  ever  shall  fill. 
He  had,  indeed,  his  faults — foibles,  I  should  rather  say;  and,  Sir,  who  is 
without  them  ?  Let  such,  and  such  only,  cast  the  first  stone.  And  these 
foibles,  faults  if  you  will,  which  every  body  could  see,  because  every 
body  is  clear  sighted  in  regard  to  the  faults  and  foibles  of  others — he,  I 
have  no  doubt,  would  have  been  the  first  to  acknowledge,  on  a  proper 
representation  of  them. 

"Every  thing  now  is  hidden  to  us — not,  God  forbid!  that  utter  dark- 
ness rests  upon  the  grave,  which,  hideous  as  it  is,  is  lighted,  cheered,  and 
warmed  by  fire  from  heaven — not  the  impious  fire  fabled  to  be  stolen  from 
heaven  by  the  heathen,  but  by  the  spirit  of  the  living  God,  whom  we  all 
profess  to  worship,  and  whom  I  hope  Ave  shall  spend  the  remainder  of 
this  day  in  worshiping,  not  with  mouth  honor,  but  in  our  hearts  ;  in  spirit 
and  in  truth,  that  it  may  not  be  said  of  us,  also,  'This  people  draweth 
nigh  unto  me  with  their  mouth  and  honoreth  me  with  their  lip?  but  theif 
heart  is  far  from  me.'  Yes,  it  is  just  so.  He  is  gone.  I  will  ii.n  say 
that  our  loss  is  irreparable  ;  because  such  a  man  as  has  existed  may  exist 
again.  There  has  been  a  Homer ;  there  has  been  a  Shakspeare  ;  there 
has  been  a  Milton  ;  there  has  been  a  Newton.  There  may  then  be  another 
Pinckney  ;  but  there  is  now  none.     And  it  was  to  announce  this   event 


MONROE,  227 

I  have  risen.  I  am,  said  Mr.  Randolph,  almost  inclined  to  believe  in 
preseniimenis.  I  have  been  all  along  as  well  assured  of  the  fatal  termi- 
nation of  that  disease  with  which  he  was  afTecied,  as  I  am  now.  And 
I  have  drag-ged  my  weary  limbs  before  sunrise  to  the  door  of  his  sick 
chamber,  (for  I  would  not  intrude  upon  the  sacred  sorrows  of  his  family,) 
al'uost  every  morning  since  his  illness.  From  the  first  I  had  almost  no 
hope.     I  move  you.  Sir,  that  this  House  do  no'v  adjourn'." 

On  the  Sth  of  March,  the  President  communicated  to  Congress  a  mes- 
sage, in  which  he  recommended  the  recognition  of  South  American 
independence.  This  message  was  referred  to  a  committee,  who  reported 
unanimously  in  favor  of  the  proposed  measure,  and  introduced  a  resolve 
to  appropriate  a  sum  to  enable  the  President  to  give  due  effect  to  such 
recognition.  The  Spanish  Minister,  on  the  publication  of  the  message, 
immediately  addressed  a  letter  to  Mr.  Adams,  the  Secretary  of  State,  in 
which  he  entered  a  solemn  protest  against  this  recognition  of  the  govern- 
ments mentioned  of  the  insurgent  provinces  of  South  America  ;  and  declar- 
ed that  it  could  in  no  way  invalidate  in  the  least  the  rights  of  Spain  to  said 
provinces,  or  to  employ  every  means  in  her  power  to  reunite  them  to  the 
rest  nf  her  dominions.  To  this  letter  the  Secretary  made  a  reply,  in 
which  he  stated  that  the  recognition  by  the  President  was  not  intended  to 
invalidate  any  right  of  Spain,  or  to  afTect  the  employment  of  any  means 
which  she  might  be  disposed  to  use  for  the  purpose  of  reuniting  those 
provinces  to  the  rest  of  her  dominions.  It  was  merely  the  acknowledg- 
ment of  existing  facts,  with  the  view  to  the  regular  establishment,  with 
these  newly  formed  nations,  of  those  political  and  commercial  relations 
which  it  is  the  moral  obligation  of  civilized  and  Christian  nations  to 
entertain  reciprocally  with  one  another. 

On  the  2d  of  December,  Congress  again  assembled,  Mr.  Gaillard 
taking  the  chair  of  the  Senate,  and  Mr.  Barbour  that  of  the  House, 
The  message  of  the  President  contained  a  satisfactory  exposition  of  the 
affairs  of  the  confederacy,  both  at  home  and  abroad.  The  view  of  our 
national  finances  was  very  favorable.  On  the  subjects  of  internal  im- 
provement, and  manufactures,  the  President  observed  : 

"  Believing  that  a  competent  power  to  adopt  and  execute  a  system  of 
internal  improvement  has  not  been  granted  vo  Congress,  but  that  such  a 
power,  confined  to  great  national  purposes  and  wit"h  proper  limitations, 
would  be  productive  of  eminent  advantage  to  our  Union,  I  have  thought 
it  advisable  that  an  amendment  of  the  Constitution,  to  that  efl"ect,  should 
be  recommended  to  the  several  States.  A  bill  which  assumed  the  right 
to  adopt  and  execute  such  a  system  having  been  presented  for  my  signa- 
ture, at  the  last  session,  I  was  compelled,  from  the  view  which  I  had 
taken  of  the  pow'ers  of  the  General  Government,  to  negative  it,  on  which 
occasion  I  thought  it  proper  to  communicate  the  sentiments  which  I  had 
formed,  on  mature  consideration,  on  the  whole  subject.  To  that  commu- 
nication, in  all  the  views  in  which  the  great  interest  to  which  it  relates, 
may  be  supposed  to  merit  your  attention,  I  have  now  to  refer.  Should 
Congress,  however,  deem  it  improper  to  recommend  such  an  amendment, 
they  have,  according  to  my  judgment,  the  right  to  keep  the  road  in 
repair,  by  providing  for  he  superintendence  of  it,  and  appropriating  the 
30 


228  ^  MONROE. 

money  necessary  for  repairs.  Surely,  if  they  had  the  right  to  appropriate 
money  to  make  the  road,  they  have  a  right  to  appropriate  it  to  preserve 
the  road  from  ruin.  From  the  exercise  of  this  pov\rer  no  danger  is  to  be 
apprehended.  Under  our  happy  system,  the  people  are  the  sole  and 
exclusive  fountain  of  power.  Each  government  originates  from  them, 
and  to  them  alone,  each  to  its  proper  constituents,  are  they  respectively 
and  solely  responsible,  for  the  faithful  discharge  of  their  duties,  within 
their  constitutional  limits.  And  that  the  people  will  confine  their  public 
agents,  of  every  station,  to  the  strict  line  of  their  constitutional  duties, 
there  is  no  cause  to  doubt.  Having,  however,  communicated  my  senti- 
ments to  Congress,  at  the  last  session,  fully,  in  the  document  to  which  I 
have  referred,  respecting  the  right  of  appropriation,  as  distinct  from  the 
right  of  jurisdiction  and  sovereignty  over  the  territory  in  question,  I  deem 
it  improper  to  enlarge  on  the  subject  here. 

"  From  the  best  information  that  I  have  been  able  to  obtain,  it  appears 
that  our  manufactures,  though  depressed  immediately  after  the  peace, 
have  considerably  increased,  and  are  still  increasing,  under  the  encour- 
agement given  them  by  the  tariff  of  1816,  and  by  subsequent  laws. 
Satisfied,  I  am,  whatever  may  be  the  abstract  doctrine  in  favor  of  unre- 
stricted commerce,  provided  all  nations  would  concur  in  it,  and  it  was  not 
liable  to  be  interrupted  by  war,  which  has  never  occurred,  and  cannot  be 
expected,  that  there  are  other  strong  reasons  applicable  to  our  situation, 
and  relacions  with  other  countries,  which  impose  on  us  the  obligation  to 
cherish  and  sustain  our  manufactures.  Satisfied,  however,  I  likewise 
am,  that  the  interest  of  every  part  of  our  Union,  even  of  those  most 
benefited  by  manufactures,  requires  that  this  subject  should  be  touched 
with  the  greatest  caution,  and  a  critical  knowledge  of  the  effect  to  be 
produced  by  the  slightest  change.  On  full  consideration  of  the  subject, 
in  all  its  relations,  I  am  persuaded,  that  a  further  augmentation  may  now 
be  made  of  the  duties  on  certain  foreign  articles,  in  favor  of  our  own,  and 
without  affecting  injuriously  any  other  interest.  For  more  precise  details, 
I  refer  you  to  the  communications  which  were  made  to  Congress  during 
the  last  session." 

On  the  recognition  of  South  American  independence,  the  message 
continued : 

"  A  strong  hope  was  entertained  that  peace  would,  ere  this,  have  been 
concluded  between  Spain  and  the  Independent  Governments  south  of  the 
United  States  in  this  hemisphere.  Long  experience  having  evinced  the 
competency  of  those  governments  to  maintain  the  independence  which 
they  had  declared,  it  was  presumed  that  the  considerations  which  induced 
their  recognition  by  the  United  States,  would  have  had  equal  weight  with 
other  powers,  and  that  Spain  herself,  yielding  to  those  magnanimous 
feelings  of  which  her  history  furnishes  so  many  examples,  Avould  have 
terminated,  on  that  basis,  a  controversy  so  unavailing,  and  at  the  samt. 
time,  so  destructive.  We  still  cherish  the  hope,  that  this  result  will  not 
long  be  postponed. 

"  Sustaining  our  neutral  position,  and  allowing  to  each  party,  while 
the  war  continues,  equal  rights,  it  is  incumbent  on  the  United  States  to 
claim   of  each,  with   equal  rigor,  the  faithful  observance  of  our  rights, 


MONROE.  229 

according  to  the  well  known  law  of  nations.  From  each,  therefore,  a 
like  co-operation  is  expected  in  the  suppression  of  the  piratical  practice 
which  has  grown  out  of  this  war,  and  of  blockades  of  extensive  coasts  on 
'  both  seas,  which,  considering  the  small  force  employed  to  sustain  them, 
have  not  the  slightest  foundation  to  rest  on." 

The  first  Comptroller  of  the  Treasury  transmitted  to  the  House  a  list 
of  balances  due  more  than  three  years.  The  House  in  committee  took 
up  the  bill  reported  last  session  on  the  disbursement  of  public  moneys. 
Mr.  Bassett  said  in  remarking  on  this  subject,  that  it  was  a  fact  stated  in 
a  message  from  the  President,  that  at  one  time  accounts  for  one  hundred 
millions  of  dollars,  advanced  for  different  objects,  remained  unsettled; 
and  mentioned  large  losses  to  the  public  by  defalcations  of  individuals. 
The  bill  was  ordered  to  be  printed,  and  the  committee  rose.  Mr.  Cannon 
introduced  some  resolutions  respecting  improving  the  militia  for  the 
national  defence.  Mr.  Condict,  of  New  Jersey,  made  a  motion  for 
instructing  the  naval  committee  to  inquire,  and  report  immediately,  what 
measures  are  necessary  effectually  to  extirpate  the  West  India  pirates, 
and  to  punish  those  who  aid  and  abet  them.  He  took  notice  of  the  very 
slight  reference  which  the  President  had  made  to  this  subject  in  his 
message,  "  being  all  comprised  in  a  short  paragraph,"  which  he  read. 
He  hoped  to  see  a  competent  force  immediately  provided  to  ferret  out 
these  freebooters,  and  drag  them  to  a  condign  and  speedy  punishment — 
not  to  have  them  brought  here,  and  tried  by  a  jury,  under  all  the  delays 
incident  to  our  courts ;  but,  as  they  had  placed  themselves  beyond  the 
laws  of  civil  society,  had  set  at  defiance  the  laws  of  God  and  man,  the 
most  effectual  restraint  upon  their  barbarities  would  be  to  exhibit  to  them 
the  spectacle  of  a  few  dozen  of  their  leaders-  suspended  by  halters  from 
the  yard-arms  of  our  public  ships.  About  this  time  the  Speaker  presented 
a  message  from  the  President  upon  the  subject  of  piracies,  recommending 
the  providing  a  competent  force  to  repress  their  enormities. 

The  proceedings  of  this  session  of  Congress  excited  but  little  interest 
and  attention  in  the  nation  at  large.  There  were  no  topics  of  engrossing 
importance.  The  case  of  the  mutilated  documents,  as  it  was  called, 
occupied  the  time  of  the  House  for  some  days.  This  was  a  case  in 
which  certain  documents  which  had  been  given  to  Messrs.  Gales  &  Sea- 
ton  to  be  printed,  were  printed  with  the  omission  of  certain  sentences. 
Public  attention  was  first  called  to  this  omission  by  an  article  in  the 
Washington  Republican,  and  the  charge  there  made  was  in  substance  as 
follows :  That  in  printing  the  documents  accompanying  the  report  of  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  of  the  14th  February,  1S22,  in  answer  to  a 
resolution  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  calling  upon  him  to  exhibit 
a  statement  of  his  transactions  with  all  those  banks  which  had  been 
made  by  him  the  depositories  of  public  moneys  receivc\l  from  the  sales  of 
public  lands,  that  they  had  suppressed  and  totally  omitted,  in  the  printed 
document  which  they  furnished  the  House,  parts  of  those  documents 
jmphcatmg  Mr.  Crawford  the  most  strongly.  From  the  investigations 
pursued  on  this  subject,  it  appeared  that  neither  Mr.  Gales  nor  Mr.  Seaton 
had  any  knowledge  of,  or  participation  in,  the  suppressions  in  question; 
and  that  there  was  no  evidence  tending  in  the  slightest  degree  to  show 


230  MONROE. 

that  the  suppressions  were  caused  by  the  influence  of  the  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury,  or  with  his  knowledge.  They  were  marked  by  one  of  the 
chief  clerks  of  the  Department  of  the  Treasury,  for  the  purpose  of  calling 
the  attention  of  the  Secretary  to  them,  and  omitted  by  the  direction  of 
the  same  clerk. 

On  the  1st  of  December,  being  the  day  established  by  the  Constitution, 
the  eighteenth  Congress  commenced  its  first  session.  In  his  message, 
at  the  opening  of  the  session,  the  President  spoke  in  animated  terms  of 
the  prosperous  condition  of  the  country,  and  of  the  amicable  state  of  our 
relations  with  foreign  countries. 

The  message  represented  the  public  finances  to  be  even  more  prospe- 
rous than  had  been  anticipated  ;  that  the  state  of  the  army,  in  its  organi- 
zation and  discipline,  had  been  gradually  improving  for  several  years, 
and  had  attained  a  high  degree  of  perfection  ;  that  the  proposed  fortifi- 
cations of  the  country  were  rapidly  progressing  to  a  state  of  completion, 
and  that  the  military  academy  at  West  Point  had  already  attained  a 
high  degree  of  perfection,  both  in  its  discipline  and  instruction.  In 
relation  to  the  efforts  of  the  executive  to  stop  the  depredations  of  pirates 
on  the  national  commerce,  the  President  stated,  that,  in  the  West 
Indies,  and  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  the  naval  force  had  been  augmented, 
according  to  the  provisions  of  Congress.  "  This  armament,"  said  he, 
"  has  been  eminently  successful  in  the  accomplishment  of  its  object. 
The  piracies,  by  which  our  commerce  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  island 
of  Cuba  had  been  afflicted,  have  been  repressed,  and  the  confidence  of 
the  merchants  in  a  great  measure  restored." 

In  allusion  to  the  struggle  of  the  Greeks  for  liberty,  the  message 
contained  the  following  language — language  to  which  every  American 
would  cordially  subscribe  : — "  A  strong  hope  has  been  long  entertained, 
founded  on  the  heroic  struggle  of  the  Greeks,  that  they  would  succeed 
in  their  contest,  and  resume  their  equal  station  among  the  nations  of  the 
earth.  It  is  believed  that  the  whole  civilized  world  takes  a  deep  interest 
in  their  welfare.  Although  no  power  has  declared  in  their  favor,  yet 
noiie,  according  to  our  information,  has  taken  part  against  them.  Their 
cause  and  their  name  have  protected  them  from  dangers,  which  might, 
ere  this,  have  overv^^helmed  any  other  people.  The  ordinary  calcula- 
tions of  interest,  and  of  acquisition,  with  a  view  to  aggrandizement, 
which  mingle  so  much  in  the  transactions  of  nations,  seem  to  have  had 
no  effect  in  regard  to  them.  From  the  facts  which  have  come  to  our 
knowledge,  there  is  good  cause  to  believe  that  their  enemy  has  lost, 
forever,  all  dominion  over  them — that  Greece  will  again  become  an 
independent  nation.  That  she  may  obtain  that  rank,  is  the  object  of  oui 
most  ardent  wishes." 

On  the  existing  state  of  the  country,  the  President  held  the  following 
strong  and  eloquent  language  :  "  If  we  compare  the  present  condition  of 
our  Union  with  its  actual  state  at  the  close  of  our  revolution,  the  history 
of  the  world  furnishes  no  example  of  a  progress  in  improvement,  in  all 
the  important  circumstances  which  constitute  the  happiness  of  a  nation 
which  bears  any  resemblance  to  it.  At  the  first  epoch,  our  population 
did  not  exceed  three  millions.     By  the  last  census  it  amounted  to  about 


MONROE.  231 

ten  millions,  and,  what  is  more  extraordinary,  it  is  almost  allege 'her 
native;  for  the  emigration  from  other  countries  has  been  inconsiderable. 
At  the  first  epoch,  half  the  territory  within  our  acknowledged  limits  was 
uninhabited  and  a  wilderness.  Since  then  new  territory  has  been 
acquired,  of  vast  extent,  comprising  within  it  many  rivers,  particularly 
the  Mississippi,  the  navigation  of  which  to  the  ocean  was  of  the  highest 
importance  to  the  original  States.  Over  this  territory  our  population 
has  expanded  in  every  direction,  and  new  States  have  been  established, 
almost  equal  in  number  to  those  which  formed  the  first  bond  of  our 
Union.  This  expansion  of  our  population  and  accession  of  new  Stales 
to  our  Union,  have  had  the  happiest  eflfect  on  all  its  higher  interests. 
That  it  has  eminetitly  augmented  our  resources,  and  added  to  our 
strength  and  respectability,  as  a  power,  is  admitted  by  nil.  But  it  is 
not  in  these  important  circumstances  only,  that  this  happy  effect  is  felt. 
It  is  manifest,  that,  by  enlarging  the  basis  of  our  system,  and  increasing 
the  number  of  States,  the  system  itself  has  been  greatly  strengthened  in 
both  its  branches.  Consolidation  and  disunion  have  thereby  been  rendered 
equally  impracticable.  Each  government,  confiding  in  its  own  strength, 
has  less  to  apprehend  from  the  other;  and,  in  consequence,  each  enjoy- 
ing a  greater  freedom  of  action,  is  rendered  more  efficient  for  all  the 
purposes  for  which  it  was  instituted." 

In  his  message  lo  Congress,  at  the  opening  of  the  session,  the  Presi- 
dent, having  alluded  lo  the  struggle  of  ihe  Greeks  for  liberty,  and  having 
expressed,  as  the  organ  of  public  sentiment,  the  sympathy  of  the  nation 
in  their  behalf,  a  resolution  was  presented  to  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives, by  a  member,  providing  for  the  expenses  incident  to  the  appoint- 
ment of  an  agent,  or  commissioner  to  Greece,  whenever  the  President 
should  deem  such  appointment  expedient.  Although  Congress  did  not 
deem  it  expedient  to  adopt  the  resolution,  it  being  indefinitely  postponed, 
it  served  to  call  forth  the  warmest  expressions  of  regard,  on  the  floor  of 
Congress,  for  that  oppressed  people,  and  to  elicit  the  attachment  of  the 
country  to  the  principles  of  rational  liberty. 

On  the  27th  of  May,  1824,  the  eighteenth  Congress  closed  its  first 
session.  Among  the  most  important  bills  which  were  passed  was  one 
for  abolishing  imprisonment  for  debt ;  and  a  second  establishing  a  tariff 
of  duties  on  imports  into  ihe  country. 

Each  of  these  bills  caused  much  debate  in  the  national  legislature, 
and  excited  no  small  solicitude  among  those  classes  of  citizens,  whose 
interests  were  likely  lo  be  most  arTected  by  them.  The  bill  for  abolish- 
ing imprisonment  for  debt  was  necessarily  qualified  and  guarded,  giving 
no  immunity  to  fraud,  and  containing  the  requisite  checks  to  shield  its 
benefits  from  abuse.  The  bill  for  a  revision  of  the  tariff  occupied  the 
House  of  Representatives  for  ten  weeks,  and  was  at  length  passed  only 
by  a  majority  of  five.  On  the  occasion  of  its  final  decision,  only  two 
members,  out  of  two  hundred  and  thirteen,  were  absent. 

In  ihe  course  of  the  summer  an  event  occurred,  which  caused  the 
highest  sensations  of  joy  throughout  the  Union  ;  this  was  the  arrival  of 
iho  Marquis  de  La  Fayette,  the  friend  and  ally  of  the  Americans  during 
the  former  war  with  Great  Britain,  and  who  eminently  contributed,  by* 


232  MONROE. 

his  fortune,  influence,  skill,  and  bravery,  to  achieve  the  glorious  objects 
of  their  revolutionary  struggle. 

The  second  session  ol  ttie  eighteenth  Congress  began  on  the  6th  of 
December,  1824;  on  which  occasion,  the  President  represented  the 
country  to  be  highly  prosperous  and  happy,  both  in  respect  to  its  internal 
condition  and  foreign  relations. 

"Our  relations,"  said  he,  "with  foreign  powers  are  of  a  friendly 
character,  although  certain  interesting  differences  remain  unsettled 
Our  revenue,  under  the  mild  system  of  impost  and  tonnage,  continues 
to  be  adequate  to  all  the  purposes  of  government.  Our  _  agriculture, 
commerce,  manufactures,  and  navigation  flourish.  Our  fortifications  are 
advancing,  in  a  degree  authorized  by  existing  appropriations,  to  maturity, 
and  due  progress  is  made  in  the  augmentation  of  the  navy  to  the  limit 
prescribed  bv  law." 

This  session  of  Congress  closed  on  the  3d  of  March,  1825,  being  liniited 
by  the  Constitution  to  that  period.  Among  the  most  interesting  subjects 
which  occupied  its  attention  during  the  session,  were  the  occupation  of 
the  Oregon  on  the  north-west  coast,  and  the  suppression  of  piracy.  The 
bill  respecting  the  former,  however,  was  lost  in  the  Senate,  being 
indefinitely  laid  on  the  table ;  while  that  respecting  piracy  passed ; 
which,  however,  does  little  more  than  to  authorize  the  building  of  ten 
additional  ships  of  war. 

The  bill  authorizing  the  occupation  of  the  Oregon  was  passed  by  the 
House  of  Representatives,  but  had  previously  been  so  amended  as  to 
provide  only  for  a  military  occupation  of  the  mouth  of  the  river.  This 
amendment  v>ras  adopted,  for  the  purpose  of  avoiding  a  violation  of  the 
treaty  with  Great  Britain,  which  provides  that  the  boundary  line  on  that 
frontier  shall  remain  unsettled  ten  years. 

On  the  subject  of  piracy,  the  President,  in  a  message  to  the  Senate, 
suggested  three  expedients  ;  one,  by  the  pursuit  of  the  ofTenders  to  the 
settled  as  well  as  unsettled  parts  of  the  island  from  whence  they 
issue  ;  another,  by  reprisal  on  the  inhabitants ;  and  a  third,  by  a 
blockade  of  the  ports  of  those  islands.  These  suggestions  gave  rise  toa 
bill  in  the  Senate,  which  embraced  the  several  expedients  proposed  in 
the  message,  and  which,  for  some  weeks,  was  a  prominent  topic  of 
debate.  The  opposers  of  the  bill  contended  that  it  introduces  a  new 
principle  into  the  rights  of  nations,  and  that  a  resort  to  the  measure  pro- 
posed by  it  would  be  in  effect  a  declaration  of  war  with  Spain.  This 
objection  was  anticipated  by  the  President,  and  obviated  by  him,  on  the 
gi-ound  that  the  Spanish  authorities  are  utterly  incapable  of  suppressing 
the  practice  in  question.  The  discussion  of  the  subject  led  to  a  dis- 
closure of  facts,  which,  in  respect  to  its  atrocities  and  the  numbers  con- 
cerned in  it,  exceeded  even  conjecture,  and  which  forced  conviction 
upon  all,  that  something,  and  something  efficient,  must  speedily  be  done. 
The  administration  of  Mr.  Monroe  closed  on  the  3d  of  March. 
During  his  presidency  the  country  enjoyed  a  uniform  state  of  peace  and 
prosperity.  By  his  prudent  management  of  the  national  affairs,  both 
foreign  and   domestic,  he  eminently  contributed  to   the  honor  and  hup- 


MONROE  233 

pmess  of  millions,  and   retired   from  office,  enjoying  the  respect,   and 
iiflortion,  and  gratitude  of  all. 

On  the  3d  of  March,  1S25,  Mr.  Monroe  retired   to  his  residence  in 
Loudon  county,  Virginia.     Subsequent  to  that  period,  he  discharged  the 
ordinary  judicial  functions  of  a  magistrate  of  the  county,  and  of  curator 
of  the  University  of  Virginia.     In  the  winter  of  1S29  and  '30,  he  served 
as  a  member  of  the  Convention  called  to  revise  the  Constitution  of  that 
Commonwealth  ;  and  took  an  active  part  in   their  deliberations,    over 
which  he  was  unanimously  chosen  to  preside.     From  this  station  he  was, 
however,  compelled,  before  the  close  of  the  labors  of  the  Convention,  by 
severe  illness,  to  retire.     The  succeeding  summer,  he  was,  in  the  short 
compass  of  a  week,  visited  by  the  bereavement  of  the  beloved  partner  of 
his  life,  and  of  another  near,  affectionate,  and  respected  relative.     Soon 
after  these  deep  and  trying  afflictions,   he   removed  his  residence  to  the 
city  of  New  York  ;  where,  surrounded  by  filial  solicitude  and  tenderness, 
the  flickering  lamp  of  life  held  its  lingering  flame,  as  if  to  await  the  day 
of  the  nation's  birth  and  glory;  when  the  soldier  of  the  revolution,  the 
statesman  of  the    confederacy,   the  chosen   chieftain  of  the  constituted 
nation,  sunk  into  the  arms  of  slumber,  to  awake  no  more  upon  earth,  and 
yielded  his  pure  and  gallant  spirit  to  receive  the  sentence  of  his  Maker. 
"In  the  multitude  of  a  great  nation's  public  affairs,"  says  Mr.  J.  Q, 
Adanis,  in  his   eulogy   on   the   subject  of  this   memoir,    "  there   is    no 
official  act  of  their  Chief  Magistrate,  however  momentous,  or  hoAvever 
minute,  but  should  be  traceable  to  a  dictate  of  duty,  pointing  to  the  wel- 
fare of  the   people.     Such   was  the  cardinal  principle  of  Mr.  Monroe. 
In  his  first  address,  upon  his  election  to  the  Presidency,  he  had   exposed 
the  general  principles  by  which  his  conduct,  in  the  discharge  of  his  great 
trust,  would   be  regulated.     In  his   secon''   Inaugural  Address,  he  suc- 
cinctly reviewed  that  portion  of  the  career  through  which  he  had  passed, 
fortunately  sanctioned  by  public  approbation  ;  and  promised  perseverance 
in  it,  to  the  close  of  his  public  service.     And,  in  his  last  annual  message 
to  Congress,   on    the  7th  of  December,  1S24,  announcing  his  retirement 
from  public  life,  after   the  close  of  that  session   of  the  "Legislature,  he 
reviewed  the  whole  course  of  his  administration,  comparing  it  with  the 
pledges  which  he  had  given  at  its  commencement,  and  at  its  middle  term, 
appealing  to  the  judgment  and  consciousness  of  those  whom  he  addressed, 
for  its  unity  of  principle  as  one  consistent  whole  ;  not  exempt  indeed,  from 
the  errors  and  infirmities  incident  to  all  human  action,  but  characteristic 
of  purposes  always  honest  and   sincere,  of  intentions  always   pure,  of 
labors  outlasting  the  daily  circuit  of  the  sun,  and  outwatching  the  vigils 
of  the  night— and  what  he  said  not,  but  a  faithful  witness  is   bound°  to 
record ;  of  a  mind   anxious  and   unwearied  in  the  pursuit  of  truth  and 
right;  patient  of  inquiry;  patient  of  contradiction;  courteous,  even  in 
the  collision  of  sentiment ;  sound  in  its  ultimate  judgments ;  and  firm  in 
Its  final  conclusions. 

"  Such,  my  fellow  citizens,  was  James  Monroe.  Such  was  the  man, 
who  presents  the  only  example  of  one  whose  public  life  commenced  with 
the  W  ar  of  Independence,  and  is  identified  with  all  the  important  events 
o(  your   history   from   that  day  forth  for  a  full  half  century.     And  now, 


2o4  MONROE. 

what  is  the  purpose  for  which  we   have  here  assembled   to  do  honor  to 
his  memory?     Is  it  to  scatter  perishable  flowers  upon  the  yet  unsodded 
grave  of  a  public  benefactor?     Is  it  to  mingle  tears  of  sympathy  and  of 
consolation,  with  those  of  mourning  and  bereaved  children  ?     Is  it  to  do 
honor  to  ourselves,  by  manifesting  a  becoming  sensibility,  at  the  departure 
of  one,  who,  by  a  long  career  of  honor  and  of  usefulness,  has  been  to  us  all 
as  a  friend  and  brother  ?     Or  is  it  not  rather  to  mark  the  memorable  inci- 
dents of  a  life  signalized  by  all  tne  properties  which  embody  the  precepts 
of  virtue  and  the  principles  of  wisdom  ?     Is  it  not  to  pause  for  a  moment 
from  the  passions  of  our   own  bosoms,  and   the  agitations   of  our  own 
interests,  to  survey  in  its  whole  extent  the  long  and  little  beaten  path  of 
the  great  and  the  good  :  to  fix  with  intense  inspection  our  own  vision,  and 
to  point  the  ardent  but  unsettled  gaze  of  our  children  upon  that  resplen- 
dent row  of  cresset  lamps,  fed  with  the  purest  vital  air,  which  illuminate 
the  path  of  the  hero,  the  statesman  and   the  sage.     Have  you  a  son  of 
ardent  feelings   and   ingenuous  mind,  docile  to  instruction,  and  panting 
for  honorable  distinction  ?  point  him  to   the   pallid  cheek  and  agonizing 
form  of  James   Monroe,  at  the  opening  blossom  of  life,  weltering  in  his 
blood  on  the  field  of  Trenton,  for  the  cause  of  his  country.     Then  turn 
his  eye  to  the  same   form,  seven  years  later,  in  health  and  vigor,  still  in 
ihe  bloom  of  youth,  but  seated  among  the  Conscript  Fathers  of  the  land, 
to  receive  entwined  with  all  its  laurels  the  sheathed  and  triumphant  sword 
of  Washington.     Guide  his  eye  along  to  the  same  object,  investigating, 
by   the   midnight  lamp,  the   laws   of  nature   and  nations,  and  unfolding 
them  at  once,  with  all  the  convictions  of  reason  and  all  the  persuasions 
of  eloquence,  to  demonstrate  the  rights  of  his  countrymen  to  the  contested 
navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  in  the  hall  of  Congress.     Follow  him  with 
this  trace  in  his  hand,  through  a  long  series  of  years,  by  laborious  travels 
and  intricate  negociations,  at  nnperial  courts,  and  in  the  palaces  of_  kings, 
winding   his  way   amidst  the  ferocious  and  party-colored  revolutions  of 
France,  and  the  lifeguard  favorites  and  Camarillas  of  Spain.     Then  look 
at  the  map  of  United  North  America,  as  it  was  at  the  definitive  peace  of 
17S3.     Compare  it  with  the  map  of  that  same  empire  as  it  is  now  ;  limit- 
ed by  the  Sabine  and  the  Pacific  Ocean,  and  say,  the  change,  more  than 
of  any  other  man,  living  or  dead,  was  the  work  of  James  Monroe.     See 
him  pass  successively  from  the  hall  of  the  Confederation  Congress  to  the 
Legislative  Assembly  of  his  native  commonwealth  ;  to  their  Convention 
wIhcIi  ratified  the   Constitution  of  the  North  American  people ;  to  the 
Senate  of  the  Union;  to  the  chair  of  diplomatic   intercourse   with    ultra 
revolutionary  France;  back  to  the  executive  honors  of  his  native  State; 
again  to  embassies  of  transcendent  magnitude,  to  France,  to  Spain,  to 
Britain;  restored   once  more  to   retirement  and  his  country;  elevated 
again  to  the  highest  trust  of  his    State ;  transferred  successively  to  the 
two  pre-eminent  Departments  of  Peace  and  War,  in  the  National  Gov- 
ernnient ;  and  at  the  most  momentous  crisis  burthened  with  the  duties  of 
both — and   finally  raised,  first  by  the  suffrages  of  a  majority,  and  at  last 
by  the  unanimous  call  of  his  countrymen  to  the  Chief  Magistracy  of  the 
Union.     There  behold  him,  for  a  term  of  eight  years,  strengthening  his 
country  for  defence  by  a  system  of  combined  fortifications,  military  and 


MONROE  235 

nnval,  sustaining  her  n^hts,  her  dignity  and  honor  abroad  ;  soothing 
lit'rdissiMisioiis,  iiiid  conciliating  Jrt  acerbities  at  home;  controlling,  by  a 
firm  tliongh  peaceful  policy,  the  luistile  spirit  of  the  European  Alliance 
against  Republican  Southern  America  ;  extorting,  by  the  mild  compulsion 
of  reason,  the  shores  of  the  Pacific  from  the  stipulated  acknowledirnicnt  of 
Spain  ;  and  leading  back  the  Imperial  Autocrat  of  the  North,  to  his  law- 
ful boundaries,  from  his  hastily  asserted  dominion  over  the  Southern 
Ocean.  Thus  strengthening  and  consolidating  the  federative  edifice  of 
his  country's  union,  till  he  was  entitled  to  say,  like  Augustus  C^sar,  of 
his  imperial  city,  that  he  had  found  her  buift  of  brick  and  left  her  con- 
structed of  marble." 

31 


JOHJN   QUINCY  ADAMS. 

*JonN  QuiNCY  Adams  is  descended  from  a  race  of  farmers,  tradesmen, 
and  mechanics.  In  1630,  his  remote  ancestor,  Henry  Adams,  came  to 
America,  with  seven  sons,  and  established  himself  in  this  country. 
Thus  early  rooted  in  the  soil,  a  warm  attachment  to  the  cause  and  the 
rights  of  America  has  been,  from  generation  to  generation,  the  birth- 
right of  this  family. 

The  first  of  this  name,  who  emerged  from  private  life,  and  rose  to 
conspicuous  public  stations,  were  Samuel  Adams,  the  pro:~cribed  patriot 
of  the  Eevolution,  and  John  Adams,  who  was  pronounced  by  his  vene- 
rable copatriot,  Thomas  Jefferson,  "  The  Colossus  of  Independence." 
These  two  distinguished  benefactors  of  their  country,  were  descen- 
dants of  the  same  remote  ancestor.  Samuel  Adams  deceased  without 
male  issue ;  John  Quincy  Adams  is  the  son  of  his  illustrious  fellow 
laborer  and  relative.  He  was  born  in  the  year  1767,  and  was  named 
for  John  Quincy,  his  great-grandfather,  who  bore  a  distinguished  part  in 
the  councils  of  the  province,  at  the  commencement  of  the  last  century. 

The  principles  of  American  Independence  and  freedom  were  instilled 
into  the  mind  of  Mr.  John  Q.  Adams,  in  the  very  dawn  of  his  existence. 
Both  of  his  revered  parents  had  entered,  with  every  power  and  faculty, 
into  the  cause  of  the  country.  When  the  father  of  Mr.  Adams  repaired 
to  France  as  joint  commissioner  with  Franklin  and  Lee,  he  was 
accompanied  by  his  son  John  Quincy,  then  in  his  eleventh  year.  In  this 
country  he  passed  a  year  and  a  half  with  his  father,  and  enjoyed  the 
enviable  privilege  of  the  daily  intercourse  and  parental  attentions  of 
Benjamin  Franklin  ;  whose  kind  notice  of  the  young  was  a  peculiar 
trait  in  his  character,  and  whose  primitive  simplicity  of  manners  and 
methodical  habits  left  a  lasting  impression  on  the  mind  of  his  youthful 
countryman. 

After  a  residence  of  about  eighteen  months  in  France,  John  Quincy 
Adams  returned  to  America  with  his  father,  who  came  home  to  take  part 
in  the  formation  of  the  Constitution  of  his  native  State.  After  a 
sojourn  of  a  few  months  at  home,  the  voice  of  the  country  called  on  Mr. 
Adams'  father  again  to  repair  to  Europe  as  a  commissioner  for  negociat- 
ing  a  treaty  of  peace  and  commerce  with  Great  Britain,  whenever  she 
might  be  disposed  to  put  an  end  to  the  war. 

He  took  his  son  with  him.  They  sailed  in  a  French  frigate  bound  to 
Brest ;  but  the  vessel  having  sprung  a  dangerous  leak,  was  obliged  to 
put  in  the  nearest  port,  which  proved  to  be  Ferrol,  in  Spain.     From  that 


*  For  the  early  part  of  this  memoir  we  have  been  indebted  to  a  biograjihical  sketch, 
published  at  the  time  of  the  presideiitial  canvass,  which  terminated  in  the  election 
of  Genera]  Jackson. 


238  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS. 

place  Mr.  Adams  travelled  by  land  to  Paris,  where  he  arrived  in  January 
1780,  and  Avhen  his  son,  J.  Q.  Adams,  was  put  to  school.  In  the  month 
of  July,  of  the  same  year,  Mr.  Adams  repaired  to  Holland  to  negociate 
a  loan  in  that  country.  His  son  accompanied  him,  and  was  placed  first 
in  the  public  school  of  the  city  of  Amsterdam,  and  afterwards  in  the 
University  of  Leyden.  In  July,  1781,  Mr.  Francis  Dana,  (afterwards 
Chief  Justice  of  the  State  of  Massachusetts,)  who  had  gone  out  with 
Mr.  Adams,  as  Secretary  of  Legation,  received,  from  the  continental 
Congress,  the  commission  of  Minister  to  the  Empress  of  Russia,  and 
John  Q.  Adams  was  selected  by  Mr.  Dana,  as  a  private  secretary  of  this 
mission.  After  spending  fourteen  months  with  Mr.  Dana,  he  left  him  to 
return  through  Sweden,  Denmark,  Hamburgh,  and  Bremen,  to  Holland, 
where  his  father  had  been  publicly  received  as  Minister  from  the  United 
States,  and  had  concluded  a  commercial  treaty  with  the  republic  of  the 
Netherlands.  He  performed  this  journey  during  the  winter  of  1782 — 3, 
being  sixteen  years  of  age,  without  a  companion.  He  reached  the  Hague 
in  April,  1783,  his  father  being  at  that  time  engaged  at  Paris  in  the  nego- 
ciation  of  peace.  From  April  to  July  his  son  remained  at  the  Hague 
under  the  care  of  Mr.  Dumas,  a  native  of  Switzerland,  a  zealous  friend 
of  America,  who  then  filled  the  office  of  an  agent  of  the  United  States. 
The  negociations  for  peace  being  suspended  in  July,  Mr.  Adams'  father 
repaired  on  business  to  Amsterdam,  and  on  his  return  to  Paris  he  took  his 
son  with  him.  The  definitive  treaty  of  peace  was  signed  in  September, 
1783,  from  which  time  till  May,  1785,  he  was  chiefly  Avith  his  father  in 
England,  Holland,  and  France. 

It  was  at  that  period,  that  he  formed  an  acquaintance  with  Mr.  Jeffer- 
son, then  residing  in  France  as  American  Minister.  The  intercourse  of 
Mr.  Jeflerson  with  his  former  colleague,  the  father  of  Mr.  Adams,  was 
of  an  intimate  and  confidential  kind,  and  led  to  a  friendship  for  his  son, 
which,  formed  in  early  life,  scarcely  suiiered  an  interruption  from  subse- 
quent political  dissensions,  and  revived  with  original  strength  during  the 
last  years  of  the  life  of  this  venerable  statesman. 

Mr.  Adams  was,  at  the  period  last  mentioned,  about  eighteen  )-ears  of 
age.  Born  in  the  crisis  of  his  country's  fortunes,  he  had  led  a  life  of 
wandering  and  vicissitude,  unusual  at  any  age.  His  education,  in  every 
thing  but  the  school  of  liberty,  had  been  interrupted  and  irregular.  He 
had  seen  much  of  the  world — much  of  men — and  had  enjoyed  but  little 
leisure  for  books.  Anxious  to  complete  his  education,  and  still  more 
anxious  to  return  to  his  native  America,  when  his  father  was,  in  1785, 
appointed  Minister  to  the  Court  of  St.  James,  his  son,  at  that  period  of  life 
when  the  pleasures  and  splendor  of  a  city  like  London  are  most  calcu- 
lated to  fascinate  and  mislead,  asked  permission  of  his  father  to  on  back 
to  his  native  shores.  This  he  accordingly  did.  On  his  return  >o  Ame- 
rica, he  became  a  member  of  the  ancient  seat  of  learning  at  Caaibridge, 
where,  as  early  as  1743,  Samuel  Adams,  in  taking  his  degrees,  had  the 
proposition,  "  that  the  people  have  a  just  right  of  resistance,  when 
oppressed  by  their  rulers." 

In  July,  1787,  Mr.  Adams  left  college  and  entered  the  office  of  The- 
ophilus  Parsons  afterward    Chief  Justice  of  the  State,  as  a  student  of 


JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS  239 

law  at  Newbnryport.  On  a  visit  of  General  Wasliing-ton  to  'hat  town, 
in  17S9,  j\Ir.  Parsons,  being  chosen  by  his  fellow  citizens  to  be  the 
medium  of  expressing  their  sentiments  to  the  General,  called  upon  his 
pupils  each  to  prepare  an  address.  This  call  was  obeyed  by  ]\Ir.  Adams, 
and  his  address  was  delivered  by  Mr.  Parsons. 

After  complotiiiirr  his  law  studies  at  Newburyport,  Mr.  Adams  removed 
to  the  capital  of  Massachusetts,  with  a  view  oi"  employing  himself  in  the 
practice  of  the  profession.  The  business  of  a  young  lawyer  is  generally 
of  inconsiderable  amount ;  and  Mr.  Adams  employed  the  leisure  afforded 
him  by  this  circumstance,  and  by  his  industrious  habits,  in  speculations 
upon  the  great  political  questions  of  the  day. 

•  In  April,  1793,  on  the  first  information  that  war  between  Great  Britain 
and  France  had  been  declared,  Mr.  Adams  published  a  short  series  of 
papers,  the  object  of  which  was,  to  prove  that  the  duty  and  interest  of 
the  United  States  required  them  to  remain  neutral  in  the  contest.  These 
papers  were  published  before  General  Washington's  proclamation  of 
ueutrality,  and  without  any  knowledge  that  such  a  proclamation  would 
issue.  The  opinions  they  expressed  were  in  opposition  to  the  ideas  gene- 
rally prevailing,  that  the  treaty  of  alliance  of  1778  obliged  us  to  take 
part  in  the  wars  of  France.  But  the  proclamation  of  neutrality  by 
General  Washington,  sanctioned  by  all  his  cabinet,  with  Mr.  Jefferson  at 
its  head,  was  shortly  made  public,  and  confirmed  the  justice  of  the  views 
which  Mr.  Adams  had  been,  (it  is  believed,)  the  first  to  express  before  the 
public,  on  tJiis  new  and  difficult  topic  of  national  law. 

In  the  winter  of  1793  and  1794,  the  public  mind  of  America  was 
extensively  agitated  by  the  inflammatory  appeals  of  the  French  Minister, 
Genet.  It  is  known  to  all  with  what  power  and  skill  this  foreign  emis- 
sary was  resisted  in  the  official  correspondence  of  the  then  Secretary  of 
State,  ThomasJefferson.  Among  those  who  co-operated  in  the  public 
prints,  in  the  same  patriotic  cause,  none  Avas  more  conspicuous  than  Mr. 
Adams,  whose  essays,  in  support  of  the  administration,  were  read  and 
admired  throughout  the  country. 

His  reputation  was  now  established  as  an  American  statesman,  patriot, 
and  political  writer,  of  the  first  order.  Before  his  retirement  from  the 
Department  of  State,  Mr.  Jefferson  recommended  him  to  General  Wash- 
ington as  a  proper  person  to  be  introduced  into  the  public  service  of  the 
country.  The  acquaintance  between  Mr.  Jefferson  and  Mr.  Adams, 
which  had  been  formed  in  France,  had  lately  been  renewed,  on  occasion 
of  a  visit  of  IMr.  Adams  to  Philadelphia  in  1792 ;  and  the  promptitude 
and  ability  with  which  he  had  just  seconded  the  efforts  of  the  Secretary 
of  Slate,  in  enforcing  the  principles  of  public  law  on  the  turbulent  French 
Envoy,  no  doubt  led  jMr.  Jefferson  thus  to  recommend  him  to  General 
Washington. 

General  Washington's  own  notice  had  been  drawn  to  the  publications 
of  Mr.  Adams  above  alluded  to.  He  had  in  private  expressed  the  highest 
opinion  of  them,  ,\nd  had  made  particular  inquiries  with  respect  to  their 
author.  Thus  honorably  identified,  at  the  early  age  of  twenty-seven,  with 
the  first  great  and  decisive  step  of  the  foreign  policy  of  the  United  States, 
and  thus  early  attracting  the  notice,  and  enjoying  the  confidence  of  Wash- 


240  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS- 

ington  and  Jefferson,  Mr.  Adams  was,  in  1794,  appointed  Minister  Residem 
to  the  Netherlands,  an  office  corresponding  in  rank  and  salary  with  that 
of  a  Charge  d'  Affaires  at  the  present  day.  The  father  of  air.  Adams 
was.  at  this  time,  Vice-President  of  the  United  States  ;  but  it  is  unneces- 
sary to  say,  to  those  acquainted  with  the  character  of  these  great  men, 
that  the  appointment  of  his  son  was  made  by  General  Washington  unex- 
pectedly to  the  Vice-President,  and  without  any  previous  intimation  that 
it  would  take  place. 

Mr.  Adams  remained  at  his  post  in  Holland  till  near  the  close  of 
General  Washington's  administration.  He  was  an  attentive  observer  of, 
the  great  events  then  occurring  in  Europe,  and  his  official  correspondence 
with  the  Government  was  regarded  by  General  Washington  as  of  the 
highest  importance. 

One  of  the  last  acts  of  General  Washington's  administration  was  the 
appointment  of  Mr.  Adams  as  Minister  Plenipotentiary  to  Portugal.  On 
his  way  from  the  Hague  to  Lisbon,  he  received  a  new  commission, 
changing  his  destination  to  Berlin.  This  latter  appointment  was  made 
by  Mr.  Adams'  father,  then  President  of  the  United  States,  and  in  a 
manner  highly  honorable  to  the  restraint  of  his  parental  feelings,  in  the 
discharge  of  an  act  of  public  duty.  Although  Mr.  Adams'  appointment 
to  Portugal  was  made  by  General  Washington,  and  Mr.  Adams'  father 
did  no  more  than  propose  his  transfer  to  Berlin,  yet  feelings  of  delicacy 
led  him  to  hesitate,  before  he  took  even  this  step.  He  consulted  the 
beloved  father  of  his  country,  then  retired  from  office,  and  placed  in  a 
situation  beyond  the  reach  of  any  of  the  motives  which  can  possibly 
preiddire  the  minds  of  men  in  power.  The  following  letter  from  Gene- 
ral Washington  is  the  reply  to  President  Adams'  inquiry,  and  will  ever 
remain  an  honorable  testimony  to  the  character  of  Mr.  Adams. 

"  Monday,  February  20,  1797 
''Dear  Sir, 

"  I  thank  you  for  giving  me  a  perusal  of  the  inclosed.  The  sentiments 
do  honor  to  the  head  and  heart  of  the  writer ;  and  if  my  Avishes  would 
be  of  any  avail,  they  should  go  to  you  in  a  strong  hope,  that  you  will  not 
withhold  merited  promotion  from  John  Q.  Adams,  because  he  is  your 
son.  For  without  intending  to  compliment  the  father  or  the  mother,  or 
to  censure  any  others,  I  give  it  as  my  decided  opinion,  that  Mr.  Adams 
is  the  most  valuable  public  character  we  have  abroad  ;  and  that  there 
remains  no  doubt  in  my  mind,  that  he  will  prove  himself  to  be  the  ablest 
of  all  our  diplomatic  corps.  If  he  was  now  to  be  brought  into  that  line, 
or  into  any  other  public  walk,  I  could  not,  upon  the  principle  which  has 
regulated  my  own  conduct,  disapprove  of  the  caution  which  is  hinted  at 
in  the  letter.  But  he  is  already  entered  ;  the  public,  more  and  more,  as 
he  is  known,  are  appreciating  his  talents  and  v/orth ;  and  his  country 
would  sustain  a  loss,  if  these  were  to  be  checked  by  over  delicacy  on 
V^our  part. 

"  With  sincere  esteem,  and  affectionate  regard, 

"  I  am  ever  yours, 

"  Geo.  Washington.** 


JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS.  241 

The  principal  object  of  Mr.  Adams'  mission  to  Berlin,  was  effected  by 
the  ccnclusion  of  a  treaty  of  commerce  with  Prussia.  He  remained  in 
that  country  till  the  spring  of  1801,  when  he  was  recalled  by  his  father 
and  returned  to  America.  During  the  last  year  of  his  residence  in  Ger- 
many, Mr.  Adams  made  an  excursion  into  the  province  of  Silesia,  which 
he  has  described  in  a  series  of  letters  that  have  been  collected  and  pub- 
lished in  a  volume,  and  have  been  translated  into  French  and  German, 
and  extensively  circulated  in  Europe. 

Mr.  Adams's  residence  on  the  continent  of  Europe,  from  1794  to  1801, 
was  of  great  importance  in  its  influence  upon  his  political  character  and 
"  feelings.  He  contemplated,  with  every  advantage  for  understanding  their 
secret  springs,  the  great  movements  in  the  political  world,  which  were 
then  taking  place.  His  early  education  in  France,  and  his  connexion 
with  the  continental  courts,  prevented  his  forming  those  attachments  for 
the  English  policy,  which  almost  universally  prevailed  among  such  of 
the  citizens  of  America  as  opposed  the  principles  of  the  French  revolu- 
tion. The  union  of  these  circumstances  enabled  him  to  hold  an  im- 
partial and  truly  American  course  between  the  the  violent  extremes  to 
which  public  opinion  in  America  ran,  on  the  great  question  of  our  foreign 
relations.  It  was  also  fortunate  that  he  was  absent  from  the  country, 
during  the  period  when  domestic  parties  were  organized  and  arrayed 
against  each  other.  We  have  already  seen  that  his  manly  and  patriotic 
course  had  gained  him  the  approbation  of  Mr.  Jefferson  before  he  retired 
from  office.  The  great  schism  in  the  American  family  had  not  yet  taken 
place.  General  Washington  labored  to  prevent  its  occurrence,  and  dis- 
tributed his  appointments  among  all  the  able  and  patriotic,  without  regard 
to  the  party  distinctions  which  were  forming, 

Mr.  Adams  came  into  the  Presidency  in  1797,  with  the  intention,  had 
the  strong  current  of  events  permitted  him,  to  pursue  the  same  course. 
The  first  fitep  taken  by  him  after  his  inauguration,  was  a  friendly  and 
confidential  interview  with  Mr.  Jefferson,  in  which  he  proposed  to  him, 
if  it  should  be  thought  proper,  on  consideration,  for  the  Vice-President  to 
leave  the  country,  to  go  to  France  as  the  American  Minister,  in  the  hope 
that  he,  if  any  one,  would  be  able  to  adjust  our  difficulties  with  that 
country.  That  Mr.  Jefferson,  on  his  side,  had  not  suffered  the  political 
contests,  into  which  they  had  been  drawn,  to  alienate  his  feelings  from 
his  old  revolutionary  copatriot,  is  apparent  from  the  following  letter  of 
Mr.  Jefferson  to  Governor  Langdon,  which  was  written  after  the  election 
of  Mr.  Adams  as  President,  and  Mr.  Jefferson  as  Vice-President,  was 
ascertained. 

"  MoNTicELLo,  January  22,  1797. 
"  Dear  Sir, 

"  Your  friendly  letter  of  the  2d  instant  never  came  to  hand  till  yesterday, 
and  I  feel  indebted  for  the  solicitude  you  therein  express  for  my  under- 
taking the  office,  to  which  you  inform  me  I  am  now  called.  I  know  not 
from  what  source  an  idea  has  spread  itself,  which  I  have  found  to  be 
generally  spread,  that  I  would  accept  the  office  of  President  of  the  United 
Slates,  but  not  that  of  Vice-President.     When  I  retired  from  the  office  1 


242  JOHN   QUINCY  ADAMS. 

last  held,  no  man  in  the  Union  less  expected  than  I  did,  ever  to  have 
come  forward  again  ;  and  whatever  has  been  insinuated  to  the  contrary, 
to  no  man  in  the  Union  was  the  share  which  my  name  bore  in  the  late 
contest,  more  unexpected  than  it  was  to  me.  If  I  had  contemplated  the 
thing  beforehand,  and  suffered  my  will  to  enter  into  action  at  all  upon  it, 
would  have  been  in  a  direction  exactly  the  reverse  of  what  has  been 
imputed  to  me.  But  I  had  no  right  to  a  will  on  the  subject,  much  less 
to  control  that  of  the  people  of  the  United  States  in  arranging  us  accord- 
ing to  our  capacities.  Least  of  all  could  I  have  any  feelings,  which 
would  revolt  at  taking  a  station  secondary  to  Mr.  Adams.  I  have  been 
secondary  to  him,  in  every  situation  in  which  we  ever  acted  together  in 
public  life,  for  twenty  years  past,  A  contrary  position  would  have  been 
novelty,  and  his  the  right  of  revolting  at  it.  Be  assured,  then,  my  dear 
Sir,  that  if  I  had  had  a  fibre  in  my  composition  still  looking  after  public 
office,  it  would  have  been  gratified  precisely  by  the  very  call  you  are 
pleased  to  give  me,  and  no  other.  But  in  truth,  I  wish  for  neither  honors 
nor  offices.  I  am  happier  at  home  than  T  can  be  elsewhere.  Since, 
however,  I  am  called  out,  an  object  of  great  anxiety  to  me  is,  that  those 
with  whom  I  am  to  act,  shutting  their  minds  to  the  unfounded  abuse  of 
which  I  have  been  the  subject,  will  view  me  with  the  same  candor 
with  which  I  shall  certainly  act.  An  acquaintance  of  many  long  years, 
insures  to  me  your  just  support,  as  it  does  to  you  the  sentiments  of  sin- 
cere respect  and  attachment,  with  which  I  am,  dear  Sir,  your  friend  and 
servant,  Thomas  Jefferson. 

"HoNOKABLE  JoHN  LaNGDON." 

The  same  sentiments  of  respect  towards  Mr.  Adams,  were  more  publicly 
expressed  by  Mr.  Jefferson  on  taking  the  chair  of  the  Senate,  as  Vice- 
President  of  the  United  States,  in  the  following  terms  :  "  I  might  here 
proceed,  and  with  the  greatest  truth,  to  declare  my  zealous  attachment  to 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States;  that  I  consider  the  union  of  these 
States  as  the  first  of  blessings  ;  and  as  the  first  of  duties,  the  preservation 
of  that  Constitution,  which  secures  it ;  but  I  suppose  these  declarations 
not  pertinent  to  the  occasion  of  entering  into^  an  office,  whose  primary 
business  is  merely  to  preside  over  the  forms  of  this  House ;  and  no  one 
more  sincerely  prays  that  no  accident  may  call  me  to  the  higher  and 
more  important  functions  which  the  Constitution  eventually  devolves  on 
this  office.  These  have  been  justly  confided  to  the  eminent  character 
which  has  preceded  me  here,  whose  talents  and  integrity  have  been  known 
and  revered  by  me,  through  a  long  course  of  years  ;  have  been  the  foun- 
dation of  a  cordial  and  uninterrupted  friendship  between  us  ;  and  I 
devoutly  pray  he  may  be  long  preserved  for  the  government,  the  happi- 
ness, and  the  prosperity  of  our  common  country." 

Such  were  the  feelings  entertained  towards  each  other  by  these  vene- 
rable^ fellow  laborers  in  the  cause  of  American  Independence,  who  have 
happily  closed,  in  a  singular  coincidence  of  death,  the  lives  which  they  had 
passed  in  an  unison  scarcely  interrupted,  ir  the  service  of  their  country. 
But  the  extraordinary  nature  of  our  foreign  relations,  in  their  influence 
on  domestic  politics,  proved  too  strong  for  the  control  of  the  wise,  the 


JOHN    QUINCY   ADAMS.  243 

candid,  and  the  patriotic.  The  country  was  rent  into  contending  parlies. 
The  President  of  the  United  States  regarded  as  the  head  of  the  federal 
party,  was  compelled,  besides  the  natural  resistance  of  the  party  opposed 
to  his  administration,  to  encounter  the  odium  of  the  strong  and  violent 
measures,  brought  forward  by  the  friends  of  General  Hamilton,  among 
them  the  Alienand  Sedition  Laws,  neither  of  which  was  recommended 
nor  desired  by  Mr.  Adams,  nor  proposed  by  his  advice.  In  consequence 
of  his  refusal  to  plunge  the  country  into  a  war  with  France,  Mr.  Adams 
lost  the  support  of  General  Hamilton  and  his  friends,  whose  opposition 
defeated  his  re-election  ;  and  thus  prostrated  the  devout  prayer  of  Mr. 
Jefl'erson,  that  he  might  be  long  preserved  "  for  the  Government  of  the 
country." 

Durin<^this  critical  period  of  our  foreign  and  domestic  politics,  Mr.  John 
Q.  Adams  was  abroad.  He  was  aloof  from  the  scene  of  warfare.  His  situa- 
tion secured  him  from  the  necessity  of  taking  part  in  those  political  conten- 
tions in  which  he  must  either  have  been  placed  in  the  painful  position  of 
acting  with  the  party  opposed  to  his  father,  or  he  would  have  been 
obliged  to  encounter  the  natural  imputation  of  being  biassed  in  support 
of  him  by  filial  attachment.  From  this  painful  alternative  Mr.  Adams 
was  spared,  by  his  residence  abroad,  during  the  whole  period  in  which 
our  domestic  parties  were  acquiring  their  organization  ;  and  he  returned 
to  his  native  land,  as  every  American  of  ingenuous  mind  unfailingly 
returns  after  a  long  absence,  a  stranger  to  local  parties,  and  a  friend  to  his 
country.  There  was  not  an  individual  in  the  country,  to  whom,  with 
greater  justice  than  Mr.  Adams,  might  have  been  applied  the  magnani- 
mous remark  of  Mr.  JefTerson,  in  his  inaugural  address,  "  We  are  all 
Republicans,  we  are  all  Federalists." 

In  1802,  Mr.  Adams  was  elected  to  the  Senate  of  Massachusetts,  from 
the  district  of  Boston  ;  and  signalized  that  fearless  independence,  which 
has  ever  characterized  his  political  course,  by  his  strong,  though  ineffec- 
tual opposition  to  a  powerful  combination  of  banking  interests,  of  which 
the  centre  was  placed  among  his  immediate  constituents. 

In  1S03,  he  was  elected  a  Senator  of  the  United  States  for  six  years, 
from  the  4th  of  March,  1S03.  No  person  could  come  into  that  body,  in 
a  situation  better  to  enable  him  to  act  the  honorable  part  of  an  indepen- 
dent, upright,  and  patriotic  Senator.  He  had  successively  received  testi- 
monials of  the  respect  and  confidence  of  those,  who  had  administered  the 
governnient,  including  Mr.  Jefferson,  then  President.  In  the  political 
controversies  of  the  day  he  had  not  shared.  He  was  pledged  neither  in 
opposition  nor  support  to  any  men  or  measures,  other  than  those  which 
his  sense  of  duty  should  dictate  to  him  to  be  supported  or  opposed. 

His  conduct  in  the  Senate  was  such  as  to  have  been  justly  expected 
from  his  position.  He  had  neither  principles  to  permit,  nor  passions  to 
drive  him  into  indiscriminate  opposition  or  blind  support.  He  supported 
the  administration  in  every  measure  which  his  judgment  approved. 
Especially  in  the  new  aspect  which  the  political  world  was  assuming  in 
consequence  of  the  infraction  of  our  neutral  rights  and  violation  of  the 
sovereignty  of  our  flag  by  Great  Britain,  Mr.  Adams  was  the  promp 
and  undcviating  supporter  of  the  honor  of  his  country,  and  of  the 
32 


244  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS. 

measures  adopted  by  the  administration  for  its  defence.  In  pursuing  this 
independent  course,  Mr.  Adams  incurred  the  disapprobation  of  the  legis- 
lature of  Massachusetts,  which,  in  May,  180S,  by  a  small  majority  of 
federal  votes,  elected  another  person,  as  Senator,  from  the  period  of  the 
expiration  of  Mr.  Adams's  term,  and  passed  resolutions  of  the  nature  of 
instruction  to  their  Senators,  containing  principles  which  Mr.  Adams 
disapproved.  Choosing  neither  to  act  in  conformity  with  these  resolu- 
tions, nor  to  represent  constituents  who  had  lost  their  confidence  in  him, 
Mr.  Adams  resigned  his  place  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States. 

It  needs  not  be  said  that  the  decided  support  of  a  man  like  Mr.  Adams 
was  peculiarly  acceptable  to  the  administration  at  this  moment.  It  was 
a  support  given  in  the  dark  days  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  administration,  when 
England  was  now  acting  against  the  country  the  part  which  France  had 
acted  ten  years  before,  and  when  the  operation  of  the  restricting  system 
'^the  only  measure  of  resistance,  which,  in  the  opinion  of  the  adminis- 
tration, the  country  could  then  in  prudence  adopt ;)  had  paralyzed  the 
energies  of  the  country,  and  excited  vyide  spread  discontent.  It  was  a 
support  given  by  an  independent  statesman,  who  had  borne  the  name  of 
the  opposite  party,  at  a  moment  when,  in  addition  to  all  the  strength  of 
the  federalists,  Mr.  Jefferson  and  Mr.  Madison  were  called  to  encounter, 
within  the  bosom  of  their  own  party  and  their  own  State,  the  unexpect- 
ed and  perilous  defection  of  men,  who  had  once  led  the  ranks  of  the 
republican  party,  in  the  House  of  Representatives  ;  but  who  now  quar- 
relled with  Mr.  Jefferson  and  Mr.  Madison,  and  threw  themselves 
into  a  course  of  unsparing  and  unrelaxing  opposition.  At  this  moment 
of  trial,  when,  besides  the  honest  conflict  of  opposite  parties,  Mr.  Jeffer- 
son was  thus  pressed  by  the  whole  incumbent  weight  of  the  British 
empire,  and  by  a  tremendous  assault  from  the  ranks  of  his  friends, 
aiming  to  embarrass  him  and  supplant  Mr.  Madison,  Mr.  Adams  came 
out  boldly  and  manfully  in  his  support. 

The  retirement  of  Mr,  Adams  from  the  Senate  of  the  United  States, 
although  varying  the  direction,  did  not  abate  the  activity  of  his  uncom- 
mon powers  for  serving  his  fellow  men.  A  life  of  unremitted  public 
occupation  had,  by  virtue  of  strict  method,  untiring  diligence,  and 
temperate  habits,  left  him  leisure  to  acquire,  as  a  relaxation,  a  mass  of 
useful  learning,  which  would,  in  most  cases,  have  been  deemed  the  fruit 
of  a  life  of  literary  seclusion.  Distinguished  as  a  writer  among  the 
best  which  the  country  has  produced,  and  as  a  public  speaker,  for  force, 
and  impressiveness,  and  senatorial  eloquence,  not  less  rare,  Mr.  Adams 
was,  in  1806,  called  to  the  chair  of  rhetoric  and  oratory,  in  the  semi- 
nary where  he  received  his  education,  and  delivered  a  course  of  lectures 
on  the  Art  of  Speaking  Well ;  the  most  important  art  to  the  youth  of  a 
free  country. 

But  his  country  had  higher  claims  upon  his  services.  In  June,  1809, 
he  was  appointed  by  Mr.  Madison  as  Minister  to  Russia.  He  had  the 
good  fortune,  here,  to  acquire  the  confidence  of  the  Emperor  Alexander, 
W'ho  was  delighted  with  the  contrast  of  the  republican  simplicity  of  the 
American  Minister  with  the  splendor  of  the  foreign  Envoys.  He  admit- 
ted Mr.   Adams  to  a  degree  of  intimacy  rarely  enjoyed  with  desootic 


JOHN   QUINCY  ADAMS.  245 

monarchs  even  by  their  own  ministers.  This  circumstance  laid  the 
foundation  of  that  good-will  toward  America,  on  the  part  of  the  Empe- 
ror Alexander,  of  which  the  country  has  enjoyed,  on  many  occasions, 
the  important  fruits.  But  its  first  fruit  was  the  most  important  of 
all ;  for  it  was  unquestionably  owing  to  the  confidential  relation 
between  Mr.  Adams  and  the  Emperor,  that  the  mediation  of  Russia 
was  tendered  between  England  and  the  United  States  ;  a  mediation 
which,  though  it  was  declined  by  England,  produced  an  offer  from  that 
country  to  treat  directly,  and  thus  led  to  peace. 

It  was  for  this  reason  that  he  was  placed  by  Mr.  Madison  at  the  head 
of  the  commission  of  five,  by  which  the  treaty  of  peace  was  negociated, 
and  which  consisted  of  some  of  the  ablest  men  in  the  country.  It  is 
unnecessary  to  speak  of  the  skill,  with  which  that  negociation  was 
conducted.  Mr.  Adams  bore  a  full  part  in  its  counsels  and  labors  ; 
and  a  proportionate  share  of  the  credit  is  due  to  him,  for  that  cogency 
and  skill  which  drew  from  the  Marquis  of  Wellesley,  in  the  British 
House  of  Lords,  the  declaration  that,  "  in  his  opinion,  the  American 
Commissioners  had  shown  the  most  astonishing  superiority  over  the 
British,  during  the  whole  of  the  correspondence." 

This  tribute  is  the  more  honorable  to  Mr,  Adams  and  his  colleagues, 
Mr.  Gallatin,  Mr.  Clay,  and  their  departed  associate  Mr.  Bayard,  from 
the  circumstance,  that,  on  every  important  point,  the  British  Commission- 
ers received  special  instructions  from  the  Ministry  at  London,  directing 
the  terms  in  which  the  American  Envoys  were  to  be  answered. 

Having  borne  this  important  part,  in  bringing  the  war  to  a  close  by  an 
honorable  peace,  Mr.  Adams  was  employed,  in  conjunction  with  Messrs. 
Clay  and  Gallatin,  in  negociating  a  convention  of  commerce  with  Great 
Britain,  on  the  basis  of  which  our  commercial  intercourse  with  that 
country  has  been  since  advantageously  conducted.  Having  been 
appointed  our  Minister  at  London  by  Mr.  Madison,  Mr.  Adams  remain- 
ed in  that  place,  till  the  accession  of  Mr.  Monroe  to  the  chair  of  State. 
On  this  occasion,  Mr.  Monroe,  in  the  formation  of  his  Cabinet,  took 
deliberate  counsel  with  the  most  prudent  and  patriotic  citizens  of  the 
country.  Among  others  the  opinion  of  General  Jackson  was  freely 
imparted  to  him.  The  counsel  of  this  distinguished  citizen  was  express- 
ed, in  the  following  terms  :  "  Every  thing  depends  on  the  selection  of 
your  ministry.  In  every  selection,  party  and  party  feelings  should  be 
avoided.  Now  is  the  time  to  exterminate  that  monster,  called  party 
spirit.  By  selecting  characters  most  conspicuous  for  their  probity, 
virtue,  capacity,  and  firmness,  without  any  regard  to  party,  you  will  go 
far,  if  not  entirely,  to  eradicate  those  feelings,  which  on  former  occasions 
threw  so  many  obstacles  in  the  way  of  government,  and  perhaps  have 
the  pleasure  and  honor  of  uniting  a  people  heretofore  politically  divided. 
The  Chief  Magistrate  of  a  great  and  powerful  naJion  should  never 
indulge  in  party  feelings." 

To  this  counsel  Mr.  Monroe  felt  himself  unable  to  accede.  He 
thought  that  "  the  association  of  any  of  the  federal  party  in  the  adminis- 
tration would  wound  the  feelings  of  its  friends  to  the  injury  of  the 
republican  cause."     He  made  known,  however,  to  General  Jackson  his 


246  JOHN    QLINCY   ADAMS. 

design  of  distributing,  as  far  as  possible,  the  places  in  the  cabinet, 
throughout  the  country.  "  I  shall,"  said  he  in  his  letter  to  General 
Jackson,  of  March  1st,  1817,  "  take  a  person  for  the  Department  of 
State  from  the  eastward ;  and  Mr.  Adams,  by  long  service  in  our  diplo- 
matic concern!  appearing  to  entitle  him  to  the  preference,  supported  by 
his  acknowledged  abilities  and  integi'ity,  his  nomination  will  go  to  the 
Senate."  In  reply  to  this  intimation.  General  Jackson,  in  his  letter  of 
March  18th,  observes:  "I  have  no  hesitation  in  saying,  you  have  made 
the  best  selection  to  fill  the  Department  of  State,  that  could  be  made. 
Mr.  Adams  in  the  hour  of  difficulty  will  be  an  able  helpmate,  and  I 
am  convinced  his  appointment  will  afford  general  satisfaction."  It  was 
with  something  of  prophetic  feeling  that  General  Jackson  declared  in 
1817,  "  that  Mr.  Adams,  in  the  hour  of  difficulty,  would  be  an  able 
helpmate."  It  was  not  a  long  time  before  the  conduct  of  General 
Jackson  himself  was  the  subject  of  solemn  investigation  before  the  grand 
inquest  of  the  nation.  The  letters  of  Mr.  Adams  to  the  Spanish  Minis- 
ter, justifying  the  conduct  of  General  Jackson,  against  the  complaints 
of  Spain,  came  seasonably  to  the  support  of  this  distinguished  citizen, 
and  effected  the  vindication  of  him  against  every  charge  of  a  violation 
of  the  rights  of  Spain. 

In  the  pursuance  of  the  intimation  of  Mr.  Monroe,  as  above  described, 
Mr.  Adams  was  called  home  from  England  and  became  Secretary  of  State. 
On  this  arduous  office  he  entered,  as  General  Jackson  had  foretold  that  he 
would,  "  10  the  general  approbation  of  the  country."  He  retained  the 
confidence  of  Mr.  Monroe  and  acquired  that  of  his  new  colleagues.  In 
reference  to  all  questions  of  the  foreign  relations  of  the  country,  Mr. 
Adams  was  the  influential  member  of  tiie  cabinet ;  and  is,  consequently, 
more  than  any  other  individual  composing  it,  entitled  to  the  credit  of  the 
measures  which,  during  Mr.  Monroe's  administration,  were  adopted  in 
reference  to  the  foreign  policy  of  the  government.  It  is  not  necessary 
that  these  should  here  be  specified.  One  only  is  too  important  to  be 
forgotten — the  recognition  of  the  independence  of  the  New  Republics 
of  the  South.  The  credit  of  first  effectually  proposing  that  measure,  in 
the  House  of  Representatives,  is  due  to  Mr.  Clay ;  that  of  choosing  the 
propitious  moment  when  it  could  be  proposed  with  the  unanimous 
consent  of  Congress,  and  the  nation,  belongs,  in  the  first  degree,  to  Mr. 
Adams.  Nor  is  he  entitled  to  less  credit,  for  the  successful  termination 
of  our  differences  with  Spain.  A  controversy,  of  thirty  years  standing, 
which  had  resisted  the  skill  of  every  preceding  administration  of  the 
government,  was  thus  brought  to  an  honorable  close.  Indemnity  was 
procured  for  our  merchants,  and  East  and  West  Florida  added  to  our 
republic.  Next  to  the  purchase  of  Louisiana,  the  history  of  our  country 
presents  no  measure  of  equal  brilliancy  with  that  of  the  acquisition  of 
this  territory. 

On  every  important  occasion  and  question  that  arose  during  Mr.  Mon- 
roe's administration,  the  voice  of  Mr.  Adams  was  for  his  country,  for 
mild  councils,  and  for  union.  In  the  agitations  of  the  Missouri  question, 
his  influence  was  exerted  for  conciliation.  He  believed  that  by  the  Con- 
stitution and  the  treaty  of  cession  of  1803,  Congress  was  barred  from 


JOHN   QTTINCV   ADAMS. 


247 


ndopling-  the  proposed  rpstrlotii»ns  on  the  admission  of  Missouri.  Of 
iuienial  improvtMiieiil  by  roads  and  canals,  he  was  ever  the  friend,  and 
moved  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  Slates  the  first  project  of  their 
systematic  construction.  To  the  protection  of  American  manufactures, 
by  a  judicious  revision  of  the  tariff,  he  wns,  in  like  manner,  friendly. 
To  the  cause  of  religion  and  learning  he  afforded  all  the  aid  in  the  power 
of  an  individual,  not  merely  by  the  uniform  countenance  of  every  effort 
for  their  advancement,  but  by  the  most  liberal  pecuniary  assistance  to  the 
college,  founded  by  the  communion  of  Baptists,  in  the  Dictrict  of  Co- 
lumbia. 

Such  were  his  claims  to  the  last  and  highest  gift  which  the  people  can 
bestow  on  a  long  tried,  faithful  servant.  Various  circumstances  con- 
spired to  strengthen  them,  in  the  Presidential  canvass  for  the  term 
beginning  in  1825.  Of  nine  Presidential  elections,  one  only  had  given 
a  President  to  a  non-slave  holding  State.  Of  the  several  candidates 
presented  to  the  people  at  this  election,  Mr.  Adams  was  tne  only  one 
who  represented  the  non-slave  holding  interest.  The  people  of  our 
slave  holding  States  are  sacredly  entitled  to  protection,  in  their  rights 
and  feelings  on  this  subject ;  but  they  ought,  neither  in  prudence  nor 
justice,  to  demand  a  monopoly  in  the  government  of  the  country.  Of 
nine  elections,  one  only  had  resulted  in  the  choice  of  a  representative  of 
the  commercial,  navigating,  and  manufacturing  interests.  Had  the  choice 
been  presented  to  the  people  between  Mr.  Adams  and  any  other  candidate 
singly,  Mr.  Adams  would  perhaps  have  been  chosen ;  he  having  been,  it 
is  believed,  in  almost  every  State,  either  the  first  or  second  choice  of  the 
people. 

In  consequence  of  the  number  of  candidates,  no  choice  by  the  people 
was  effected,  and  no  candidate  approached  to  nearer  than  within  thirty 
votes  of  a  majority.  Tlie  three  persons  who  received  the  highest  number 
of  votes  for  the  Presidency,  were  Andrew  Jackson,  John  Quincy  Adams, 
and  William  H.  Crawford.  For  the  Vice-Presidency,  John  C.  Calhoun, 
of  South  Carolina,  received  one  hundred  and  eighty-two  votes,  and  was 
consequently  elected.  The  choice  of  the  President,  according  to  consti- 
tutional provisions,  fell  upon  the  Hou-se  of  Representatives,  and,  contrary 
to  all  previous  expectations,  an  election  was  effected  at  the  first  balloting; 
Mr.  Adams  having  received  the  votes  of  thirteen  States,  Genera!  Jack- 
son the  votes  of  seven  States,  and  Mr.  Crawford  the  votes  of  four  States. 
The  result  of  the  election  created  great  surprise,  and  in  many  quarters 
great  indignation.  The  cry  of  corruption  and  intrigue  was  raised  on  all 
sides,  and  it  was  among  the  assertions  of  the  time  that  Mr.  Clay  had 
sold  the  vote  of  Kentucky  for  the  promise  of  place. 

A  committee  of  the  House  was  appointed  to  wait  on  Mr.  Adams,  and 
notify  him  of  his  election  to  the  Presidency ;  to  this  notification  Mr. 
Adams  returned  the  following  reply  : 

"  Gentlemen — In  receiving  this  testimonial  from  the  Representatives 
of  the  people,  and  States  of  this  Union,  I  am  deeply  sensible  to  the  cir- 
cunistances  under  Avhich  it  has  been  given.  All  my  predecessors  in  the  high 
station  to  which  the  favor  of  the  House  now  calls  me,  have  been  honored 
with  majorities  of  the  electoral  voices   in  their  nrimary  colleges.     It  has 


248  JOHN   QUINCY  ADAMS. 

been  my  fortune  to  be  placed,  by  the  divisions  of  sentiment  prevailing 
among  our  countrymen  on  this  occasion,  in  competition,  friendly  and 
honorable,  with  three  of  my  fellow  citizens,  all  justly  enjoying,  in  eminent 
degrees,  the  public  favor ;  and  of  whose  worth,  talents,  and  services,  no 
one  entertains  a  higher  and  more  respectful  sense  than  myself.  The 
names  of  two  of  them  were,  in  the  fulfillment  of  the  provisions  of  the 
Constitution,  presented  to  the  selection  of  the  House,  in  concurrence  with 
my  own  :  names,  closely  associated  with  the  glory  of  the  nation,  and  one 
of  them  further  recommended  by  a  larger  majority  of  the  primary  elec- 
toral suffrages  than  mine. 

"  In  this  state  of  things,  could  my  refusal  to  accept  the  trust  thus  dele- 
gated to  me,  give  an  immediate  opportunity  to  the  people  to  form  and  to 
express  with  a  nearer  approach  to  unanimity,  the  object  of  their  preference, 
I  should  not  hesitate  to  decHne  the  acceptance  of  this  eminent  charge, 
and  to  submit  the  decision  of  this  momentous  question  again  to  their 
determination.  But  the  Constitution  itself  has  not  so  disposed  of  the 
contingency  which  would  arise  in  the  event  of  my  refusal;  I  shall, 
therefore,  repair  to  the  post  assigned  me  by  the  call  of  my  country  signi- 
fied through  her  constitutional  organs  ;  oppressed  with  the  magnitude  of 
the  task  before  me,  but  cheered  with  the  hope  of  that  generous  support  from 
rny  fellow  citizens,  which,  in  the  vicissitudes  of  a  life  devoted  to  their 
service,  has  never  failed  to  sustain  me — confident  in  the  trust,  that  the 
wisdom  of  the  legislative  councils  will  guide  and  direct  me  in  the  path  of 
my  official  duty,  and  relying,  above  all,  upon  the  superintending  providence 
of  that  Being  '  in  whose  hand  our  breath  is,  and  whose  are  all  our  ways.' 

*•  Gentlemen,  I  pray  you  to  make  acceptable  to  the  House  the  assurance 
of  my  profound  gratitude  for  their  confidence,  and  to  accept  yourselves 
my  thanks  for  the  friendly  terms  in  which  you  have  communicated  to 
me  their  decision." 

On  the  4th  of  March,  1825,  Mr.  Adams  was  inaugurated  as  President 
of  the  United  States.  At  about  half  past  twelve  on  that  day  he  was  intro- 
duced into  the  capitol,  followed  by  the  venerable  Ex-President  and  his  fa- 
mily, by  the  Judges  of  the  Supreme  Court  in  their  robes  of  office,  and  the 
members  of  the  Senate,  preceded  by  the  Vice-President,  with  a  number 
of  members  of  the  House  of  Representatives.  Mr.  Adams,  in  a  plain 
suit  of  black,  ascended  the  steps  to  the  Speaker's  chair,  and  took  his  seat. 
Silence  having  been  proclaimed  and  the  doors  of  the  hall  closed,  Mr. 
Adams  rose  and  read  an  address,  which  occupied  about  forty  minutes  in 
the  delivery.  Great  interest  was  felt  on  this  subject,  as  those  productions 
had  usually  contained  the  general  principles  upon  which  the  Executive 
intended  to  administer  the  government.  The  discourse,  from  its  impor- 
tance, is  worthy  of  a  place  in  this  volume,  and  is  as  follows : 

"  In  compliance  with  an  usage,  coeval  with  the  existence  of  our  Federal 
Constitution,  and  sanctioned  by  the  example  of  my  predecessors  in  the 
career  upon  which  I  am  about  to  enter,  I  appear  my  fellow  citizens,  in 
your  presence,  and  in  that  of  heaven,  to  bind  myself  by  the  solemnities 
of  a  religious  obligation,  to  the  faithful  performance  of  the  duties  allotted 
to  me,  in  the  station  to  which  I  have  been  called. 

"In  unfolding  to  my  countrymen  the  principles  by  which  I  shall  be 


JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS.  249 

Cf^vernetl,  in  the  fulfilment  of  those  duties,  my  first  resort  will  be  to  that 
Constitution,  which  I  shall  swear,  to  the  best  of  my  ability,  to  preserve, 
protect,  and  defend.  That  revered  instrument  enumerates  the  powers, 
and  prescribes  the  duties  of  the  executive  magistrate  ;  and,  in  its  first 
words,  declares  the  purposes  to  which  these,  and  the  whole  action  of  the 
government,  instituted  by  it,  should  be  invariably  and  sacredly  devoted — 
to  form  a  more  perfect  union,  establish  justice,  insure  domestic  tranquillity, 
provide  for  the  common  defence,  promote  the  general  welfare,  and  secure 
the  blessings  of  liberty  to  the  people  of  this  tJnion,  in  their  successive 
generations.  Since  the  adoption  of  this  social  compact,  one  of  these 
generations  has  passed  away.  It  is  the  work  of  our  forefathers.  Ad- 
ministered by  some  of  the  most  eminent  men,  who  contributed  to  its 
formation,  through  a  most  eventful  period  in  the  annals  of  the  world,  and 
through  all  the  vicissitudes  of  peace  and  war,  incidental  to  the  condition 
of  associated  man,  it  has  not  disappointed  the  hopes  and  aspirations  of 
those  illustrious  benefactors  of  their  age  and  nation.  It  has  promoted  the 
lasting  welfare  of  that  country,  so  dear  to  us  all ;  it  has,  to  an  extent,  far 
beyond  the  ordinary  lot  of  humanity,  secured  the  freedom  and  happiness 
of  this  people.  We  now  receive  it  as  a  precious  inheritance  from  those 
to  whom  we  are  indebted  for  its  establishment,  doubly  bound  by  the 
examples  which  they  have  left  to  us,  and  by  the  blessings  which  we  have 
enjoyed,  as  the  fruits  of  their  labors,  to  transmit  the  same,  unimpaired, 
to  the  succeeding  generation. 

"  In  the  compass  of  thirty-six  years,  since  this  great  national  covenant 
was  instituted,  a  body  of  laws  enacted  under  its  authority,  and  in  confor- 
mity with  its  provisions,  has  unfolded  its  powers,  and  carried  into  practical 
operation  its  effective  energies.  Subordinate  departments  have  distri- 
buted the  executive  functions  in  their  various  relations  to  foreign  affairs, 
to  the  revenue  and  expenditures,  and  to  the  military  force  of  the  Union 
by  land  and  sea.  A  co-ordinate  department  of  the  judiciary  has  expound- 
ed the  Constitution  and  the  laws ;  settling,  in  harmonious  coincidence 
with  the  legislative  will,  numerous  weighty  questions  of  construction 
which  the  imperfection  of  human  language  had  rendered  unavoidable. 
The  year  of  jubilee,  since  the  first  formation  of  our  Union,  has  just 
elapsed  ;  that  of  the  declaration  of  our  independence  is  at  hand.  The 
consummation  of  both  was  effected  by  this  Constitution.  Since  that  period, 
a  population  of  four  millions  has  multiplied  to  twelve.  A  territory 
bounded  by  the  Mississippi,  has  been  extended  from  sea  to  sea.  New 
States  have  been  admitted  to  the  Union,  in  numbers  nearly  equal  to  those 
of  the  first  confederation.  Treaties  of  peace,  amity,  and  commerce,  have 
been  concluded  with  the  principal  dominions  of  the  earth.  The  people 
of  other  nations,  inhabitants  of  regions  acquired,  not  by  conquests,  but 
by  compact,  have  been  united  with  us  in  the  participation  of  our  rights 
and  duties,  of  our  burdens  and  blessings.  The  forest  has  fallen  by 
the  axe  of  our  woodsmen — the  soil  has  been  made  to  teem  by  the  tillage 
of  our  farmers  ;  our  commerce  has  whitened  every  ocean.  The  dominion 
of  man  over  physical  nature,  has  been  extended  by  the  invention  of  our 
artists.  Liberty  and  law  have  marched  hand  in  hand.  All  the  purposes 
of  human  association  have  been  accomplished  as  effect  lally  as  under  any 


250  JOHN   QUINCY  ADAMS. 

other  government  on  the  globe  ;  and  at  a  cost,  little  exceeding,  in  a  whcle 
generation,  the  expenditures  of  other  nations  in  a  single  year. 

"  Such  is  the  unexaggerated  picture  of  our  condition,  under  a  Consti- 
tution founded  upon  the  republican  principle  of  equal  rights.  To  admit 
that  this  picture  has  its  shades,  is  but  to  say,  that  it  is  still  the  condition 
of  men  upon  earth  From  evil,  physical,  moral,  and  political,  it  is  not 
our  claim  to  be  exempt.  We  have  suffered,  sometimes  by  the  visitation 
of  Heaven,  through  disease  ;  often  by  the  wrongs  and  injustice  of  other 
nations,  even  to  the  extremities  of  war ;  and,  lastly,  by  dissensions  among 
ourselves — dissensions,  perhaps,  inseparable  from  the  enjoyment  of  free- 
dom, but  which  have  more  than  once  appeared  to  threaten  the  dissolution 
of  the  Union,  and,  with  it,  the  overthrow  of  all  the  enjoyments  of  our 
present  lot,  and  all  our  earthly  hopes  of  the  future.  The  causes  of  these 
dissensions  have  been  various,  founded  upon  differences  of  speculation  in 
the  theory  of  republican  government ;  upon  conflicting  views  of  policy, 
in  our  relations  with  foreign  nations ;  upon  jealousies  of  partial  and  sec- 
tional interests,  aggravated  by  prejudices  and  prepossessions,  which 
strangers  to  each  other  are  ever  apt  to  entertain. 

"  It  is  a  source  of  gratification  and  of  encouragement  to  me,  to  observe 
that  the  great  result  of  this  experiment  upon  the  theory  of  human  rights, 
has,  at  the  close  of  that  generation  by  which  it  was  formed,  been  crown- 
ed with  success  equal  to  the  most  sanguine  expectations  of  its  founders. 
Union,  justice,  tranquillity,  the  common  defence,  the  general  welfare,  and 
the  blessings  of  liberty — all  have  been  promoted  by  the  government  under 
which  we  have  lived.  Standing  at  this  point  of  time,  looking  back  to 
that  generation  which  has  gone  by,  and  forward  to  that  which  is  advanc- 
ing, we  may,  at  once,  indulge  in  grateful  exultation,  and  in  cheering 
hope.  From  the  experience  of  the  past,  we  derive  instructive  lessons  for 
the  future.  Of  the  two  great  political  parties  which  have  divided  the 
opinions  and  feelings  of  our  country,  the  candid  and  the  just  will  now 
admit,  that  both  have  contributed  splendid  talents,  spotless  integrity, 
ardent  patriotism,  and  disinterested  sacrifices,  to  the  formation  and 
administration  of  this  government ;  and  that  both  have  required  a  liberal 
indulgence  for  a  portion  of  human  infirmity  and  error.  The  revolution- 
ary wars  of  Europe,  commencing  precisely  at  the  moment  when  the 
government  of  the  United  States  first  went  into  operation  under  this 
Constitution,  excited  a  collision  of  sentiments  and  of  sympathies,  which 
kindled  all  the  passions,  and  embittered  the  conflict  of  parties,  till  the 
nation  was  involved  in  war,  and  the  Union  was  shaken  to  its 
centre.  This  time  of  trial  embraced  a  period  of  five  and  twenty 
years,  during  which,  the  policy  of  the  Union,  in  its  relations  with  Eu- 
rope, constituted  the  principal  basis  of  our  political  divisions,  and  the 
most  arduous  part  of  the  action  of  our  federal  government.  With  the 
catastrophe  in  which  the  wars  of  the  French  revolution  terminated,  and 
our  own  subsecpient  peace  with  Great  Britain,  this  baneful  weed  of  party 
strife  was  uprooted.  From  that  time,  no  difference  of  principle  connected 
either  with  the  theory  of  government,  or  with  our  intercourse  with  foreign 
nations,  has  existed,  or  been  called  forth,  in  force  sufficient  to  sustain  a 
continued  combination  of  parties,  or  give  more  than  wholesome  anima- 


JOHN   QUINCY   ADAMS  251 

tJon  to   puliHc   sentiment,  or  legislative  debate.     Our  political  creed  is, 
without  a  dissenting  voice  that  can  be  heard,  that  the  will  of  the  people 
is  the  source,  and  the  happiness  of  the  people  the  end,   of  all  legitimate 
government  upon  earth — That  the  best  security  for  the  beneficence,  and 
the  best  guaranty  against  the  abuse  of  power,  consists  in  the  freedom,  the 
purity,  and  the  frequency  of  popular  elections — That  the  general  govern- 
ment of  the  Union,  and  the  separate  governments   of  the   States,  are  all 
sovereignties  of  limited  powers;  fellow  servants  of  the  same   masters, 
uncontrolled  within  their  respective  spheres,  uncontrollable  by  encroach- 
ments upon  each  other — That  the  firmest  security  of  peace  is  the  prepa- 
ration, during  peace,  of  the  defences  of  war — That  a  rigorous  economy, 
and   accountability   of  public  expenditures,    should    guard    against  the 
aggravation,  and  alleviate,  when  possible,  the  burden  of  taxation — That 
the   military  should   be  kept  in  strict  subordination  to  the  civil  power — 
That  the  freedom  of  the  press,  and  of  religious  opinion,  should  be  invio- 
late— That  the  policy  of  our  country  is  peace,  and  the  ark  of  our  salvation 
union,  are  articles  of  faith  upon  which  we  are  all  agreed.     If  there  have 
been  those  who  doubted  whether  a  confederated  representative  democracy 
were  a  government  competent  to  the   wise  and  orderly  management  of 
the  common  concerns  of  a  mighty  nation,  those  doubts  have  been  dispelled. 
If  there  have  been  projects  of  partial  confederacies,  to   be   erected   upon 
the  ruins  of  the  Union,  they  have  been  scattered  to  the  winds.     If  there 
have  been   dangerous  attachments  to  one  foreign  nation,  and  antipathies 
against  another,  they  have  been  extinguished.     Ten  years  of  peace,  at 
home  and  abroad,  have  assuaged  the  animosities  of  political  contention,  and 
blended  into  harmony   the   most  discordant  elements  of  public  opinion. 
There  still  remains  one  effort  of  magnanimity,  one  sacrifice  of  prejudice 
and  passion,  to  be  made  by  the  individuals  throughout  the  nation,  who  have 
heretofore  followed  the  standards  of  political  party.     It  is  that  of  discard 
ing  every  remnant  of  rancor  against  each  other;  of  embracing,  as  couti' 
trymen   and   friends;  and  of  yielding  to  talents  and  virtue  alone,  tha: 
confidence  which,  in  times  of  contention  for  principle,  was  bestowed  only 
upon  those  who  bore  the  badge  of  party  communion. 

'_'  The  collisions  of  party  spirit,  which  originate  in  speculative  opinions, 
or  in  difl^erent  views  of  administrative  policy,  are,  in  their  nature,  transi- 
tory. Those  Avhich  are  founded  on  geographical  divisions,  adverse 
interests  of  soil,  climate,  and  modes  of  domestic  life,  are  more  permanent, 
and,  therefore,  perhaps,  more  dangerous.  It  is  this  which  gives  inestima- 
ble value  to  the  character  of  our  government,  at  once  federal  and  national. 
It  holds  out  to  us  a  perpetual  admonition  to  preserve  alike,  and  with 
equal  anxiety,  the  rights  of  each  individual  State  in  its  own  government, 
and  the  rights  of  the  whole  nation,  in  that  of  the  Union.  Whatever  is 
of  domestic  concernment,  unconnected  with  the  other  members  of  the 
Union,  or  with  foreign  lands,  belongs  exclusively  to  the  administration 
of  the  Slate  Governments.  Whatsoever  directly  involves  the  rights  and 
interests  of  the  federative  fraternity,  or  of  foreign  powers,  is  of  the  resort 
of  this  general  government.  The  duties,  of  both  are  obvious  in  the 
general  principle,  though  sometimes  perplexed  with  difficulties  in  the 
detail  To  respect  the  rights  of  the  State  Governments  is  the  inviolable 
33 


252  JOHN   QUINCY   ADAMS. 

duty  of  that  of  the  Union :  the  government  of  every  State  will  feel  its 
own  obligation  to  respect  and  preserve  the  rights  of  the  whole.  The 
prejudice's  every  where  too  commonly  entertained  against  distant  strangers, 
are  worn  away,  and  the  jealousies  of  jaiTing  interests  are  allayed  by  the 
composition  and  functions  of  the  great  national  councils,  annually  assem- 
bled from  all  quarters  of  the  Union,  at  this  place.  Here  the  distinguished 
men  from  every  section  of  our  country,  while  meeting  to  deliberate  upon 
the  great  interests  of  those  by  whom  they  are  deputed,  learn  to  estimate 
the  talents,  and  do  justice  to  the  virtues  of  each  other.  The  harmony 
of  the  nation  is  promoted,  and  the  Avhole  Union  is  knit  together  by  the 
sentiments  of  mutual  respect,  the  habits  of  social  intercourse,  and  the 
ties  of  personal  friendship,  formed  between  the  representatives  of  its 
several  parts,  in  the  performance  of  their  service  at  this  metropolis. 

"  Passing  from  this  general  review  of  the  purposes  and  injunctions  of 
the  Federal  Constitution,  and  their  results,  as  indicating  the  first  tracei?  of 
the  path  of  duty,  in  the  discharge  of  my  public  trust,  I  turn  to  the  .admi- 
nistration of  my  im-mediate  predecessor,  as  the  second.  It  has  passed 
away  in  a  period  of  profound  peace ;  how  much  to  the  satisfaction  of 
our  country,  and  to  the  honor  of  our  country's  name,  is  known  to 
you  all.  The  great  features  of  its  policy,  in  general  concurrence  with 
the  will  of  the  Legislature,  have  been — To  cherish  peace  while  preparirig 
for  defensive  war — To  yield  exact  justice  to  other  nations,  and  maintain 
the  rights  of  our  own — To  cherish  the  principles  of  freedom  and  of  equal 
rights,  wherever  they  were  proclaimed-rr-To  discharge,  with  all  possible 
pr'omptitude,  the  national  debt — To  reduce,  within  the  narrowest  limits 
of  efficiency,  the  military  force — To  improve  the  organization  and  disci- 
pline of  the  army — To  provide  and  sustain  a  school  of  military  science — 
To  extend  equal  protection  to  all  the  great  interests  of  the  nation — To 
promote  the  civilization  of  the  Indian  tribes  ;  and — To  proceed  in  the  great 
system  of  internal  improvements,  within  the  limits  of  the  constitutional 
power  of  the  Union.  Under  the  pledge  of  these  promises,  made  by  that 
eminent  citizen,  at  the  time  of  his  first  induction  to  this  office,  in  his 
career  of  eight  years,  the  internal  taxes  have  been  repealed  ;  sixty  mil- 
lions of  the  public  debt  have  been  discharged  ;  provision  has  been  made 
for  the  comfort  and  relief  of  the  aged  and  indigent  among  the  surviving 
warriors  of  the  revolution ;  the  regular  armed  force  has  been  reduced, 
and  its  constitution  revised  and  perfected ;  the  accountability  for  the 
expenditures  of  public  moneys  has  been  made  more  effective  ;  the  Flori- 
das  have  been  peaceably  acquired,  and  our  boundary  has  been  extended 
to  the  Pacific  ocean ;  the  independence  of  the  southern  nations  of  this 
hemisphere  has  been  recognised,  and  recommended,  by  example  and  by 
council,  to  the  potentates  of  Europe  ;  progress  has  been  made  in  the 
defence  of  the  country,  by  fortifications  and  the  increase  of  the  navy— 
towards  the  effectual  suppression  of  the  African  traffic  in  slaves — inallui 
ing  the  aboriginal  hunters  of  our  land  to  the  cultivation  of  the  soil  and 
of  the  mind — in  exploring  the  interior  regions  of  the  Union,  and  in 
preparing,  by  scientific  researches  and  surveys,  for  the  further  application 
of  our  national  resources  to  the  internal  improvement  of  our  country. 

"  In  this  brief  outline  of  the  promise  and  performance  of  my  immediate 


JOHN   QUINCY  ADAMS.  253 

pre'tecessor,  tlie  line  of  duty,  for  his  successor,  is  clea/ly  delineated.  To 
pursue  to  their  consummation  those  purposes  of  improvement  in  hut 
common  condition,  instituted  or  recommended  by  him,  will  embrace  ihe 
whole  sphere  of  my  obligations.  To  the  topic  of  internal  iniprovemfnl, 
emphatically  urged  by  him  at  his  inauguration,  I  recur  with  peculiar 
satisfaction.  It  is  that  frdm  which  I  am  convinced  that  the  unborc 
millions  of  our  posterity,  who  are  in  future  ages  to  people  this  continent 
will  derive  their  most  fervent  gratitude  to  the  founders  of  the  Union 
that  in  which  the  beneficent  action  of  its  government  will  be  most  de.^ply 
felt  and  acknowledged.  The  magnificence  and  splendor  of  their  public 
works  are  among  the  imperishable  glories  of  the  ancient  republics.  T^'.^ 
roads  and  aqueducts  of  Rome  have  been  the  admiration  of  all  after  a^e..> 
and  have  survived,  thousands  of  years,  after  all  her  conquests  have  b'-^en 
swallowed  up  in  despotism,  or  become  the  spoil  of  barbarians.  Sciif- 
divcrsity  of  opinion  has  prevailed  with  regard  to  the  powers  of  Congrnsf. 
for  legislation  upon  objects  of  this  nature.  The  most  respectful  deference 
is  due  to  doubts,  originating  in  pure  patriotism,  and  sustained  by  vene- 
rated authority.  But  nearly  twenty  years  have  passed  since  the  construc- 
tion of  the  first  national  road  was  commenced.  The  authority  for  its 
construction  was  then  unquestioned.  To  how  many  thousands  of  our 
countrymen  has  it  proved  a  benefit?  To  what  single  individual  has  it 
ever  proved  an  injury  ?  Repeated  liberal  and  candid  discussions  in  the 
Legislature  have  conciliated  the  sentiments,  and  approximated  the  opinions 
of  enlightened  minds,  upon  the  question  of  constitutional  power.  I  can- 
not but  hope,  that,  by  the  same  process  of  friendly,  patient,  and  persevering 
deliberation,  all  constitutional  objections  will  ultimately  be  removed 
The  extent  and  limitation  of  the  powers  of  the  general  government,  m 
relation  to  this  transcendantly  important  interest,  will  be  settled  and 
acknowledged,  to  the  common  satisfaction  of  all;  and  every  speculative 
scruple  will  be  solved  by  a  practical  public  blessing. 

"  Fellow  citizens,  you  are  acquainted  with  the  peculiar  circumstances 
of  the  recent  election,  which  have  resulted  in  affording  me  the  opportu- 
nity of  addressing  you  at  this  time.  You  have  heard  the  exposition  jf 
the  principles  which  will  direct  me  in  the  fulfilment  of  the  high  and 
solemn  trust  imposed  upon  me  in  this  station.  Less  possessed  of  your 
confidence,  in  advance,  than  any  of  my  predecessors,  I  am  deeply  con- 
scious of  the  prospect  that  I  shall  stand  more  and  oftener  in  need  cf  vour 
indulgence.  Intentions  upright  and  pure,  a  heart  devoted  to  the  welfare 
of  our  country,  and  the  unceasing  application  of  the  faculties  allotted  to 
me,  to  her  service,  are  all  the  pledges  that  I  can  give  for  the  faithful 
performance  of  the  arduous  duties  I  am  to  undertake.  To  the  guidance  of 
the  legislative  councils  ;  to  the  assistance  of  the  executive  and  subordinate 
departments;  to  the  friendly  co-operation  of  the  respective  State  Govern- 
ments; to  the  candid  and  liberal  support  of  the  people,  so  far  as  it  may 
be  deserved  by  honest  industry  and  zeal ;  I  shall  look  for  whatever  success 
may  attend  my  public  service':  and  knowing  that,  'except  the  Lord  keep 
the  city,  the  watchman  waketh  but  in  vain,' with  fervent  suppluaMons  for 
His  favor,  to  His  overruling  providence,  I  commit,  with  humble  but  fear- 
less confidence,  my  own  fi'.te,  and  the  future  destinies  of  my  country." 


254  JOHN   QUINCy  ADAMS. 

After  delivering  tliis  address,  the  President  elect  descended  from  the 
cnair,  and  placing  himself  on  the  right  hand  of  the  Judges' table^  received 
from  the  Chief  Justice  a  volume  of  the  laws  of  the  United  States,  from 
which  he  read  the  oath  of  office :  at  the  close  of  which,  the  House  rang 
with  the  cheers  and  plaudits  of  the  assembled  multitude.* 

The  vacancies  which  were  made  in  the  cabinet  by  the  election  of  the 
Secretary  of  State  and  War  to  the  Presidency  and  Vice-Presidency,  and 
by  the  retiFem,ent  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  rendered  it  expedient 
■Xj  convene  the  Senate,  immediately  after  the  dissolution  of  the  eighteenth 
Congress.  On  the  4th  of  March,  the  same  day  when  the  President  was 
;naugurated,  the  members  assembled,  and  after  the  necessary  formalities 
were  gone  through,  the  Vice-President  took  the  chair,  and  addressed  the 
Senate  upon  the  importance  of  its  duties,  and  the  immediate  dependence 
of  all  the  other  departments  of  the  government  upon  that  body.  After 
2  lancing  at  the  construction  of  the  Senate,  and  commending  the  character 
it  had  sustained,  he  proceeded  to  say,  that  while  presiding,  "  he  should 
only  regard  the  Senate  and  its  duties,  and  should  strive  with  a  feeling  of 
pride  to  preserve  the  high  character  already  attained  by  the  Senate  for 
dignity  and  wisdom,  and  to  elevate  it,  if  possible,  still  higher  in  public 
esteem."  The  new  members  then  appeared  and  took  their  seats. 
Upon  the  presentation  of  the  credentials  of  Mr.  Lanman,  of  Connecticut, 
a  question  was  raised  as  to  his  right  to  a  seat,  under  the  following  circum- 
stances. Previous  to  the  expiration  of  his  term  of  service,  the  Legislature 
of  Connecticut  had  endeavored  without  success  to  choose  a  person  to  fill 
the  vacancy  whenever  it  should  occur,  and  finally  adjourned  without 
making  a  choice.  After  the  adjournment  of  the  Legislature,  the  Go- 
vernor transmitted  to  Mr.  Lanman  a  temporary  appointment  as  Senator, 
in  contemplation  of  the  vacancy,  under  that  part  of  the  Constitution 
authorizing  appointments  by  the  State  Executives,  "  when  vacancies 
happen  by  resignation  or  otherwise,  daring  the  recess  of  the  Legislatiire." 

A  committee  was  appointed  to  search  for  precedents,  and  reported  the 
following  cases  bearing  on  the  question  before  the  Senate. 

On  the  27th  of  April,  1797,  William  Cocke  was  appointed  a  Senator 
by  the  GoveTn3r  of  Tennessee,  to  fill  the  vacancy  caused  by  the  expiration 
of  his  term  of  service  on  the  3d  of  March  preceding,  and  took  his  seat 
on  the  15th  of  May,  and  was  qualified. 

This  case  differed  from  Mr.  Lanman's  only  in  the  fact  that  Mr.  Cocke 
was  appointed  after  the  vacancy  had  occurred,  and  Mr.  Lanman  was 
appointed  in  anticipation  of  a  vacancy.  The  case  of  Uriah  Tracy,  rrom 
Connecticut,  in  1801,  resembled  the  one  before  the  Senate  in  every  par- 
ticular, and  the  question  was  there  raised  as  to  his  right  to  take  his  seat. 


*  The  congratulations  which  poured  in  from  every  side  occupied  the  hands,  ani 
could  not  but  reach  the  heart  of  the  President.  The  meeting  between  hrm  and  his 
venerated  predecessor,  had  in  it  something  peculiarly  afiecting.  General  Jackson, 
we  were  pleased  to  observe,  was  among  the  earliest  of  those  who  took  the  hand  of 
the  President ;  and  their  looks  and  deportment  towards  each  other  were  a  rebuke  to 
that  littleness  of  party  spirit,  which  can  see  no  merit  in  a  rival,  and  feel  no  joy  in  the 
honor  of  a  competitor. — National  lutelUgeiicer. 


JOHN    QUINCY   ADAMS.  'i-'i-'j 

Tho  'Scnato  then  determined  in  favor  of  Mr.  Tracy  by  a  vote  of  ihirleen 
to  ten. 

Two  cases  svibsequently  occurred  similar  to  this  precedent,  viz.  Joseph 
Anderson,  a  Senator  from  Tennessee,  in  1809,  and  John  Williams,  from 
Tennessee,  in  1817.  To  the  admission  and  qualification  of  these  Sena- 
tors no  objection  was  made.  The  question  was  considered  as  settled  by 
the  decision  in  1801,  and  they  took  their  seats.  The  Senate  now,  how- 
ever, came  to  an  opposite  conclusion,  and  by  a  vote  of  twenty-three  to 
eiffliteen,  decided  that  Mr.  Lanman  was  not  entitled  to  his  seat. 

"The  Senate  then  went  into  the  consideration  of  executive  business,  and 
confirmed  the  nominations  made  by  the  President  for  the  several  depart- 
ments. Henry  Clay,  of  Kentucky,  was  appointed  Secretary  of  State ; 
Richard  Rush,  of  Pennsylvania,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury;  James  Bar- 
bour, of  Virginia,  Secretary  of  War. 

To  the  appointment  of  Mr.  Clay,  a  warm  opposition  ^yas  made  on  tho 
part  of  a  few  Senators,  and  the  injunction  of  secrecy  being  removed,  the 
vote  appeared  to  have  been  twenty-seven  in  favor,  and  fourteen  against  it. 

After  disposing  of  the  nominations  made  by  the  executive,  the  Senate 
took  into  consideration  the  treaty  made  with  Colombia  for  the  suppres- 
sion of  the  slave  trade.  This  treaty  was  made  in  conformity  with  a 
resolution  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  recommending  to  the  execu- 
tive to  make  treaties,  giving  the  mutual  right  of  search  of  vessels  in 
suspected  parts  of  the  world,  in  order  more  effectually  to  prevent  the 
traffic  in  human  flesh.  The  amendments  proposed  by  the  Senate,  at  liie 
last  session,  to  the  treaty  with  Great  Britain,  for  the  same  purpose,  were 
introduced  into  this  treaty  ;  but  the  fate  of  the  treaty  with  England  had 
probably  caused  a  change  in  the  minds  of  some  of  the  Senators,  and  other 
views  had  been  taken  of  the  subject  by  others,  and  the  treaty  was  rejected 
by  a  vote  of  twenty-eight  to  twelve. 

The  divisions  which  had  been  taken  on  the  foregoing  questions,  left 
little  doubt  that  the  new  administration  was  destined  to  meet  with  a  sys- 
tematic and  organized  opposition ;  and,  previous  to  the  next  meeting  of 
Congress,  the  ostensible  grounds  of  opposition  were  set  forth  at  public 
dinners  and  meetings,  so  as  to  prepare  the  community  for  a  warm  politi- 
cal contest,  until  the  next  election.  Those  who  placed  themselves  in 
opposition  to  the  administration,  without  reference  to  its  measures,  urged 
as  reasons  for  their  hostility,  that  Mr.  Adams'  election  was  the  result  of 
a  bargain  between  Mr.  Clay  and  himself;  and  his  election  of  Mr.  Clay, 
as  Secretary  of  State,  was  relied  upon  as  a  conclusive  proof  of  the  bar- 
gain ;  that  he  was  elected  against  the  expressed  will  of  the  people  ;  and 
that  Congress,  by  not  taking  General  Jackson,  the  candidate  having  the 
highest  number  of  votes,  had  violated  the  Constitution,  and  disobeyed 
their  constituents.  Personal  objections  were  also  urged  ;  but  as  these 
formed  no  part  of  the  justification  of  the  opposition  which  was  to  be 
arrayed  in  anticipation  of  measures,  it  is  unnecessary  to  give  them  a 
place.  Those  who  were  friendly  to  the  new  administration,  or  disposed 
to  judge  of  it  by  its  acts,  replied  to  these  objections,  that  Mr.  Clay,  as  a 
repi  ?sentative,  was  obliged  to  decide  between  three  candidates  for  the 
Presidency,  and   that  his  vote  was  in  accordance  with  all  his  previous 


»456  JOHN    QUINCY   ADAMS 

declarations :  that  his  owii  situation  as  a  candidate  who  might  possibly 
succeed,  rendered  it  unsuitable  for  him  to  express  any  preference  for  either 
of  the  other  candidates,  until  the  decision  of  the  Legislature  of  Louisiana 
(first  heard  at  Washington  27lh  December)  had  left  him  free  to  decide 
between  his  former  competitors  :  that  Mr.  Crawford,  though  constitution- 
tdly  a  candidate,  was  virtually  withdraws  by  the  situation  of  his  health, 
and  that  as  between  Mr.  Adams  and  General  Jackson,  the  previous 
deliberate  expression  of  his  sentiments  as  to  the  latter's  character  and 
qualifications  for  a  civil  office,  rendered  it  impossible  for  him  to  vote  for 
him  without  the  most  gross  inconsistency:  that  Mr.  Adams'  experience, 
learning,  and  talents  were  guarantees  for  his  proper  performance  of  the 
duties  of  the  chief  magistracy,  which  were  not  in  the  power  of  his 
competitor  to  offer,  and  that  having  been  compelled  to  discharge  this  duty 
as  a  representative  of  the  people,  it  would  have  argued  an  improper  dis- 
irasi,  of  his  own  character  and  of  public  opinion,  to  have  refused  to  take 
the  appointment  of  Secretary  of  State  from  Mr.  Adams,  because  he  had 
contributed  by  his  vote  to  elect  him  to  the  Presidency.  As  to  the  fact  of 
his  selection  as  Secretary  of  State,  they  vindicated  it  on  the  ground,  that 
his  situation  as  Speaker  of  the  House,  and  his  long  and  intimate  acquaint- 
ance with  our  national  affairs,  made  him  the  most  prominent  candidate  for 
that  station,  and  the  strong  support  he  received  in  the  west  for  the  Presi- 
li'-ncy,  showed  that  his  appointment  would  gratify  a  part  of  the  Union, 
which,  until  then,  had  never  been  complimented  with  a  representative  in 
'he  cabinet.* 

One  of  the  most  prominent  topics  of  public  interest  during  this  year 
T'^a?  the  controversy  between  the  national  government  and  the  executive 
ol  Georgia.  This  controversy  grew  out  of  a  compact  made  between 
these  parties  in  1802,  by  which  the  United  States  agreed  to  extinguish 
the  Indian  title  to  the  lands  occupied  by  them  in  Georgia,  "whenever  it 
could  be  peaceably  done,  upon  reasonable  terms."  The  consideration  of 
this  compact  was  the  relinquishment,  by  Georgia,  of  her  claim  to  the 
Mississippi  Territory.  The  Indian  claim  to  fifteen  million  acres  had 
dlready  been  extinguished,  and  the  land  conveyed  lo  Georgia.  There 
still  remained  in  that  State  five  millions  two  hundred  and  ninety-two 
thousand  acres  in  the  possession  of  the  Cherokees,  and  four  millions  two 
Dundred  and  forty-five  thousand  in  the  hands  of  the  Creek  nation.  Just 
before  the  close  of  Mr.  Monroe's  administration,  great  efforts  Averc  made 
by  Georgia  to  complete  the  entire  removal  of  the  Indians  from  her  borders, 
and  the  President  had  been  induced  to  appoint  two  commissioners  to  treat 
w'th  the  Creeks  for  the  purchase  of  their  claim.  But  the  Creek  nation 
tiad  been  enjoying  the  comforts  and  security  of  civilization,  and  were 
unwilling  to  leave  them  for  the  toilsome  life  of  the  hunter.  A  law  was 
passed  by  them,  forbidding  the  sale  of  land,  on  the  pain  of  death.  No 
persuasion  of  the  commissioners  could  induce  them  to  waver  in  their 
purpose;  but  the  treachery  of  a  small  part  of  the  nation  had  nearly  led 
to  the  most  unfortunate  consequences.  A  few  of  the  chiefs  were  induced 
ic  remain,  after  the  breaking  up  of  the   general   council  of  the  nation , 

*  ..\niiual  Register. 


JOHN   QUINCY   ADAMS.  257 

and  by  ihis  small  fraction  of  the  Indian  power,  all  the  lands  of  the  Creek 
tribes  in  Georfria  and  Alabama  were  ceded  to  the  United  States.  The 
treaty  thus  dishonorably  formed  was  transmitted  to  the  Senate,  and 
ratified  by  them  on  the  3d  of  March,  1825,  the  last  day  of  the  session. 
Intolli<»-ence  of  this  national  sanction  of  injustice  produced  among  the 
Creeks  a  general  excitement,  and  M'Intosh,  the  leader  of  the  small  party 
which  assented  to  the  treaty,  was  put  to  death.  A  council  of  the  Creek 
nation  determined  that  the  illegal  compact  should  not  be  executed.  A 
special  agent  was  appointed  by  the  President  to  ascertain  the  circumstan- 
ces under  which  the  treaty  was  made,  and  his  report  fully  justified  the 
char"-es  of  corruption  and  ill  faith.  On  this  representation,  the  President 
very  properly  resolved  that  no  interference  should  be  made  with  their 
possession  till  the  meeting  of  Congress.  At  this  decision  the  Governor 
of  Georgia  was  much  offended,  and  threatened  to  take  the  execution  of 
the  treaty  into  his  own  hands,  but  the  firm  measures  of  the  national 
executive  induced  him  to  leave  the  affair  to  the  constitutional  authorities. 

A  negociation  was  now  opened  between  the  Indian  tribes  and  the  na- 
tional  government,  which  resulted  in  annulling  the  old  treaty,  and  tlu; 
formation  of  a  new  one,  by  which  the  Creeks  were  allowed  to  retain  all 
their  land  in  Alabama,  and  ceded  all  their  lands  in  Georgia  for  a  more 
liberal  compensation  than  had  been  before  stipulated.  The  chief  diffe- 
rence between  this  and  the  previous  treaty  was  in  the  amount  ceded,  and 
the  consideration  paid  ;  but  the  Georgia  delegation  and  the  enemies  of 
the  administration,  made  a  fruitless  opposition  to  its  ratification. 

The  condition  of  the  Indians  in  the  north-western  States  and  Territo- 
ries, was  another  important  subject  of  executive  consideration.  Wars  had 
for  many  years  existed  among  these  unfortunate  tribes,  on  account  of  their 
unsettled  boundaries  and  hunting  grounds.  A  deputation,  consisting  of 
Governors  Cass  and  Clarke,  was  appointed  to  treat  with  these  nations,  and 
to  attempt  the  settlement  of  their  differences.  Representatives  from  the 
most  powerful  of  these  tribes,  to  the  number  of  two  thousand  and  upwards, 
met  the  commissioners  of  the  United  States  at  Prairie  des  Chiens,  and 
entered  upon  a  peaceful  examination  of  their  respective  rights.  In  about 
a  fortnight  their  claims  were  satisfactorily  adjusted,  and  hostilities,  that 
had  raged  for  nearly  a  century  almost  without  cessation,  were  thus  happily 
terminated.  The  singular  success  of  the  commissioners  of  the  United 
States,  in  producing  this  felicitous  result,  reflects  on  these  distinguished 
individuals  the  highest  honor.  Seldom  has  so  desirable  and  important 
an  issue  been  effected  with  so  much  dispatch,  judiciousness,  and  economy. 

It  was  another  branch  of  the  national  policy,  to  concentrate  the  tribes 
scattered  through  the  several  States  into  a  nation,  and  remove  them  to 
the  west  of  the  Mississippi.  This  plan  was  first  fully  developed  in  a 
message  of  President  Monroe,  bearing  date  January  27th,  1S25.  The 
Indians,  however,  refused  to  co-operate  with  our  government  in  the 
measures  necessary  to  effect  this  object,  and  the  intentions  of  the  President 
were  consequently  frustrated.  A  modification  of  this  system  was  after- 
wards proposed  lo  Congress  by  Mr.  Barbour,  Secretary  of  War,  and  a 
bill  was  introduced  to  carry  his  plan  into  effect.  It  was  the  object  of  this 
proposal,  to  set  apart  the  territory  west  of  the  Mississippi,  beyond  the 


258  JOHN   QUINCY  ADAMS. 

States  and  Territories,  and  that  east  of  the  Mississippi  and  west  of  the 
lakes  Huron  and  Michigan,  for  the  exclusive  abode  of  the  Indians,  under 
a  territorial  government  to  be  maintained  by  the  United  States ;  to  induce 
chem  to  remove  as  individuals,  not  as  tribes ;  and  in  the  course  of  time 
lo  amalgamate  them  into  a  common  nation,  and  distribute  iheir  property 
among  the  individual  Indians.  The  establishment  of  common  schools 
was  also  contemplated,  and  assistance  in  learning  and  pursuing  the  arts 
o(  agriculture.  This  subject  was  taken  up  with  great  zeal  and  energy, 
and  large  appropriations  were  made  for  effecting  the  benevolent  and  wise 
purposes  of  improvement  in  the  condition  of  the  tribes.  A  large  grant 
wn.*  also  made  for  the  relief  of  the  Florida  Indians,  wno  were  in  a  state 
ol  great  distress. 

A  subject  which  greatly  excited  public  interest  during  the  recess  of  Con- 
gress, was  tho  inquiry  instituted  into  the  conduct  of  Captains  Porter  and 
Stewart.  Captain  Porter  had  been  recalled  from  his  command  in  the 
West  Indies,  shortly  before  the  close  of  Mr.  Monroe's  administration,  in 
consequence  of  his  landing  at  Foxardo  to  compel  an  apology  from  the 
authorities  of  the  place,  for  their  misconduct  toward  one  of  the  officers 
of  his  squadron.  A  court  of  inquiry  was  appointed  to  examine  into  this 
affair,  which  seemed  an  unauthorized  infringement  on  the  laws  of  nations, 
and  it  assembled  at  Washington  in  the  month  of  May,  1825.  A  diffe- 
rence occurred  between  the  accused  and  his  tribunal,  which  resulted  in 
the  withdrawal  of  Captain  Porter  from  the  court,  and  a  publication  of 
his  reasons,  with  an  account  of  the  proceedings  of  the  court.  This  step 
was  made  the  foundation  of  a  substantial  charge,  when  the  final  opinion 
of  the  court  of  inquiry  was  reported  to  the  President,  and  a  court  martial 
was  ordered  to  consider  his  conduct.  This  court  found  Captain  Porter 
guilty  of  violating  his  instructions  by  a  hostile  landing  at  Foxardo,  and 
of  insubordination  and  unbecoming  conduct,  growing  out  of  his  contro- 
versy with  the  court  of  inquiry.  He  was  accordingly  sentenced  to  a 
suspension  of  six  months.  The  lightness  of  the  punishment  was  owing 
to  a  full  conviction  on  the  part  of  the  court,  that  Captain  Porter's  conduct 
wa^  merely  an  error  of  judgment,  and  that  he  was  only  actuated  by  the 
desire  of  promoting  the  honor  of  his  country,  while  on  the  West  India 
station.  The  charges  against  Captain  Stewart  were  of  a  different  nature, 
calculated  to  affect  his  character  as  an  ofRcer  and  man  of  honor,  but  he  was 
fully  acquitted,  after  a  patient  and  minute  investigation,  of  every  charge. 

In  the  September  of  1S25,  the  Marquis  de  la  Fayette  took  leave  of  the 
people,  who  had  received  him  as  an  adopted  son  wliom  they  delighted  to 
visit_  with  honors.  His  course  through  the  United  States  had  been  a 
continued  series  of  festivals  and  celebrations,  and  for  several  months 
fa)s  life  had  been  a  perpetual  pageant.  It  was  thought  proper  that  his 
final  depa-ure  from  the  country  should  take  place  from  the  capitol ;  and 
a  frigate  was  accordingly  provided,  and  named  in  his  honor  the  Brandy- 
wine,  to  transport  him  to  his  native  country.  On  the  invitation  of  the 
President,  he  passed  a  few  weeks  at  the  national  palace,  receiving  all 
appropriate  honors  from  the  people,  and  taking  leave  of  the  distinguished 
men  who  had  been  associated  with  him  in  the  struggles  of  the  revolution. 
"  Ho  had  previously  visited  the  venerable  Adams,  who,  from  his  earliest 


JOHN   QUINCY   ADAMS. 


259 


youth,  aimed  at  independence,  as  the  right  of  the  colonies,  and  whose 
resolute  and  single-hearted  devotion  to  that  cause,  made  him  emphalirally 
the  master-spirit  of  the  revolution.  He  now,  in  succession,  took  leave 
of  the  other  Ex-Presidents — the  illustrious  author  of  the  declaration  of 
independence — the  able  supporter  and  advocate  of  the  Federal  Constitution 
— and  the  soldier  of  the  revolution,  who  had  shed  his  blood  in  the  same 
cause  with  La  Fayette." 

These  preliminary  visits  having  been  paid,  the  guest  of  the  nation 
prepared  for  his  departure.  The  day  appointed  for  the  purpose  was  the 
7th  of  September.  On  this  occasion,  the  civil  authorities  of  the  District 
of  Columbia  assembled  at  the  President's  house,  to  join  in  the  afTeclinor 
ceremonies  of  taking  leave  of  one  so  honored  and  loved.  About  noon, 
La  Fayette  entered  the  great  hall,  accompanied  by  the  marshal  of  the  Dis- 
trict and  one  of  the  President's  sons.  The  scene  was  in  the  highest 
degree  sublime.  In  his  age  and  glories,  the  former  chivalrous;  soldier  of 
the  revolution,  now  the  acknowledged  and  consistent  champion  of  free 
principles  in  two  hemispheres,  was  bidding  farewell  to  a  grateful  nation, 
from  whom  he  had  received  the  most  cordial  and  touching  hospitalities. 
The  parting  address  of  Mr.  Adams  was  worthy  of  the  occasion,  and  was 
worthy  of  his  station;  it  was  delivered  with  great  dignity,  though  evident 
emotion,  and  produced  a  very  deep  impression.  We  insert  it  as  one  of 
the  most  favorable  specimens  of  Mr.  Adams's  eloquence  : 

"  General  La  Fayette  :  It  has  been  the  good  fortune  of  many  of 
my  fellow  citizens,  during  the  course  of  the  year  now  elapsed,  upon  your 
arrival  at  their  respective  places  of  abode,  to  greet  you  with  the  welcome 
of  the  nation.  The  less  pleasing  task  now  devolves  upon  me,  of  bidding 
you,  in  the  name  of  the  nation,  adieu. 

"  It  were  no  longer  seasonable,  and  would  be  superfluous  to  recapitulate 
the  remarkable  incidents  of  your  early  life — incidents  which  associated 
your  name,  fortunes,  and  reputation,  in  imperishable  connexion  with  the 
independence  and  history  of  the  North  American  Union.  • 

"  The  part  which  you  performed  at  that  important  juncture,  was  marked 
with  characters  so  peculiar,  that,  realizing  the  fairest  fable  of  antiquity, 
its  parallel  could  scarcely  be  found  in  the  authentic  records  of  human 
history. 

"You  deliberately  and  perseveringly  preferred  toil,  danger,  the  endu- 
rance of  every  hardship,  and  privation  of  every  comfort,  in  defence  of  a 
holy  cause,  to  inglorious  ease,  and  the  allurements  of  rank,  affluence, 
and  unrestrained  youth,  at  the  most  splendid  and  fascinating  court  of 
Europe. 

"  That  this  choice  was  not  less  wise  than  magnanimous,  the  sanction 
of  half  a  century,  and  the  gratulations  of  unnumbered  voices,  all  unable 
to  express  the  gratitude  of  the  heart  with  which  your  visit  to  this  hemis- 
phere has  been  welcomed,  aff'ord  ample  demonstration. 

"  When  the  contest  of  freedom,  to  which  you  had  repaired  as  a  volun- 
tary champion,  had  closed,  by  the  complete  'triumph  of  her  cause  in  this 
country  of  your  adoption,  you  returned  to  fulfil  the  duties  of  the  philrm- 
thropist  and  patriot  in  the  land  of  your  nativity.  There,  in  a  consistent 
and  undeviating  career  of  forty  years,  you  have  maintained  through  every 
U  ' 


260  JOHN   QUINCY  A3AMS. 

vicissitude  of  alternate  success  and  disappointment,  the  same  glorious 
cause  to  which  the  first  years  of  your  active  life  had  been  devoted,  the 
improvement  of  the  moral  and  political  condition  of  man. 

"  Throughout  that  long  succession  of  time,  the  people  of  the  United 
States,  for  whom  and  with  whom  you  have  fought  the  battles  of  liberty, 
have  been  living  in  the  full  possession  of  its  fruits ;  one  of  the  happiest 
among  the  family  of  nations.  Spreading  in  population ;  enlarging  in 
territory;  acting  and  suffering  according  to  the  condition  of  their  nature  ; 
and  laying  the  foundations  of  the  greatest,  and,  we  humbly  hope,  the 
most  beneficent  power  that  ever  regulated  the  concerns  of  man  upon 
earth. 

"  In  that  lapse  of  forty  years,  the  generation  of  men  with  whom  you 
co-operated  in  the  conflict  of  arms,  has  nearly  passed  away.  Of  the 
general  officers  of  the  American  army  in  that  war,  you  alone  survive. 
Of  the  sages  who  guided  our  councils  ;  of  the  warriors  who  met  the  foe 
in  the  field  or  upon  the  wave,  with  the  exception  of  a  few,  to  whom  unu- 
sual length  of  days  has  been  allotted  by  Heaven,  all  now  sleep  with  their 
fathers.  A  succeeding,  and  even  a  third  generation,  have  arisen  to  take 
their  places;  and  their  children's  children,  while  rising  up  to  call  them 
blessed,  have  been  taught  by  them,  as  well  as  admonished  by  their  own 
constant  enjoyment  of  freedom,  to  include. in  every  benison  upon  their 
fathers,  the  name  of  him,  who  came  from  afar,  with  them  and  in  their 
cause,  to  conquer  or  to  fall. 

"  The  universal  prevalence  of  these  sentiments  was  signally  manifested 
by  a  resolution  of  Congress,  representing  the  whole  people,  and  all  the 
States  of  this  Union,  requesting  the  President  of  the  United  States  to 
communicate  to  you  the  assurances  of  grateful  and  affectionate  attach- 
ment of  this  government  and  people,  and  desiring  that  a  national  ship 
might  be  employed,  at  your  convenience,  for  your  passage  to  the  borders 
of  our    country. 

"  The  invitation  was  transmitted  to  you  by  my  venerable  predecessor : 
himself  bound  to  you  by  the  strongest  ties  of  personal  friendship,  himself 
one  of  those  whom  the  highest  honors  of  his  country  had  rewarded  for 
blood  early  shed  in  her  cause,  and  for  a  long  life  of  devotion  to  her  wel- 
fare. By  him  the  services  of  a  national  ship  were  placed  at  your  disposal. 
Your  delicacy  preferred  a  more  private  conveyance,  and  a  full  year  has 
elapsed  since  you  landed  upon  our  shores.  It  were  scarcely  an  exaggera- 
tion to  say,  that  it  has  been,  to  the  people  of  the  Union,  a  year  of  unin- 
terrupted festivity  and  enjoyment,  inspired  by  your  presence.  You  have 
traversed  the  twenty-four  States  of  this  great  confederacy — you  have 
been  received  with  rapture  by  the  survivors  of  your  earliest  companion 
m  arms — you  have  been  hailed  as  a  long  absent  parent  by  their  children, 
the  men  and  women  of  the  present  age  :  and  a  rising  generation,  the 
hope  of  future  time,  in  numbers  surpassing  the  whole  population  of  that 
day  when  you  fought  at  the  head  and  by  the  side  of  their  forefathers, 
have  vied  with  the  scanty  remnants  of  that  hour  of  trial,  in  acclamations 
of  joy,  at  beholding  the  face  of  him  whom  they  feel  to  be  the  common 
benefactor  of  all.  You  have  heard  the  mingled  voices  of  the  past,  the 
present,  and  the  future  age,  joining  ir_  one  universal  chorus  of  delight  at 


JOHN   QUINCY  ADAMS.  261 

ytnir  approach ;  and  the  shouts  of  unbidden  thousands,  which  greeted 
your  laiuIinjTf  on  the  soil  of  freedom,  have  followed  every  step  of  your 
way,  and  still  resound,  like  the  rushing  of  many  waters,  from  every 
corner  of  our  land. 

"  You  are  now  about  to  return  to  the  country  of  your  birth — of  your 
ancestors — of  your  posterity.  The  executive  government  of  the  Union, 
stimulated  by  the  same  feeling  which  had  prompted  the  Congress  to  the 
designation  of  a  national  ship  for  your  accommodation  in  coming  hither, 
has  destined  the  first  service  of  a  frigate,  recently  launched  at  this  me- 
tropolis, to  the  less  welcome,  but  equally  distinguished  trust,  of  conveying 
you  home.  The  name  of  the  ship  has  added  one  more  memorial  to 
distant  regions  and  to  future  ages,  of  a  stream  already  memorable,  at 
once  in  the  story  of  your  sufferings  and  of  our  independence. 

"  The  ship  is  now  prepared  for  your  reception,  and  equipped  for  sea. 
From  the  moment  of  her  departure,  the  prayers  of  millions  will  ascend 
to  Heaven  that  her  passage  may  be  prosperous,  and  your  return  to  the 
bosom  of  your  family  as  propitious  to  your  happiness,  as  your  visit  to 
this  scene  of  your  youthful  glory  has  been  to  that  of  the  American 
people. 

"  Go,  then,  our  beloved  friend — return  to  the  land  of  brilliant  genius, 
of  generous  sentiment,  of  heroic  valor ;  to  that  beautiful  France,  the 
nursing  mother  of  the  twelfth  Louis,  and  the  fourth  Henry  ;  to  the  native 
soil  of  Bayard  and  Coligni,  of  Turenne  and  Catinat,  of  Fenelon  and 
D'Aguesseau.  In  that  illustrious  catalogue  of  names  which  she  claims 
as  of  her  children,  and  with  honest  pride  holds  up  to  the  admiration  of 
other  nations,  the  name  of  La  Fayette  has  already  for  centuries  been 
enrolled.  And  it  shall  henceforth  burnish  into  brighter  fame  :  for  if,  in 
after  days,  a  Frenchman  shall  be  called  to  indicate  the  character  of  his 
nation  by  that  of  one  individual,  during  the  age  in  which  we  live,  the 
blood  of  lofty  patriotism  shall  mantle  in  his  cheek,  the  fire  of  conscious 
virtue  shall  sparkle  in  his  eye,  and  he  shall  pronounce  the  name  of  La 
Fayette.  Yet  we,  too,  and  our  children,  in  life  and  after  death,  shall 
claim  you  for  our  own.  You  are  ours,  by  that  more  than  patriotic  self- 
devotion  with  which  you  flew  to  the  aid  of  our  fathers  at  the  crisis  of 
their  fate.  Ours,  by  that  long  series  of  years  in  which  you  have  cherished 
us  in  your  regard.  Ours  by  that  unshaken  sentiment  of  gratitude  for 
your  services,  which  is  a  precious  portion  of  our  inheritance.  Ours,  by 
that  tie  of  love,  stronger  than  death,  which  has  linked  your  name,  for  the 
endless  ages  of  time,  with  the  name  of  Washington. 

"  At  the  painful  moment  of  parting  from  you,  we  take  comfort  in  the 
thought,  that  wherever  you  may  be,  to  the  last  pulsation  of  your  heart, 
our  country  will  be  ever  present  to  your  affections ;  and  a  cheering  con- 
solation assures  us,  that  we  are  not  called  to  sorrow  most  of  all,  that  we 
shall  see  your  face  no  more.  We  shall  indulge  the  pleasing  anticipation 
of  beholding  our  friend  again.  In  the  meantime,  speaking  in  the  name 
of  the  whole  people  of  the  XJuited  States,  and  at  a  loss  only  for  language 
to  give  utterance  to  that  feeling  of  attachment  with  which  the  heart  of 
the  nation  beats,  a3  the  heart  of  one  man — I  bid  you  a  rel  ictant  and 
aflectionate  farewell." 


202  JOHN  QU:NCY  ADAMS. 

.The  first  session  of  the  nineteeth  Congress  opened  on  the  5th  of  De- 
cember, 1S25,  and  John  W.  Taylor  was  chosen  Speaker  of  the  He  use. 
On  the  next  day  the  President  transr.'.tted  his  message  to  Congress  by 
his  private  secretary.  This  document  presented  a  brief  and  simple 
examination  of  our  domestic  and  foreign  affairs.  It  stated  that  our 
foreign  relations  had  undergone  no  material  change,  since  the  adjourn- 
ment of  the  preceding  Congress ;  but  alluded  to  the  recent  alteration  in 
the  British  commercial  system,  and  to  its  partially  developed  results.  It 
called  the  attention  of  Congress  to  the  claims  of  our  merchants  upon 
various  European  powers ;  and  still  more  earnestly  to  the  claims  of  the 
few  survivors  of  our  revolutionary  army,  upon  their  country  for  relief 
and  support.  A  short  review  was  given  of  the  progress  of  the  United 
States  since  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution,  and  a  new  organization  of 
some  of  the  departments  was  suggested,  to  make  them  better  adapted  to 
the  advancing  wants  of  the  country.  The  judiciary  was  particularly 
mentioned  as  inadequate  to  the  discharge  of  its  multiplied  duties. 

The  President  then  proceeded  to  urge  upon  Congress  the  employment 
of  the  resources  of  the  country,  in  improving  the  means  of  internal  com- 
munication. A  national  university  and  observatory  were  recommended, 
and  the  exploration  of  the  north-west  coast,  by  one  of  the  public  ships, 
for  the  purpose  of  advancing  astronomical  and  geographical  science. 
The  efforts  of  our  navy,  in  repressing  the  West  India  piracies,  were 
mentioned  with  approbation,  and  an  increase  of  our  naval  establishment 
was  recommended,  corresponding  with  the  augmented  power  and  com- 
merce of  the  country.  The  executive  acceptance  of  the  invitation  extended 
by  the  South  American  republics  to  the  United  States,  to  send  ministers 
to  the  Panama  Congress,  was  communicated  to  Congress,  with  the  alleged 
understanding  between  the  several  governments  that  it  was  neither 
expected  nor  desired  that  any  part  should  be  taken  by  this  country  which 
should  compromise  her  neutrality.  The  state  of  the  finances  was  repre- 
sented as  favorable,  the  receipts  having  exceeded  the  expectations  of  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  and  the  reduction  of  the  public  debt  having 
amounted  to  nearly  eight  millions  of  dollars.  Though  one  thousand  and 
one  hundred  new  postoffice.s  had  been  established  during  the  two  pre- 
ceding years,  the  receipts  of  the  postoffice  department  had  exceeded  its 
expenditures  by  the  sum  of  forty-five  thousand  dollars. 

Of  the  topics  suggested  by  the  message,  many  were  not  acted  upon  by 
Congress,  other  topics  having  been  agitated  to  divert  their  attention. 
One  of  the  most  important  of  these  subjects  was  a  proposed  amendment 
of  the  Constitution,  in  that  part  of  it  which  provides  for  the  election  of 
the  executive.  This  was  introduced  in  the  House  during  die  first  week 
of  the  session,  by  Mr.  M'Duffie,  of  South  Carolina,  in  the  shape  of  a 
resolution  to  amend  the  Constitution  by  establishing  an  uniform  mode  of 
electing  the  President  and  Vice-President  by  districts,  and  declaring  the 
sense  of  the  House  in  favor  of  preventing  the  election  from  devolving 
upon  Congress.  A  resolution,  providing  for  the  same  object,  by  a  direct 
vote  of  the  people  in  districts,  was  brought  forward  at  about  the  same 
lime  in  the  Senate  by  Mr.  Benton,  of  Missouri.  This  amendment  was 
not  al^terwaids  called  up  for  discussion,  and,  according  to  the  rule  of  the 


JOHN   QUINCY   ADAMS.  263 

Senate,  expired  with  tlie  other  unfinished  business  at  the  close  of  the 
session. 

The  resohition  of  Mr.  M'DufFie  met  with  a  different  fate,  and  gave  rise 
to  long,  animated,  and  sometimes  angry  discussions.  It  was  debated 
with  much  spirit  and  eloquence,  and  considerably  in  detail,  by  Mr. 
M'Duffie  in  favor  of  the  amendment,  and  by  Mr.  Storrs,  of  New  York, 
in  opposition.  Many  other  diisting^uished  members  took  part  in  the  dis- 
cussion, which  finally  assumed  the  character  of  a  debate  in  answer  to  an 
executive  message,  or  a  resolution  to  consider  the  state  of  the  nation. 
Most  of  the  advocates  of  the  amendments  declared  themselves  opposed 
to  the  administration,  and  made  many  pointed  allusions  to  the  supposed 
circumstances  of  the  recent  election,  and  to  an  alleged  coalition  between 
the  friends  of  the  President  and  the  friends  of  the  Secretary  of  Slate. 
The  fate  of  the  proposed  amendments,  considering  the  protracted  discus- 
sion to  which  they  had  given  rise,  was  a  little  singular.  On  the  first, 
which  took  the  election  from  Congress,  one  hundred  and  twenty-three 
voted  in  the  affirmative,  and  sixty-four  in  the  the  negative ;  the  second, 
in  favor  of  the  district  system,  was  rejected  by  a  vote  of  one  hundred 
and  one  to  ninety-one.  The  subject  was  then  referred  to  a  select  com- 
mittee of  twenty-four,  one  from  each  State,  who  were  unable  to  agree  upon 
any  plan  to  prevent  the  election  from  devolving  upon  Congress,  and  at 
the  end  of  the  session  were  discharged  from  any  farther  consideration  of 
the  matter.  Thus  abortively  ended  the  attempt  at  amending  the  Consti- 
tution, producing  no  other  efliect  than  that  of  highly  exciting  the  feelings 
of  Congress,  and  of  marshalling  parties  against  and  in  favor  of  the 
administration  in  the  most  marked  and  decided  manner. 

At  the  close  of  the  session,  a  resolution  was  introduced  in  the  Senate, 
to  inquire  into  the  expediency  of  reducing  the  executive  patronage.  This 
resolution  w^as  referred  to  a  committee,  and  six  bills  were  reported  by  the 
chairman,  Mr.  Benton,  with  a  view  of  carrying  into  detail  the  principles 
professed  in  the  resolution.  The  effect  of  these  bills  would  have  been 
to  vest  in  Congress  a  great  portion  of  executive  power,  and  thus  divert 
the  attention  of  the  Legislature  from  its  peculiar  duties.  Of  the  report 
and  bills  six  thousand  were  ordered  to  be  printed,  but  the  whole  matter 
remained  subsequently  undisturbed,  and  was  buried  with  the  unfinished 
business  at  the  close  of  the  session. 

Another  subject,  which  occupied  much  of  the  attention  of  Congress,  was 
the  acceptance  by  the  President  of  the  invitation  to  send  commissioners  to 
the  Congress  of  Panama,  and  the  nomination  of  Eichard  C.  Anderson 
and  John  Sargeant  as  Ministers  on  the  part  of  the  United  States,  and 
William  B.  Rochester,  of  New  York,  as  Secretary.  These  nominations 
were  at  length  confirmed  by  the  Senate,  and  the  necessary  appropriations 
made  by  the  House  ;  not,  however,  without  a  long  and  angry  debate,  in 
which  many  reflections  were  cast  upon  the  executive-  on  account,  as  it 
was  deemed,  of  its  hasty  acceptance  of  the  above  invitation. 

The  Congress  at  Panama  had  for  its  object  the  cementing  of  the 
friendly  relations  of  all  the  Independent  States  of  America,  and  was 
designed,  also,  to  serve  as  a  common  council  in  the  conflicting  state  of 
things  in  South  America,  and  as  an  umpire  in  their  differences.     The 


264 


JOHN   QUINCY  ADAMS. 


plan  of  such  a  Congress  was  first  introduced  into  a  treaty  between  Peru 
and  Colombia  in  1S22.  In  the  three  succeeding-  years  the  same  subject 
was  had  in  view  in  treaties  concluded  between  Colombia,  Chili,  Guati- 
mala,  and  Mexico  ;  and  the  Isthmus  of  Panama  was  designated  as  the 
place  of  meeting  of  this  great  American  Congress.  To  this  Congress 
an  invitation  was  given,  by  several  of  the  above  States,  to  the  United 
States  to  send  commissioners.  Before  the  meeting  of  the  Federal  Con- 
gress, the  invitation  had  been  accepted  by  the  President,  and,  on  the 
meetino-  of  that  body,  the  above  nomination  of  ministers  was  made.  The 
message  of  the  President  to  the  Senate,  with  the  documents  touching 
this  subject,  was  referred  to  the  committee  on  foreign  relations ;  where  it 
remained  till  January  16th,  when  a  report  was  made  condemning  the 
mission,  and  ending  with  a  resolution  declaring  it  to  be  inexpedient  to 
send  ministers  to  Panama.  This  resolution  was  negatived  after  several 
attempts  to  amend  it,  and  the  nominations  made  by  the  President  of  the 
above  ministers  confirmed.  Here  it  was  expected  the  subject,  at  least  so 
far  as  the  Senate  was  concerned,  would  end.  A  few  daj-s  after,  however, 
a  resolution  was  offered,  the  import  of  which  was,  that  the  President  was 
not  constitutionally  competent  to  accept  the  invitation  from  the  govern- 
ments of  the  new  republics  to  send  ministers  to  the  Panama  Congress. 
The  resolution,  however,  was  laid  upon  the  table  by  a  vote  of  twenty- 
lliree  to  twenty-one. 

In  this  debate,  Mr.  Randolph  took  occasion  to  stigmatize  the  Secretary 
of  Stale,  for  his  vote  in  the  Presidential  election,  in  such  terms  as  induced 
that  gentleman  to  demand  an  explanation  of  the  offensive  epithets.  Any 
explanation  Mr.  Randolph  pertinaciously  refused  when  called  upon  by 
]\lr.  Clay ;  and,  on  the  8th  of  April,  a  meeting  took  place  between  them, 
which,  after  two  ineffectual  fires,  resulted  in  the  reconciliation  of  the 
parties.  Much  regret  prevailed  throughout  the  country  that  Mr.  Clay, 
occupying  so  high  and  responsible  a  station,  should  have  felt  himself 
compelled  to  resort  to  a  mode  of  settling  a  controversy  so  revolting  to 
reason,  and  so  unjustifiable  in  the  view  of  sound  morality. 

In  the  House  of  Representatives,  the  committee  on  foreign  relations 
reported  in  favor  of  the  expediency  of  sending  ministers,  and  offered  a 
resolution  to  make  the  necessary  appropriations.  On  the  3d  of  April 
this  resolution  was  taken  into  consideration,  but  it  was  not  until  the  21st, 
and  after  encountering  great  opposition,  that  it  passed  by  a  vote  of  one 
hundred  and  thirty-three  to  sixty-one. 

The  House  having  thus  assented  to  the  policy  of  the  mission  by  making 
the  appropriation,  measures  were  taken  to  carry  it  into  effect ;  and  orders 
were  transmitted  to  Mr.  Anderson,  who  was  then  in  Colombia,  to  attend 
the  Congress  which  was  to  hold  its  first  meeting  in  the  rr.onth  of  June. 
In  his  way  to  Panama,  however,  a  malignant  fever,  by  which  he  was 
attacked,  proved  fatal  to  him.  After  the  decision  of  Congress,  it  was 
found  too  late  for  Mr.  Sargeant  to  reach  Panama  in  season  to  attend  the 
first  meeting  of  the  members  of  the  mission,  and  accordingly  the  United 
States  were  not  represented.  On  the  22d  of  June,  the  representatives 
of  Peru,  Mexico,  Central  America,  and  Colombia,  met,  and  commenced 
their  deliberations.     Upper  Peru  and  Chili  were  not  represented,     Diplo 


JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS.  265 

matic  agents  from  Eni^land  and  the  Netherlands,  though  these  govern- 
ments had  not  been  invited,  were  present,  hut  were  not  perrnittedto  attend 
upon  the  dehberations  of  the  Congress.  The  body  continued  in  session 
until  the  15ih  ofJuly,  having  concluded  between  themselves  as  belligerents, 
a  treaty  of  friendship  and  perpetual  confederation,  offensive  and  defensive, 
to  wliich  all  other  American  poAvers  might  accede  within  the  year.  The 
next  meeting  was  ordered  to  be  held  atTacubaya,  a  village  near  Mexico, 
in  the  month  of  February,  1S27. 

During  this  session  of  Congress,  a  bill  was  introduced  making  provision 
for  the  surviving  officers  of  the  revolution.  After  an  animated  discussion 
of  the  subject,  the  bill  was  virtually  lost  by  being  reconmiitted,  by  a  vote 
of  ninety  to  eighty-five,  for  the  purpose  of  ascertaining  the  number  of 
revolutionary  officers  who  ought  to  be  provided  for  by  law,  and  the  amount 
necessary  to  make  such  provision. 

On  the  22d  of  May,  1S26,  Congress  closed  its  session.  It  was  a  long 
one,  but,  excepting  the  sanction  given  to  the  Panama  mission,  nothing  of 
great  public  interest  was  accomplished.  On  the  4lh  of  July  occurred  the 
fiftieth  anniversary  of  American  independence,  which  was  celebrated 
throughout  the  Union  with  many  demonstrations  of  joy.  This  day,  ren- 
dered memorable  by  the  event  which  it  celebrated,  was  made  still  more 
memorable,  in  the  annals  of  American  history,  by  the  death  of  the  two 
venerable  Ex-Presidmts,  Adams  and  Jefferson. 

The  opposition  to  the  administration  of  ]\Ir.  Adams  gained  strength  and 
development  by  daily  increase,  and  numerous  parties  combined  for  its 
support  or  overthrow  in  various  parts  of  the  country.  These  parties  were 
generally  of  a  geographical  character,  and  in  the  nineteenth  Congress  it 
was  usually  found  that  the  representatives  from  the  southern,  took  sides 
directly  opposed  to  those  from  the  northern  and  western  States.  A  reso- 
lution was  expressed  in  some  quarters  to  put  down  the  administration  at 
every  hazard,  no  matter  what  might  be  its  policy,  its  integrity,  or  its 
success.  The  cry  of  corruption  was  re-echoed  by  office  seekers,  and  the 
more  desperate  portion  of  the  oppositionists,  till  it  began  to  gain  currency 
with  the  public,  and  proved  sufficient  to  secure  the  downfall  of  the 
administration  against  which  it  was  raised. 

The  Panama  mission  was  a  fruitful  subject  of  clamor  and  opposition. 
It  was  stigmatized  as  imprudent,  unnecessary,  at  variance  with  our  true 
and  prevailing  policy,  and  pregnant  with  peril.  Charges  of  extravagance 
in  expenditures  were  next  brought  against  the  heads  of  the  government, 
and  resolutions  were  introduced  in  Congress,  intimating  that  the  executive 
patronage  was  too  large,  and  ought  to  be  diminished.  The  assertion  of 
the  President  of  his  constitutional  authority  to  appoint,  during  the  vaca- 
tion of  Congress,  diplomatic  agents  to  transact  the  foreign  business  of 
the  country,  was  represented  as  the  assumption  of  an  undelegated  power. 
Every  opportunity  was  seized  to  represent  the  policy  of  the  federal 
authorities  as  tending  towards  consolidation,  and  as  indicating  a  disposition 
for  an  expensive  and  magnificent  scheme  of  government. 

In  conformity  with  the  views  of  the  opposition,  a  nomination  for  the 
next  Presidency  was  imm.ediately  made,  and  in  October,  1S25,  the  Legis- 
lature of  Tennessee  recommended  General  Jackson  to  the  suffrages  of 


2(i6  JOHN   QUINCY   ADAMS. 

the  people  of  the  United  States  for  the  highest  office  in  their  gift.  This 
nomination  he  formally  accepted,  in  an  address  delivered  before  both 
Houses  of  the  Legislature  of  that  State,  in  which  he  resigned  his  seat 
m  the  Senate.  In  this  address  he  plainly  intimated  his  dissatisfaction  at 
the  result  of  the  late  Presidential  election,  and  a  willingness  to  sanction 
an  opposition  to  the  administration  on  the  ground  of  its  corrupt  origin. 
This  same  ground  had  been  taken  by  the  adherents  of  the  Vice-President, 
in  the  discussion  of  Mr.  M'Duffie's  proposed  amendment  of  the  Consti- 
tution in  the  first  session  of  the  nineteenth  Congress.  The  public  mind 
was  irritated  and  exasperated  by  these  charges,  which  were  diffused  with 
an  industry  and  zeal  to  be  paralleled  only  by  their  baseness.  Accusation 
and  recrimination  became  frequent  and  passionate,  and  the  most  bitter 
and  indignant  feelings  took  place  of  the  tranquillity  that  had  so  long 
reigned  in  the  political  world. 

At  length  the  charge  of  corruption  Avas  brought  from  a  responsible 
quarter,  and  an  investigation  ensued,  which  resulted  in  the  complete  ac- 
quittal of  the  parties  accused.  Directly  after  the  adjournment  of  the 
eighteenth  Congress,  a  letter  appeared,  bearing  date  the  Sth  of  March, 
1825,  purporting  to  relate  a  conversation  with  General  Jackson,  in  which 
he  said  that  a  proposition  had  been  made  to  him  by  Mr.  Clay's  friends 
to  secure  his  election  to  the  Presidency,  on  condition  that  Mr.  Adams 
should  not  continue  as  Secretary  of  State.  This  proposition  was  said  to 
have  been  indignantly  repelled.  A  correspondence  immediately  ensued 
on  this  subject  between  Mr.  Beverly,  the  author  of  the  letter  in  question, 
and  General  Jackson,  in  which  an  account  of  the  negociation  alluded  to 
was  given  at  length,  and  the  General  disclaimed  making  any  charge 
agamst  Mr.  Clay,  and  denied  having  accused  him  of  being  privy  to  the 
communication.  Testimony  was  now  produced  by  Mr.  Clay  and  his 
friends,  which  completely  refuted  the  charge  of  bargain,  and  hurled  it 
with  scorn  in  the  teeth  of  his  enemies.  It  was  proved  beyond  a  question 
that  in  voting  for  Mr.  Adams  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  Mr.  Clay 
and  his  friends  had  acted  with  entire  consistency,  and  that  any  other 
course  would  have  indeed  laid  them  open  to  the  charge  of  gross  and  pal- 
pable violation  nf  the  principles  they  had  always  professed  in  relation  to 
the  election.  But  the  accusation  had  been  made  to  answer  the  purpose 
for  which  it  was  framed,  and  the  opposition  to  the  administration  had 
found  a  permanent  basis  to  build  upon. 

Mr.  Adams  continued  to  act  on  the  principles  which  he  had  professed 
in  his  inaugural  speech,  of  administering  the  government  without  regard 
to  the  distinctions  of  party.  In  the  distribution  of  offices  he  asked  merely 
as  to  the  qualifications  of  the  candidates,  not  of  their  political  opinions. 
No  one  suffered  by  that  ruthless  policy,  which  bears  so  close  a  resem- 
blance to  the  proscription  of  the  Roman  emperors ;  the  one  striking  at 
life  itself,  the  other  at  the  means  of  life.  It  is  difficult  to  say  which  of 
the  two  is  the  more  cruel,  but  they  are  surely  equally  unjust  and  vindic- 
tive. The  system  which  makes  the  presidential  chair  a  mere  scramble 
for  office,  and  the  chief  executive  of  the  nation  a  dispenser  of  loaves  and 
fishes  to  political  adherents,  is  too  mean,  narrow,  and  contemptible,  not 
to  be  subversive  of  all  the  best  purposes  of  government,  and  must  end  in 


JOHN   QUINCY   ADAMS.  2G7 

the  suhversvoii  of  <;ovcrnmcnt  itself.  Tho  political  forum  is  converted 
into  an  arena  of  battle,  and  the  first  moments  of  victory  are  sacred  to 
spoil,  dcivastation,  and  rapine.  The  lust  of  gold  stifles  the  cry  of  mercy, 
and  all  the  rules  of  honorable  warfare  are  violated  in  the  fierceness  and 
vindictiveness  of  triumph.  Office  holders  should  be  content  with  fulfill- 
ing the  duties  of  their  respective  stations,  and  not  consider  themselves  in 
the  light  of  mere  partisans,  rewarded  for  upholding  a  particular  man  or 
set  of  men.  The  people  pay  them  for  a  different  service.  Mr.  Adams 
regarded  this  subject  in  its  true  bearings,  and  he  acted  in  it  with  the 
stern  and  fearless  integrity  which  has  marked  the  whole  course  of  his 
political  life.  Regardless  of  consequences,  he  was  perhaps  often  injudi- 
cious in  the  diffiision  of  executive  patronage,  and  sometimes  furnished 
the  enemy  with  artillery  to  be  employed  in  the  destruction  of  his  own 
citadel. 

But  however  the  eflTorts  of  the  opposition  might  embarrass  the  move- 
ments of  the  administration,  they  could  not  retard  the  rapid  progress  of  the 
country  in  wealth  and  prosperity.  The  great  works  of  internal  improve- 
ment, contemplated  by  the  act  of  April,  1824,  were  prosecuted  with  great 
spirit  and  vigor.  Many  routes  for  roads  and  canals  were  surveyed,  and 
a  great  mass  of  topogra\^hical  knowledge  was  thus  collected  at  Washington. 
The  attention  of  tlie  geicral  government  was  also  directed  to  many  other 
subjects  of  internal  in  provement,  such  as  tk  navigation  of  several 
important  rivers,  building  lighthouses,  piers,  and  removing  obstructions 
from  bays  and  harbors.  The  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  and  Ohio  was 
much  improved  during  thi>  year,  by  the  removal  of  snags  and  other  im- 
pediments from  their  chanm  Is.  An  impulse  was  thus  given  to  the  efforts 
of  the  State  Governments,  md  canals  and  roads  were  laid  out  in  various 
directions.  Manufacturing  'stablishments  flourished  \vith  great  vigor, 
and  gave  proofs  of  becoming  lasting  sources  of  wealth  and  employment 
to  the  national  industry.  In  the  year  ending  September  30,  1826,  the 
value  of  domestic  manufactures  exported  amounted  to  five  millions  eight 
hundred  and  fifty-two  thousand  seven  hundred  and  thirty-three  dollars, 
of  which  one  million  one  hundred  and  thirty-eight  thousand  one  hundred 
and  twenty-five  dollars  consisted  of  cotton  piece  goods.  The  increase  of 
tonnage  in  tjie  United  States  during  1826,  was  one  hundred  eleven  thousand 
and  seventy-nine  tons,  being  double  the  increase  of  any  one  of  the  prece- 
ding twelve  years.  In  conformity  with  the  plan  proposed  for  the  settlement 
of  the  remaining  tribes  of  the  aborigines  on  the  west  of  the  Mississippi,  pro- 
vision was  made  for  the  removal  thither  of  such  Indians  as  were  disposed 
to  emigrate.  Fourteen  hundred  Shawnees,  and  about  seven  hundred 
Creeks  removed  in  this  manner  to  spots  selected  by  themselves.  The 
Cherokees  refused  to  cede  another  foot  of  land,  notwithstanding  the 
efforts  made  by  the  general  government  to  procure  such  a  cession  of  ter- 
ritory as  would  satisfy  the  claims  of  Georgia.  The  north-western  Indians 
now  ga^  e  hostile  indications,  and  attacked  and  murdered  some  American 
citizens ;  but  by  the  prompt  measures  adopted  by  Governor  Cass,  the 
murderers  were  given  up  and  tranquillity  again  restored. 

Congress  having  adjourned  without  passing  any  law  for  the  purpose 
of  meeting  the  restrictive  measures  of  the  British  govermnent  in  respect 
35 


268  JOHN   QUINCY   ADAMS. 

to  the  colonial  trade,  the  President  issued  a  proclamation,  dated  March 
17th,  closing  the  ports  of  the  United  States  against  vessels  from  the 
British  colonies,  which  had  been  opened  by  the  act  of  1S22.  By  this 
measure  the  British  restrictions  were  completely  reciprocated,  and  the 
President  was  sustained  in  it  by  public  opinion. 

The  second  session  of  the  nineteenth  Congress  commenced  on  the  4th 
of  December,  1826,  when  the  two  Houses  were  organized  in  the  usual 
manner.  The  message  of  the  President  on  this  occasion  gave  a  clear 
account  of  our  foreign  relations,  and  made  particular  reference  to  the 
controversy  with  Great  Britain  on  the  colonial  trade.  The  death  of  the 
Emperor  Alexander  of  Russia,  was  mentioned  in  terms  which  the  friendly 
feelings  displayed  by  that  monarch  towards  this  country  seemed  to  re- 
quire. Our  commercial  connexions  with  France  and  the  Netherlands 
were  represented  to  be  placed  on  a  more  favorable  basis  than  at  the  com- 
mencement of  the  preceding  Congress.  In  the  postoffice  there  had  been 
received  during  the  year  a  surplus  of  eighty  thousand  dollars  above  the 
expenditures.  The  revenue  was  sufficiently  large  to  authorize  the  appli- 
cation of  seven  millions  sixty-seven  thousand  and  thirty-nine  dollars 
to  the  reduction  of  the  public  debt,  and  three  millions  nine  hundred  and 
forty-four  thousand  three  hundred  and  fifty-nine  dollars  to  the  payment 
of  interest.  A  system  was  recommended  for  the  permanent  increase  of 
the  navy  ;  the  unsettled  land  claims  in  Florida  and  Louisiana  ;  the  works 
of  internal  improvement,  reported  by  the  board  of  engineers ;  and  the 
atieniion  of  Congress  Avas  particularly  called  to  the  irregularities 
of  the  Brazilian  and  Buenos-Ayrean  squadrons  towards  neutral  flags. 
The  estimates  of  appropriations  for  the  difl^erent  departments  of  the 
government  were  submitted  with  the  message ;  and  a  system  of  cavalry 
tactics  prepared  during  the  summer  under  the  direction  of  the  War 
Department.  These  were  the  most  important  topics  suggested  by  the 
message. 

In  this  session  an  ineffectual  effort  was  again  made  to  introduce  an 
uniform  system  of  bankrupt  laws ;  the  bill  reported  for  this  purpose 
having  been  rejected.  Shortly  after  the  commencement  of  the  session, 
an  article  appeared  in  a  newspaper  published  at  Alexandria,  intimating 
that  one  Mix,  who  had  been  engaged  in  a  certain  contract  with  the  War 
Department,  while  the  Vice-President  was  Secretary  of  War,  had  accused 
him  of  participating  in  its  profits.  This  contract  had  been  the  subject  of 
much  animadversion  during  the  administration  of  Mr.  IMonroe,  and  the  Vice- 
President  immediately  addressed  a  letter  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Senate, 
vacating  his  seat  until  the  subject  might  be  investigated.  "  Cliarges  have 
been  made  against  me,"  said  ]\Ir.  Calhoun,  "  of  the  most  serious  nature, 
and  which,  if  true,  ought  to  degrade  me  from  the  high  station  in  which 
I  have  been  placed  by  the  choice  of  my  fellow  citizens,  and  to  consign 
my  name  to  perpetual  infamy.  In  claiming  investigation  of  the  House, 
I  am  sensible  that,  under  our  free  and  happy  institutions,  the  conduct  of 
public  servants  is  a  fair  subject  of  the  closest  scrutiny  and  the  freest 
rem.ark,  and  that  a  firm  and  faithful  discharge  of  duty  affords,  ordinarily, 
ample  protection  against  political  attacks  ;  but  when  such  attacks  assume 
the  character  of  impeachable  offences,  and  become  in  some  degree  official, 


JOHN   QUINCY  ADAMS.  2(59 

by  being  placed  nmong  the  public  records,  an  officer  thus  issailed,  how- 
ever base  the  instruments  used,  if  conscious  of  innocence,  can  look  for 
refuge  only  to  the  hall  of  the  immediate  representatives  of  the  people. 
It  i=!  thus  i  find  myself  unexpectedly  placed." 

Tills  communication  was  referred  to  a  select  committee,  which  reported, 
after  a  laborious  examination,  that  no  charge  against  the  Vice-President 
had  been  placed  among  the  records  of  the  War  Department,  and  perfectly 
exculpated  him  from  having  any  participation  in  the  profits  of  that  or 
any  other  government  contract. 

The  Creek  controversy,  which  might  have  been  considered  as  happily 
settled  by  the  treaty  of  22d  of  April,  was  still  to  continue  a  subject  of 
excitement.  Instead  of  waiting  till  the  tribes  had  removed  from  their 
ceded  lands,  Governor  Troup  ordered  the  surveyors  employed  by  him  to 
enter  the  Indian  territories  and  commence  the  surveys,  previous  to  the 
time  prescribed  by  the  treaty  for  the  removal.  The  Indians  resisted 
these  encroachments,  and  the  Governor  ordered  out  a  force  of  militia. 
In  this  posture  of  affairs,  the  President  determined  to  support  the  laws 
of  the  Union  by  the  authority  which  the  Constitution  had  placed  in  his 
hands,  previously  submitting  the  affair  to  Congress,  to  have  it  determined 
whether  it  were  necessary  to  resort  to  any  new  measures.  On  the  5th 
of  February  he  transmitted  to  both  Houses  of  Congress  a  message,  in 
which  he  gave  a  plain  statement  of  the  facts,  and  declared  his  determina- 
tion to  enforce  the  laws,  and  fulfil  the  duties  of  the  nation  by  all  the  force 
committed  for  that  purpose  to  his  charge.  "  That  the  arm  of  military 
force  will  be  resorted  to  only  in  the  event  of  the  failure  of  all  other  expe- 
dients provided  by  the  laws,  a  pledge  has  been  given  by  the  forbearance 
to  employ  it  at  this  time.  It  is  submitted  to  the  wisdom  of  Congress  to 
determine,  whether  any  further  acts  of  legislation  may  be  necessary  or 
expedient  to  meet  the  emergency  which  these  transactions  may  produce." 

Great  excitement  was  displayed  in  both  Houses  on  the  receipt  of  this 
message.  The  committee  of  the  Representatives,  to  which  it  was  refer- 
red, reported  that  it  "  is  expedient  to  procure  a  cession  of  the  Indian 
lands  in  the  State  of  Georgia,  and  that  until  such  a  cession  is  procured, 
the  law  of  the  land,  as  set  forth  in  the  treaty  at  Washington,  ought  to  be 
maintained  by  all  necessary,  constitutional,  and  legal  means."  The 
firmness  of  the  President  brought  the  Governor  of  Georgia  to  reason, 
and  he  addressed  a  letter  to  the  delegation  of  that  State  at  Washington, 
submitting  to  the  decision  of  Congress,  and  denying  any  intention  of  a 
resort  to  force,  except  the  sovereignty  of  the  State  came  into  collision 
with  the  United  States,  A  cession  of  the  Creek  land  in  Georgia  was 
finally  procured,  and  the  dispute  in  respect  to  this  portion  of  the  Indian 
territory  was  put  at  rest. 

A  bill  for  an  additional  protection  on  woolens  was  agitated  during  this 
session,  and  finally  laid  on  the  table  by  the  casting  vote  of  the  Vice- 
President.  The  defeat  of  this  measure  occasioned  much  discussion  in 
all  parts  of  the  Union,  and  stimulated  the  friends  of  this  branch  of 
industry  to  renewed  exertions.  In  Pennsylvania  a  State  Convention  was 
proposed,  to  choose  delegates  to  attend  a  general  Convention  at  Harris- 
burg  on  the  30th  of  July,  1S27.     Other   States   answered  with  alacrity 


270  JOHN   QUINCY  ADAMS 

to  this  invitation,  and  a  meeting  was  held  at  the  appointed  time,  of  dele- 
gates in  the  highest  degree  respectable  in  point  of  talent,  weight  of 
character,  and  dignity  of  standing.  The  reports  of  their  committees,  on 
various  subjects  connected  with  domestic  industry,  exhibited  the  impor- 
tance and  the  necessity  of  increased  protection,  and  a  memorial  to.  Con- 
gress, drawn  up  in  conformity  with  these  views,  Avas  unanimously  adopted. 
These  proceedings  were  received  in  the  southern  States  with  much  dis- 
satisfaction. They  were  represented  as  at  war  with  their  best  interests, 
and  with  the  spirit  of  the  Constitution.  No  means  were  omitted  to  raise 
a  strong  excitement  in  the  community,  in  opposition  to  all  increase  of  the 
woolen  duty;  but  at  the  time  of  the  twentieth  Congress,  the  public  mind 
was  more  and  more  impressed  with  the  opinion  that  effectual  measures 
would  be  resorted  to  for  the  relief  of  this  branch  of  national  industry. 

We  have  not  room  for  a  detailed  account  of  the  various  measures  of 
Mr.  Adams's  administration.  During  the  whole  of  it  the  United  States 
enjoyed  uninterrupted  peace;  for  the  foreign  policy  of  the  government 
had  nothing  in  view  but  the  maintenance  of  our  national  dignity,  the 
extension  of  our  commercial  relations,  and  the  successful  prosecution  of 
the  claims  of  American  citizens  upon  foreign  governments. 

A  portion  of  these  claims  upon  Svv'eden  and  Denmark,  was  obtained, 
and  the  claims  which  arose  against  the  Brazilian  government,  during  the 
war  between  that  power  and  Buenos  Ayres,  were  speedily  adjusted  by 
the  liquidation  of  the  claims.  The  exorbitant  pretensions  of  Great  Britain, 
respecting  the  West  India  trade,  were  resisted,  although  at  the  expense 
of  the  direct  trade  betv»reen  the  United  States  and  the  British  islands. 

The  difhculties  which  occurred  in  carrying  into  effect  the  treaty  of 
Ghent,  relative  to  deported  slaves,  and  other  property  taken  away,  having 
been  found  insurmountable,  the  sum  of  one  million  two  hundred  and  four 
thousand  nine  hundred  and  sixty  dollars,  which  was  amply  sufficient, 
was  obtained  from  the  British  government  in  satisfaction  of  these  claims. 
A  convention  was  also  concluded  with  that  government,  and  a  mode  pro- 
vided for  the  peaceable  settlement  of  the  long  pending,  and  finally 
threatening  dispute  concerning  the  north-east  boundary  of  the  United 
States.  The  treaty  of  commerce  between  the  United  States  and  Great 
Britain,  and  the  convention  effecting  a  temporary  compromise  of  their 
conflicting  claims  to  the  territory  west  of  the  Rocky  Mountains,  both  of 
which  expired  by  their  own  limitation,  October  20th,  1S28,  were  renewed 
for  an  indefinite  period,  with  liberty  to  either  party  to  terminate  them,  on 
giving  one  year's  notice.  Some  commercial  difficulties,  which  grew  out 
of  an  adherence  of  the  government  of  the  Netherlands,  to  the  principles 
of  discriminating  duties,  were  adjusted  to  mutual  satisfaction.  New 
treaties  of  amity,  navigation,  and  conmierce,  in  which  the  liberal  princi- 
ples maintained  by  the  United  States,  in  her  commercial  and  foreign 
policy,  were  generally  recognized,  were  concluded  with  Colombia,  Austria, 
Sweden,  Denmark,  Guatemala,  and  the  Hanseatic  league. 

It  was,  however,  in  the  domestic  policy  of  the  government,  that  the 
character  of  the  administration  was  most  strongly  displayed.  During  its 
continuance  in  office,  new  and  increased  activity  was  imparted  to  those 
powers   vested  in  the   Federal  Government,  for  the  developement  of 


JOHN   QUINCY   ADAMS.  271 

the  rcsonrcef5  of  the  country;  and  the  public  revenue  liberally  expended 
in  prosc'CUtinsT  those  national  measures,  to  which  the  sanction  of  Coiitrress 
had  been  deliberately  given,  as  the  settled  policy  of  the  governineiu. 

INIore  than  one  million  of  dollars  had  been  expended  in  enlarging-  and 
mainiaininq:  the  lighthouse  establishment ;  half  a  million  in  completing 
the  public  buildings  ;  two  millions  in  erecting  arsenals,  barrack.-.,  and 
furnishing  the  national  armories;  nearly  the  same  amount  had  been 
expended  in  permanent  additions  to  the  naval  establishment ;  upwards 
of  three  millions  had  been  devoted  to  fortifying  the  seacoast ;  and  more 
than  four  millions  expended  in  improving  the  internal  communications 
between  dificrent  parts  of  the  country,  and  in  procuring  information,  by 
scientific  surveys,  concerning  its  capacity  for  further  improvement.  In- 
deed, more  had  been  directly  effected  by  the  aid  of  government,  in  this 
respect,  during  Mr.  Adams's  administration,  than  during  the  administra- 
tions of  all  his  predecessors.  Other  sums,  exceeding  a  million,  had  been 
appropriated  for  objects  of  a  lasting  character,  and  not  belonging  to  the 
annual  expense  of  the  government;  making,  in  the  whole,  nearly  fourteen 
million  dollars,  expended  for  the  permanent  benefit  of  the  country,  during 
this  administration. 

At  the  same  time,  the  interest  on  the  public  debt  was  punctually  paid, 
and  the  debt  itself  was  in  a  constant  course  of  reduction,  having  been  dimi- 
nished thirty  millions  three  hundred  and  seventy-three  thousand  one 
hundred  and  eighty-eight  dollars  during  this  administration,  and  leaving 
due,  on  the  1st  of  January,  1S29,  fifty-eight  millions  three  hundred  and 
sixty-two  thousand  one  hundred  and  thirty-six  dollars.  Whilst  these 
sums  were  devoted  to  increasing  the  resources,  and  improving  the  condi- 
tion of  the  country,  and  in  discharging  its  pecuniary  obligations  ;  those 
claims  which  were  derived  from  what  arc  termed  the  imperfect  obligations 
of  gratitude  and  humanity,  were  not  forgotten. 

More  than  five  millions  of  dollars  were  appropriated  to  solace  the 
declining  years  of  the  surviving  officers  of  the  revolution  ;  and  a  million 
and  a  half  expended  in  extinguishing  the  Indian  tide,  and  defraying  the 
expense  of  the  removal,  beyond  the  Mississippi,  of  such  tribes  as  were 
unqualified  for  a  residence  near  civilized  communities  ;  and  in  promoting 
the  civilization  of  those  who,  relying  on  the  faith  of  the  United  Slates, 
preferred  to  remain  on  the  lands  which  Avere  the  abodes  of  their  fathers. 
In  the  condition  which  we  have  described,  in  peace  with  all  the  world, 
with  an  increasing  revenue,  and  with  a  surplus  of  five  millions  one 
hundred  and  twenty-five  thousand  six  hundred  and  thirtj^-eight  dollars  in 
the  public  treasury,  the  administration  of  the  government  of  the  United 
Stales  was  surrendered  by  Mr.  Adams,  who  became  a  private  citizen,  to 
General  Jackson,  his  successor. 

Thus  ended  the  administration  of  Mr.  Adams,  an  administration 
marked  by  definite  and  consistent  policy,  and  energetic  councils,  governed 
by  upright  motives,  but  from  the  beginning  devoted  to  the  most  violent 
opposition,  and  a  signal  overthrow.  The  election  which  terminated  in 
the  defeat  <sf  Mr.  Adams  was  marked  with  extreme  bitterness,  asperity, 


272  JOHN   QUINCY  ADAMS. 

and  profligacy.  On  both  sides  the  press  was  virjlent,  libellous,  and  n>ean. 
No  privacy  was  safe,  no  confidence  was  sacred;  even  the  tombs  of  the 
illustrious  "dead  were  violated,  and  their  ashes  defiled.  The  arts  of  party 
Avarfare  were  more  insidious  than  the  arts  of  savage  treacherj',  and  its 
arms  more  ruthless  than  the  tomahawk  or  the  scalping-knife.  Calumny 
and  falsehood  were  the  usual  resources  of  the  most  violent  partisans,  and 
the  only  weapons  that  they  never  for  a  moment  laid  aside.  The  brave 
soldier  was  described  as  a  malignant  savage,  and  the  experienced  statesman 
as  a  man  who  had  purchased  by  intrigue  a  position  that  he  was  determined 
to  maintain  by  corruption.  It  must  be  most  sincerely  hoped  that  an  era 
may  never  again  arrive  in  our  history  to  be  stamped  so  indelibly  with  the 
brand  of  shame  :  that  public  opinion  will  ever  require  of  the  public  press 
a  more  decent  regard  to  the  charities  of  life  and  the  duties  of  truth. 

When  Mr.  Adams  left  the  executive  chair,  the  United  States  were  at 
peace  with  all  the  world.  But  he  was  not  long  permitted  to  enjoy  the 
repose  of  private  life.  In  1830,  he  was  elected  to  represent  in  Congress 
the  district  in  which  he  resided,  and  in  December,  1831,  he  took  his  seat 
in  tlie  House  of  Representatives.  He  was  then  in  the  sixty-fifth  year  of 
his  age. 

From  that  time  until  the  day  of  his  death,  he  continued  a  member  of 
the  House,  and  one  of  its  most  active  and  indefatigable  laborers.  His 
fervid  eloquence  on  all  occasions  where  his  feelings  were  warmly  enlisted 
obtained  for  him  the  appellation  of  "  the  old  man  eloquent."  His  feelings 
and  his  exertions  were  ever  enlisted  on  the  side  of  popular  freedom  and 
human  rights ;  and  in  the  national  legislature  he  was  one  of  the  stoutest 
champions  of  the  right  of  petition  in  its  broadest  sense. 

The  editor  of  the  Statesman's  Manual  (who  wrote  in  1846)  concludes 
his  biography  with  the  following  prophetic  sentence  :  —  "  The  subject  of 
this  memoir  is  now  in  his  seventy-ninth  year,  and,  'although  his  eye  is 
dim,  and  his  natural  force  somewhat  abated,'  he  is  still  found  at  his  post  in 
the  public  service,  where,  like  the  Earl  of  Chatham,  it  may  be  expected,  his 
mortal  career  will  finally  close." 

That  prophetic  thought  is  now  an  historical  fact.  He  was  prostrated  by 
paralysis,  while  in  his  seat  in  the  House  of  Representatives^  on  the  twenty- 
second  day  of  February,  1848 ;  and  he  yielded  up  his  spirit  to  the  God 
who  gave  it,  on  the  twenty-third.  He  died  in  the  speaker's  room,  in  the 
capitol.  His  last  words  were,  "  This  is  the  end  of  earth."  He  would  have 
been  eighty-one  years  old  on  the  eleventh  day  of  July,  1848. 

Mr.  Adams  was  of  middle  stature  and  rather  full  person,  and  his  dark, 
penetrating  eyes  beamed  with  intelligence.  Old  age  bowed  his  head,  but 
when  seated  at  his  desk,  in  Congress,  nothing  but  his  thin  gray  hojr  indi- 
cated his  physical  decadence. 


ANDREW    JACKSON. 

Andrew  Jackson  was  born  on  the  15lh  day  of  March,  1767.  Hi? 
father  was  an  Irishman,  who  landed  at  Charleston,  South  Carolina,  in 
1765,  and  settled  at  Waxaw,  about  forty-five  miles  above  Camden,  where 
the  subject  of  our  narrative  was  born.  Soon  after  his  birth  his  fether 
died,  leaving  three  sons  to  be  provided  for  by  their  mother.  She  appears 
to  have  discharged  the  duties  devolved  upon  her,  in  an  exemplary  man- 
ner. She  had  not  the  means  to  give  all  her  children  a  liberal  education  ; 
but  Andrew,  whom  she  intended  for  the  ministry,  was  sent  to  school, 
where  he  continued  until  the  war  of  the  revolution  interrupted  his  studies. 

At  the  age  of  fourteen,  Andrew  Jackson,  in  company  with  his  brother 
Robert,  entered  the  American  camp,  and  commenced  his  career  in  the 
service  of  his  country.  He  was  prompted  to  this  course  partly  by  the 
recommendations  of  his  mother,  and  partly  by  the  example  of  his  elder 
brother,  who  had  previously  joined  the  army,  and  fallen  a  victim  to  the 
fatigues  of  his  first  campaign.  Jackson  met  with  no  opportunity  for  the 
display  of  his  military  talent  during  this  period.  A  circumstance,  how- 
ever, which  strongly  illustrates  the  unyielding  and  independent  obstinacy 
of  his  character,  may  be  related.  In  an  attack  of  the  British  on  Waxavv, 
eleven  Americans  had  been  taken  prisoners,  and  among  them  were  the 
two  Jacksons.  The  evening  after  their  capture,  Andrew  was  accosted  by 
a  British  officer,  who  ordered  him,  in  an  imperious  tone,  to  clean  his 
boots.  This  order  he  scornfully  refused  to  obey,  alleging  that  he 
expected  such  ti-eatment  only  as  was  due  to  a  prisoner  of  war.  Incensed 
at  bis  reply,  the  ollicer  aimed  a  blow  at  his  head  willi  a  drawn  sword, 
which  the  boy  parried  by  throwing  up  his  left  hand,  not,  however,  with- 
out receiving  a  wound,  of  v/hich  the  scar  yet  remains.  His  brother,  for 
a  similar  ofi'ence,  received  a  deep  and  dangerous  cut  on  his  head. 

The  brothers  were  conveyed  to  jail,  where  their  wounds  Avere  wholly 
neglected.  That  of  Andrew  was  slight,  but  his  brother's  brought  on  an 
inflammation  of  the  brain,  which,  a  few  days  after  his  liberation,  ended 
in  death.  They  were  soon  exchanged,  and  returned  to  their  mother, 
who  died  shortly  after  her  son.  Andrew  Jackson  was  thus  left  alone  in 
the  world,  afflicted  with  disease  brought  on  by  the  hardships  he  had 
undergone,  and  with  the  small-pox,  which  broke  out  on  him  at  the  same 
time.      His  life  was  for  a  while  in  great  danger. 

On  his  recovery,  he  somewhat  injudiciously  began  to  squander  his 
estate,  but  at  length,  foreseeing  the  consequences  of  his  exlravagance,  he 
betook  himself  to  a  regular  course  of  study.  He  acquired  some  know- 
ledge of  the  learned  languages,  and  continued  his  literary  puisuits 
until  he  reached  the  age  of  eighteen.  The  pulpit,  for  which  he  had 
toen    designed  by  his   mother,  was  now  abandoned   for   the  bar.     He 


274  JACKSON. 

commenced  the  study  of  law  in  1784,  at  Salisbury,  in  North  Carolina, 
under  the  direction  of  Spruce  M'Cay,  Esq.,  and  subsequently  conlinuec" 
it  under  Colonel  John  Stokes.  At  the  end  of  two  years,  he  obtained  a 
license  from  the  Judges  to  practise  law,  and  continued  in  the  State  until 
the  spring  of  1788. 

He  had  come  to  the  conclusion  that  this  State  presented  few  induce- 
ments to  a  young  attorney.  There  was  no  chance  of  his  rising  by  the  aid 
of  influential  relations.  The  world  was  all  before  him  where  to  choose. 
The  ties  which  bind  man  to  his  birthplace,  were  with  him  obliterated  by 
the  death  of  his  kindred.  The  western  parts  of  Tennessee,  about  this 
time,  offered  alluring  prospects  to  young  adventurers  ;  and  there  we  find 
Jackson  soon  after  his  departure  from  North  Carolina.  The  state  of  society 
in  the  west,  at  this  period,  was  not  of  the  most  refined  or  settled  descrip- 
tion. Tennessee  was  then  a  new,  wild  country,  principally  occupied  by 
hardy  borderers,  among  whom  knowledge  was  scarce,  and  law  a  mystery. 
Jackson  took  up  his  residence  at  Nashville.  There  was  but  one  lawyer  in 
the  country,  and  the  knavish  part  of  the  community  had  so  contrived  as 
to  retain  him  in  their  interest.  Many  merchants  were  entirely  deprived 
of  the  means  of  enforcing  the  payment  of  their  honest  dues. 

'  In  this  state  of  things,  Jackson  made  his  appearance  at  Nashville. 
Applications  were  immediately  made  to  him  for  his  professional  services, 
and  the  morning  after  his  arrival  he  issued  seventy  writs.  His  presence 
soon  became  a  terror  to  the  debtors  in  the  place,  and  he  was  consequently 
involved  in  a  great  mahy  broils,  which,  however,  did  not  prevent  his 
enjoying  a  profitable  practice.  Shortly  afterwards,  he  was  appointed 
Attorney  General  for  the  district,  in  which  office  he  remained  for  several 
years.  Indian  depredations  being  then  frequent  on  the  Cumberland, 
Jackson  was  accustomed  to  aid  actively  in  garrisoning  the  forts,  and  in  pur- 
suing and  chastising  the  enemy.  In  1796,  he  was  chosen  a  member  of  the 
Convention  for  iVaming  a  Constitution  for  the  State.  He  was  the  same 
year  elected  a  member  of  the  House  of  Eepresentatives  in  Congress,  for 
llie  State  of  Tennessee.  While  in  this  capacity,  it  is  on  record  that  he  gave 
his  support  to  a  measure,  which  ofl^ered  an  unhandsome  slight  to  Wash- 
ington. When  that  great  man  was  about  to  retire  from  his  high  station, 
a  committee,  of  which  James  Madison  was  a  member,  drew  up  an  address 
to  him,  in  which  his  wisdom,  firmness,  and  other  eminent  qualities,  were 
eulogized  in  the  warmest  terms.  Mr.  Giles,  of  Virginia,  moved  to  ex- 
punge all  expressions  of  respect,  as  he  wished  him  to  retire,  and  thought 
that  the  time  for  him  to  do  so  had  arrived.  This  motion  had  the  support, 
of  Mr.  Jackson. 

In  Tennessee  his  popularity  continued  to  increase,  and  in  1797  he  \yas 
elected  a  Senator  of  Congress.  His  vote  for  a  repeal  of  the  alien  Jaw, 
was  his  only  official  act  of  note  while  he  filled  this  station.  Aboui  the 
middle  of  April,  he  asked  leave  to  return  home  on  private  business. 
Permission  was  granted,  and  before  the  next  session  he  resigned  his  seat. 
He  was  but  a  little  more  than  thirty  years  of  age,  and  hence,  scarcely 
eligible  by  the  Constitution  at  the  time  he  was  elected. 

On  his  return  to  Tennessee,  he  was  appointed  Major  General  of  the 
militia  of  that  State.     He  held  this  commission  till  the  year  181  i.     Soon 


JACKSON.  276 

after  liis  resignation  of  his  seat  in  Congress,  he  was  appointed  a  Judo-e 
of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  State.  He  subsequently  resigned  this  office 
through  a  distrust  of  his  legal  acquirements.  He  retired  to  a  plantation 
ten  miles  from  Nashville,  and  for  several  years  nothing  occurred  to  inter- 
rupt his  repose. 

The  acts  of  Congress  of  the  6th  of  February  and  July,  1812,  autho- 
rized the  President   to  accept  the  services  of  fifty  thousand   volunteers. 
General  Jackson  addressed  the  militia  subject  to  his  orders,  and  the  appeal 
to  their  patriotism  was  promptly  answered.     "  Twenty-five  hundred  brave 
men  placed  themselves  under  his  command,  armed  and  equipped  for  war, 
and  being  duly  authorized,  he  assembled  them  at  Nashville  in  December. 
The  weather,  for  that  latitude,  was  very  severe,  and  the  earth   was  clad 
in  white;  but  the  hardy  backwoodsmen  bore  their  hardships  as  patiently 
as  the  trees  of  their  native  forests.     They  descended  the   Mississippi   in 
January,  in  spite  of  cold  and  ice,  to  Natchez.     Much  honor  is  due  to  their 
chief  for  his  exertions  to  preserve  their  ardor  unabated,  and  his  endeavors 
to  establish  discipline  among  them.     But  as  there  was  no  appearance  of 
war  in  the  south-west,  their  services  were  not  needed,  and  General  Jackson 
received  an  order  from  the   Secretary  of  War  to  disband  his  troops,  and 
deliver  the  public  property  in  his  possession  to  General  Wilkinson.     This 
order  General  Jackson  thought  fit  to  disobey.     In  spite  of  all  opposition, 
he  broke  up  his  camp,  and   marched   his  troops  homeward   through  the 
forests,  sharing  their  hardships,  and  setting  them  an  example  of  untiring 
patience  and  perseverance.     At  the  close  of  the  march,  he  disbanded  his 
men,  who  returned  to  their  respective  homes.     In  a  letter  to  the   Secre- 
tary of  War,  he  staled,  that  had  he  dismissed  Lis  for-^es  on  receiving  the 
order,  the  sick  would  have  sufared,  and  many  would  have  been  compelled 
by  want  to  enlist  in  the  regular  service.     In   fine,   his  conduct  was  ap- 
proved, and  the  expenses  incurred  were  paid  by  government." 

The  volunteers,  who  had  descended  the  river,  having  been  discharged 
early  in  jMay,  there  was  little  expectation  that  they  would  again  be  called 
for.  Tennessee  was  too  remotely  situated  in  the  interior  of  the  country 
to  expect  their  services  would  be  required  for  her  defence,  and  hitherto 
the  British  had  discovered  no  serious  intention  of  waging  operations 
against  any  part  of  Louisiana.  Their  repose,  however,  was  not  of  lonw 
duration.  The  Creek  Indians,  inhabiting  the  country  lying  between  the 
Chatahochee  and  Tombigbee,  and  extending  from  the  Tennessee  river  to 
the  Florida  line,  had  lately  manifested  strong  symptoms  of  hostility 
towards  the  United  States.  This  disposition  was  greatly  strengthened 
through  means  used  by  the  northern  Indians,  who  were  then  making 
preparations  for  a  war  against  the  United  States,  and  who  wished  to 
engage  the  southern  tribes  in  the  same  enterprise. 

An  artful  impostor  had,  about  this  time,  sprung  up  amongst  the  Shaw- 
nees,  who,  by  passing  for  a  prophet,  acquired  astonishing  influence  among 
his  people.  He  succeeded  in  exciting  a  haired  against  the  inhabitants  of  the 
United  Slates,  v,-hich  soon  after  broke  forth  in  acts  of  violence.  His  brother 
Tecumseh  was  dispatched  to  the  southern  tribes,  to  kindle  in  them  the  same 
temper.  Hostilities  began  to  spread  along  the  whole  lineof  oursouthern  and 
south-western  frontier.  A  regular  communication  was  kept  up  between 
36 


276  JACKSON. 

the  Creeks  or  Muscogees  and  the  northern  tribes  ;  whilst  frequent  Jepre« 
dations  were  committed  on  the  border  settlers.  By  one  of  the  incursions, 
in  the  summer  of  1812,  several  families  had  been  murdered  in  a  shock- 
ing manner,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Ohio  ;  and,  shortly  afterwards,  another 
party,  entering  the  limits  of  Tennessee,  had  butchered  two  families  of 
women  and  children.  These  acts  were  not  sanctioned  by  the  Creek 
government,  for  on  application  to  the  chiefs,  the  offenders  were  punished 
with  death.  No  sooner  was  this  done,  however,  than  the  spirit  of  the 
greater  part  of  the  nation  suddenly  kindled  into  civil  war.  War  clubs, 
painted  red,  were  seen  every  where  among  them,  and  it  was  evident  that 
some  deep  and  settled  purpose  of  revenge  was  working  in  their  minds. 

The  first  ebullition  of  their  rage  fell  upon  those  of  their  countrymen 
who  were  known  to  be  peaceably  disposed  towards  the  United  States, 
Incited  by  Wetherford,  one  of  the  principal  chiefs,  ihey  then  proceeded  to 
the  attack  of  Fort  Mimms  in  the  territory  of  Mississippi.  This  fort 
contained  at  that  time  about  one  himdred  and  fifty  men,  besides  a  con- 
siderable number  of  women  and  children,  who  had  fled  there  for  protection. 
The  Indians  carried  it  by  assault.  The  slaughter  was  indiscriminate. 
Nearly  three  hundred  persons,  including  women  and  children,  were  put 
to  death  with  the  most  savage  barbarity.  But  seventeen  of  the  whole 
number  in  the  fort  escaped  to  tell  of  the  dreadful  catastrophe. 

The  news  of  this  outrage  produced  a  great  excitement  in  Tennessee. 
A  number  of  respectable  citizens  convened  at  Nashville,  and  after  con- 
ferring with  the  Governor  and  General  Jackson,  urged  the  propriety  of 
imm.ediately  marching  an  army  into  the  heart  of  the  Creek  nation.  This 
measure  was  recommended  to  the  Legislature,  and  that  body  passed  a 
law  authorizing  the  executive  to  call  into  the  field  three  thousand  iive 
hundred  of  the  militia.  Three  hundred  thousand  dollars  were  voted  for 
the  support  of  these  men.  By  order  of  the  Governor,  General  Jackson, 
though  yet  suffering  from  a  fractured  arm,  (the  consequence  of  an  affray, 
which  has  been  variously  represented,)  called  out  two  thousand  of 
the  volunteers  and  militia  of  his  division.  To  this  force  were  joined 
five  hundred  horsemen,  under  Colonel  Coffee,  who  was  authorized  to  add 
to  his  corps  as  many  mounted  riflemen  as  he  could  gather.  He  was 
ordered  forthwith  to  proceed  to  the  frontier,  and  take  measures  for  its 
defence,  while  General  Jackson  should  collect  and  organize  as  many  an 
possible  of  his  former  army. 

Every  exertion  was  now  made  to  hasten  the  preparations  for  a  vigorous 
campaign.  The  day  of  rendezvous  being  arrived,  and  the  General  not 
being  sufficiently  recovered  to  attend  in  person,  he  forwarded  by  his  aid- 
do-camp,  Major  Reid,  an  address  to  be  read  to  the  troops,  accompanied 
by  an  order  for  the  establishment  of  the  police  of  the  camp.  His  orders 
may  produce  a  smile  on  the  countenance  of  the  disciplined  soldier,  but 
to  the  rude  and  independent  settlers  under  his  command  they  seemed 
intolerably  rigorous  and  severe. 

For  the  police  of  the  camp,  he  announced  the  following  order : 

"  The  chain  of  sentinels  will  be  marked,  and  the  sentries  posted,  pre- 
cisely at  ten  o'clock  to  day. 

"  No  sutler  will  be  suffered  to  sell  spirituous   liquors  to   any   soldier. 


JACKSON.  277 

without  permission,  in  writing,  from  a  commissioned  officer,  under  the 
penalties  prescribed  by  the  rules  and  articles  of  war. 

"  No  citizen  will  be  permitted  to  pass  the  chain  of  sentinels,  after  re- 
treat beat  in  the  evening,  until  reveille  in  the  morning.  Drunkenness, 
the  bane  of  all  orderly  encampments,  is  positively  forbidden,  both  in 
ofRcers  and  privates:  officers  under  the  penalty  of  immediate  arrest ;  and 
privates,  of  b^ing  placed  under  guard,  there  to  remain  until  liberated  by 
a  court  martial. 

"  At  revei^e  beat,  all  officers  and  soldiers  are  to  appear  on  parade,  with 
their  arms  oTid  accoutrements  in  proper  order. 

"  On  parade,  silence,  the  duty  of  a  soldier,  is  positively  commanded. 
"  No  officer  or  soldier  is  to  sleep  out  of  camp,  but  by  permission  ob- 
tained." 

On  the  7th  of  October,  General  Jackson  joined  his  division,  and  learned 
that  the  Creeks  had  detached  upwards  of  eight  hundred  of  their  warriors 
to  fall  upon  the  frontier  of  Georgia,  while  the  remainder  of  their  forces 
were  marching  upon  Huntsville.  On  the  9th,  therefore,  he  set  his  army 
in  motion.  They  reached  Huntsville  that  day,  by  a  forced  march,  and 
on  the  morrow  formed  a  junction  with  Colonel  Coffee's  regiment,  on  the 
Tennessee  river.  Here  they  rested  several  days,  during  which  General 
Jackson  sent  scouts  to  reconnoitre  the  Bkck  Warrior  river,  a  tributary 
of  the  Tombigbee,  on  which  were  several  Creek  villages.  This  delay 
was  occasioned  by  the  failure  of  an  expected  supply  of  provisions. 

While  the  army  was  thus  inactive,  a.messenger  arrived  from  Chinnaby, 
a  chief  of  the  friendly  Creeks.  He  brought  intelligence  that  Chinnaby's 
encampment,  near  Ten  Islands,  on  the  Coosa,  was  threatened  by  the 
enemy,  and  solicited  relief.  This  information  induced  the  General  to 
march  to  Thompson's  creek,  a  small  branch  of  the  Tennessee,  where  he 
had  reason  to  believe  he  might  be  met  by  the  expected  supply.  He  was 
the  more  inclined  to  action,  that  the  scarcity  of  provisions  depressed  the 
spirits  of  his  half  disciplined  troops.  But  he  was  again  disappointed, 
and  his  letters  to  different  quarters,  soliciting  the  desired  aid,  failed  of 
their  effect.  Even  the  planters  of  the  frontier,  who  had  a  vital  interest 
in  the  success  of  his  operations,  neglected  to  assist  the  army  contractors. 
In  this  embarrassing  situation,  another  messenger  from  Chinnaby  arrived, 
to  urg-e  the  necessity  of  an  immediate  movement,  3.s  the  enemy  was  ad- 
vancing upon  him  in  great  force.  This  information  caused  the  army  to 
move  again. 

Near  Ten  Islands  General  Jackson  was  met  by  Chinnaby,  who  informed 
him  that  he  was  within  sixteen  miles  of  the  hostile  Creeks,  v/ho  were 
assembled  to  the  number  of  a  thousand,  to  oppose  his  march.  Hence 
Colonel  Dyer  was  sent  with  a  competent  force  to  attack  the  village  of 
Littafu tehee,  on  a  branch  of  the  Coosa.  This  done,  the  army  set  forward 
once  more,  and  reached  the  islands  of  the  Coosa  without  opposition,  thus 
proving  the  report  of  Chinnaby  to  have  been  unfounded.  Here  Colonel 
Dyer  rejoined,  havingaccomplished  his  object.  He  had  burned  Littafutchee, 
with  little  or  no  loss  on  his  own  side,  and  brought  back  with  him  twenty- 
nine  prisoners,  men,  women,  and  children.  The  scouting  parties  now 
began  to  bring  in  prisoners,  and  cattle  and  corn  taken  from  the  enemy. 


278  JACKSON. 

Tlie  firist  week  in  November,  information  was  received  that  a  conside- 
rable body  of  the  Muscogee  warriors  had  taken  a  position  at  the  village 
of  Tallushatches,  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  Coosa.  Colonel  Coffee  was 
sent  to  attack  them  at  the  head  of  nine  hundred  mounted  men.  He 
forded  the  Coosa  under  the  direction  of  an  Indian  guide,  and  advanced 
on  Tallushatches.  The  Muscogccs  were  aware  of  his  approach,  and 
prepared  to  meet  it  as  became  men.  They  struck  the  war  drum,  sung 
liie  war  song,  and  by  their  savage  war  whoop  gave  notice  that  they  were 
prepared  for  battle.  Within  a  mile  and  a  half  of  the  village  Colonel 
Coffee  halted,  divided  his  force  into  two  bodies,  and  then  advanced  in 
such  a  way  as  to  surround  the  enemy,  who  remained  quiet  in  the 
tiuiIdin<Ts.  Seeing  this,  the  commander  had  recourse  to  a  feint.  He  sent 
forward  two  companies  to  decoy  the  Indians  from  their  cover.  No  sooner 
had  these  deployed  into  line  in  front  of  the  village,  and  fired  a  few  shots, 
than  the  savages  boldly  charged  and  drove  them  back  on  the  main  body, 
which  opened  a  general  fire  and  charged  in  turn.  The  Muscogees  retir- 
ed, resisting  obstinately  all  the  way,  till  they  reached  their  village,  where 
they  stood  fast,  and  a  desperate  conflict  ensued.  The  Indians  did  not 
ask  quarter,  and  when  shot  down  continu-id  to  fight  on  the  ground  as 
long  as  their  breath  lasted.  Many  of  their  wives  assisted  in  the  defence, 
and  emulated  the  bravery  of  their  partners.  The  Tennesseans  revenged 
the  slaughter  of  Fort  Mimms,  by  slaying  all  the  men,  and  some  women 
and  children.  Not  one  of  the  savages  escaped:  their  total  loss  in  killed 
was  upwards  of  a  hundred  and  eighty,  and  eighty-four  women  and  chil- 
dren were  taken  alive.  On  the  other  side,  five  of  the  whites  were  killed 
outright,  and  forty-one  were  wounded. 

When  Colonel  Coffee  had  rejoined  the  main  body.  General  Jackson 
resolved  to  build  a  fort  and  establish  a  depot  at  Ten  Islands.  The  forti- 
fication was  named  Fort  Strother. 

On  the  evening  of  the  7th,  a  runner  arrived  from  Talladega,  a  fort  of 
the  friendly  Indians,  thirty  miles  below,  with  information  that  the  enemy 
had  encamped  before  it  in  great  numbers,  and  would  certainly  destroy  it 
unless  immediate  assistance  should  be  rendered.  Jackson  did  not  hesi- 
tate to  march  to  their  assistance,  with  all  his  disposable  force,  amounting 
to  twelve  hundred  infantry  and  eight  hundred  mounted  men.  The  troops 
crossed  the  river  that  very  night,  each  horseman  carrying  a  foot  soldier 
behind  him,  though  the  Coosa  is  here  six  hundred  yards  wide.  The 
whole  night  was  consumed  in  this  operation,  yet  the  army  continued  its 
march  with  unabated  ardor,  and  by  the  next  evening  arrived  wnthin  six 
miles  of  the  enemy.  At  night  an  express  arrived  from  General  White, 
with  the  news  that  that  officer  had  not  been  able  to  move  to  the  protection 
of  Fort  Strother,  according  to  Jackson's  desire,  having  received  a  counter 
order  from  General  Cocke,  to  march  to  the  mouth  of  Chatouga  Creek. 
This  intelligence,  that  his  rear  was  left  unprotected,  caused  General 
Jackson  to  decide  on  attacking  the  enemy  without  delay,  lest  by  a  change 
of  their  policy,  his  depot  should  be  carried  in  his  absence.  Orders  were 
given  accordingly. 

At  four  in  tiie  morning,  the  army  moved,  in  order  of  battle.  The 
infnntrv  advanced  in  three  columns,  and  the  cavalry  followed,  while  the 


JACKSON.  279 

wing?  were  protected  by  flankers.  The  advance,  consisting  of  four  com- 
panies, inarched  four  hundred  yards  in  front,  under  Colonel  Carroll.  By 
seven,  the  army  was  within  a  mile  of  the  enemy,  and  the  columns  de- 
ployed into  line,  while  the  cavalry  made  a  circuit  round  the  enemy's 
llank.  so  as  to  leave  them  small  chance  of  escape. 

About  eight,  the  advanced  guard,  having  approached  a  small  thicket 
of  underbrush,  received  a-  sharp  volley.  They  returned  it,  and  retreated 
upon  the  centre,  according  to  their  orders,  it  being  the  policy  of  the 
General  to  draw  the  Indians  from  their  cover.  The  Indians,  elated  by 
this  apparent  success,  raised  the  war  whoop,  and  fell  furiously  on  the  left 
wing,  tomahawk  in  hand.  This  movement  had  nearly  decided  the  battle, 
for  several  companies  gave  way  before  their  onset,  and  the  officer  ordered 
by  General  Jackson  to  throw  his  troops  into  the  gap,  did  not  execute  the 
command.  The  General  promptly  supplied  their  place  with  the  reserve, 
which,  with  the  assistance  of  the  broken  troops,  who  began  to  rally, 
checked  ihe  advance  of  the  savages.  The  line  now  delivered  an  unbroken 
fire,  and  in  fifteen  minutes  the  Creeks  gave  way  at  all  points  and  fled. 
The  cavalry  of  the  left  wing  made  great  slaughter  of  them,  and  numbers 
fell  in  the  pursuit,  which  continued  three  miles.  The  troops  behaved  as 
might  have  been  expected  from  the  volunteers  of  Tennessee,  and  that  is 
a  sufficient  encomium. 

In  this  battle  a  thousand  and  eighty  of  the  Creeks  were  engaged  ;  of 
whom  three  hundred  were  left  dead  on  the  field,  and  about  as  many  more 
were  slain  in  their  flight.  The  loss  of  the  Americans  was  fifteen  killed, 
and  nearly  a  hundred  wounded,  many  mortally.  The  results  of  the 
action  were,  the  relief  of  the  friendly  Indians  at  Talladega,  an  increase 
of  confidence  in  themiselves  and  their  General  on  the  part  of  the  Tennes- 
seans,  and  the  discomfiture  of  the  hostile  Creeks. 

The  condition  of  his  posts  in  the  rear,  and  a  want  of  pi'ovisions,  com- 
pelled General  Jackson  and  his  men  to  return.  Accordingly,  having 
buried  his  dead,  and  provided  litters  for  the  wounded,  he  reluctantly 
commenced  his  return  march  on  the  morning  succeeding  the  battle.  He 
confidently  hoped,  from  the  previous  assurances  of  the  contractors,  that, 
by  the  time  of  his  return  to  Fort  Strother,  sufficient  supplies  would  have 
arrived  there :  but  to  his  surprise,  he  found  that  not  a  particle  had  been 
forwarded  since  his  departure,  and  that  what  had  been  left  was  already 
consumed.  Even  his  private  stores,  brought  on  at  his  own  expense,  and 
upon  which  he  and  his  staff  had  hitherto  wholly  subsisted,  had  been,  in 
his  absence,  distributed  amongst  the  sick  by  the  hospital  surgeon,  who 
had  been  previously  instructed  to  do  so,  in  the  event  their  wants  should 
recjuire  it.  A  few  dozen  biscuit,  which  remained,  on  his  return,  were 
given  to  the  hungry  applicants,  without  being  tasted  by  himself  or  family, 
who  were  probably  not  less  hungry  than  those  who  were  thus  relieved. 
A  scanty  sujjply  of  indifTerent  beef,  taken  from  the  enemy,  or  purchased 
of  the  Cherokees,  was  now  the  only  support  afTorded.  Thus  left  destitute, 
JacK-son,  (says  his  biographer,  Eaton,)  with  the  utmost  cheerfulness  of 
temper,  repaired  to  the  bullock  pen,  and,  of  the  oflial  there  thrown  away, 
provided  for  himself  and  staff,  what  he  was  pleased  to  call,  a  very  com- 
fortable repast.     Tripes,  however,  hastily  provided  in  a  comp,  without 


280  JACKSON. 

bread  or  seasoning,  can  only  be  palatable  to  an  appetite  very  highly 
whetted  ;  yet  this  constituted,  for  several  days,  the  only  diet  at  head- 
quarters ;  during  which  time,  the  General  seemed  entirely  satisfied  with 
his  fare. 

In  this  campaign,  a  soldier  one  morning,  with  a  wobegone  counte- 
nance, approached  the  General,  stating  that  he  was  nearly  starved,  that 
he  had  nothing  to  eat,  and  could  not  imagine  what  he  should  do.  He 
was  the  more  encouraged  to  complain,  from  perceiving  that  the  General, 
who  had  seated  himself  at  the  root  of  a  tree,  waiting  the  coming  up  of 
the  rear  of  the  army,  was  busily  engaged  in  eating  something.  The 
poor  fellow  was  impressed  with  the  belief,  from  what  he  saw,  that  want 
only  prevailed  among  the  soldiers,  and  that  the  officers,  particularly  the  Ge- 
neral, were  liberally  supplied.  He  accordingly  approached  him  with  great 
confidence  of  being  relieved.  Jackson  told  him,  that  it  had  always  been 
a  rule  with  him  never  to  turn  away  a  hungry  man  when  it  was  in  his 
power  to  relieve  him.  I  will  most  cheerfully,  said  he,  divide  with  you 
what  I  have ;  and,  putting  his  hand  to  his  pocket,he  drew  forth  a  few  acorns, 
from  which  he  had  been  feasting,  adding,  it  was  the  best  and  only  fare 
he  had.  The  soldier  seemed  much  surprised,  and  forthwith  circulated 
cmongst  his  comrades,  that  their  General  was  actually  subsisting  upon 
acorns,  and  that  they  ought  no  more  to  complain. 

Discontent  now  began  to  spread  through  the  camp  of  General  Jack- 
son, and  at  length  burst  into  open  revolt.  The  officers  and  soldiers  of 
the  militia  determined  to  abandon  their  posts,  and  return  to  their  homes. 
Jackson,  apprised  of  their  resolution,  determined  to  oppose  it  at  all  hazard. 
In  the  morning,  when  they  were  about  to  carry  their  design  into  execution, 
he  drew  up  the  volunteers  in  front  of  them,  with  orders  to  oppose  their 
departure.  The  militia,  fearing  to  persist  in  their  purpose,  quietly  aban- 
doned it  and  returned  to  their  quarters. 

The  next  day  presented  a  singular  scene.  The  volunteers,  who,  the 
day  before,  had  been  the  means  of  detaining  the  militia,  now  began 
likewise  to  mutiny.  Their  opposition  to  the  departure  of  the  militia  was 
merely  a  pretence  to  escape  suspicion,  for  they  silently  wished  them 
success.  They  now  determined  to  move  away  in  a  body,  believing  that 
no  one  would  oppose  them.  As  they  were  about  to  quit  the  camp,  the 
militia  turned  the  tables  on  them,  expressing  a  fixed  determination  to 
obey  the  General's  orders  by  enforcing  their  stay  at  the  point  of  the 
bayonet.  So  well  had  Jackson  contrived  to  make  their  mutual  jealousies 
subserve  his  ow^n  ends.  Thus  situated,  the  volunteers  had  an  option  to 
remain,  or  to  turn  their  weapons  against  their  brethren  in  arms.  They 
chose  the  former  alternative.  However,  the  complaints  of  the  cavalry 
were  n.^t  to  be  silenced;  their  forage  w^as  entirely  exhausted,  and  they 
had  no  ^irospect  of  obtaining  more.  General  Jackson  listened  to  their 
petition  to  be  permitted  to  return  home,  and  granted  it,  on  condition  that 
they  would  rejoin  him  when  required. 

^  The  most  urgent  solicitations  of  General  Jackson  could  not  suppress  the 
discontent  which  still  prevailed  among  his  troops.     Even  his  promise  thai 
if  the  supplies  should  not  arrive  within  two  days,  the  forces  should  a] 
march  homeward  together,  had  no  effect.     The  officers  of  the  volunteer 


JACKSON.  2RI 

brigade  declared  that  noth.ng  short  of  marching  the  army  immediately 
back  to  the  settlements,  could  prevent  a  forcible  desertion  of  \he  camp,  by 
the  soldiers.  The  officers  of  the  militia  expressed  their  willingness  to 
remain  a  few  days  longer  ;  but  the  General  was  compelled  to  suffer  a 
regiment  of  volunteers  to  leave  the  camp,  under  the  condition,  however, 
that,  after  satisfying  their  wants,  they  should  return  and  act  as  an  escort 
to  the  provisions. 

Two  days  had  elapsed  since  the  departure  of  the  volunteers,  and  no 
supplies  had  arrived.  The  militia  earnestly  demanded  the  fulfilment  of 
the  prouiise  which  had  been  made,  that  they  should  be  marched  back  to 
the  settlements.  This  was  to  Jackson  a  moment  of  deep  dejection.  "  If 
only  two  men  will  remain  with  me,"  he  exclaimed,  "  I  will  never  abandon 
this  post."  Captain  Gordon,  of  the  spies,  replied,  "  You  have  one,  Gene- 
ral ;  let  us  look  if  we  can't  find  another,"  and  he  soon  succeeded  in 
procuring  one  hundred  and  nine  volunteers.  Leavii^.g  this  garrison 
behind,  Jackson,  with  the  rest  of  his  army,  set  out  towards  Deposit. 
They  had  not  proceeded  more  than  ten  or  twelve  miles,  when  they  met 
a  convoy  of  the  long  expected  commissary's  stores.  This  sight  Avas  as 
unwelcome  to  the  soldiers  as  it  was  grateful  to  their  chief.  So  great 
was  their  aversion  to  returning,  that  mutiny  again  displayed  itself  in 
their  ranks.  One  company  had  revolted,  and  was  already  moving  off  in 
the  direction  of  home.  They  had  proceeded  some  distance  before  infor- 
mation of  their  departure  was  conveyed  to  Jackson.  Irritated  at  their 
conduct,  the  General  pursued  them  until  he  came  near  a  part  of  his 
slafi'and  a  few  soldiers,  who,  with  General  Coffee,  had  halted  about  a 
quarter  of  a  mile  ahead.  He  ordered  them  to  form  immediately  across 
the  road,  and  to  fire  on  the  mutineers  if  they  attempted  to  proceed.  The 
execution  of  this  order  caused  the  deserters  to  retreat  precipitately  to  the 
main  body.  Here  it  was  supposed  that  the  affair  would  end,  and  that 
further  opposition  would  cease.  But  a  mutinous  disposition  began  pre- 
sently to  show  itself  throughout  the  whole  brigade.  Jackson,  having 
advanced  towards  them,  while  his  guard  were  at  some  distance,  found  on 
his  arrival  a  much  more  extensive  mutiny  than  that  which  had  been  just 
quelled.  Almost  the  whole  brigade  had  put  itself  in  an  attitude  for  moving 
forcibly  ofT. 

Jack&on  now  made  a  signal  display  of  energy  and  decision.  He  was 
still  without  the  use  of  his  left  arm  ;  but,  seizing  a  musket,  and  resting 
it  on  the  neck  of  his  horse,  he  threw  himself  in  front  of  the  column,  and 
threatened  to  shoot  the  first  man  who  should  attempt  to  advance.  In  this 
situation,  he  was  soon  after  joined  by  Major  Reid  and  General  Cofiee, 
who  placed  themselves  by  his  side,  and  abided  by  the  result.  For  many 
minutes  the  column  preserved  a  sullen  and  hesitating  attitude.  At  length, 
they  turned  quietly  round,  and  agreed  to  return  to  their  posts. 

About  the  22d  of  November,  a  deputation  arrived  from  the  Creek  tribes 
called  Hillabees,  to  sue  for  peace.  They  had  suffered  severely  at  Talla- 
dega, and  were  now  ready  to  submit  to  whatever  terms  the  General 
might  impose.  He  replied  that  they  must  restore  the  prisoners  and 
property  they  had  taken,  whether  from  the  whites  or  the  friendly  Creeks, 
and  surrender   the  perse  as   concerned  in  the  massacre  at  Fort  Mimms. 


^82  JACKSON. 

"With  this  answei,  the  Hillabee  ambassadors  returned  to  their  villages  on 
the  24th  of  the  month. 

That  very  night  the  Hillabees  were  attacked  in  their  huts  by  the  Tfen- 
nessee  militia,  under  General  White.  Sixty  of  them  were  killed,  upwards 
of  two  hundred  and  fifty  were  made  prisoners,  and  their  villages  were 
utterly  destroyed.  The  officers  of  the  eastern  division,  jealous  of  General 
Jackson's  reputation,  and  unwilling  to  lend  their  aid  to  raise  it,  had 
refused  or  neglected  to  co-operate  with  him  throughout  the  campaign. 
Such  is  often  the  harmony  of  militia  operations.  In  this  instance,  the 
result  is  to  be  deplored.  The  Hillabees  believed  themselves  assailed  by 
Jackson,  to  whom  they  had  offered  his  choice  of  terms,  and  from  whom 
they  hr  \  received  a  promise  of  amnesty.  Under  these  circumstances, 
they  concluded  that  peaceful  conduct  could  not  defend  them  from  open 
force  or  treachery,  and  till  the  final  cessation  of  h-ostilities  they  waged  a 
war  of  extermination.     In  no  instance  did  they  ask  or  accept  quarter. 

The  clamors  of  the  troops  were  by  no  means  abated  during  their  resi- 
dence at  Fort  Strother.  The  Avant  of  food  was  indeed  obviated  by  the 
arrival  of  sufficient  stores,  but  they  resolved,  if  possible,  to  obtain  a 
discharge.  They  insisted  that  the  period  for  which  they  had  undertaken 
to  serve  would  terminate  on  the  10th  of  December,  that  making  a  year 
since  the  commencement  of  their  engagement.  Although  they  had  been 
unemployed  during  the  greater  part  of  this  time,  they  very  reasonably 
contended  that  this  circumstance  did  not  authorize  any  deductions  from 
the  regular  period  of  their  engagement.  General  Jackson  thought  other- 
wise :  he  replied,  that  "  the  law  of  Congress,  under  which  they  had  been 
accepted,  requiring  one  year's  service  out  of  two,  could  contemplate 
nothing  less  than  an  actual  service  of  three  hundred  and  sixty-five  days  ; 
and,  until  that  had  been  performed,  he  could  not,  unless  specially  autho- 
rized, undertake  to  discharge  them." 

On  the  evening  of  the  9lh,  Jackson  was  informed  that  a  whole  brigade 
of  volunteers  was  again  preparing  forcibly  to  move  ofl^.  He  immediately 
issued  the  following  general  order  : 

"  The  commanding  General  being  informed  that  an  actual  mutiny 
exists  in  his  camp,  all  officers  and  soldiers  are  commanded  to  put  it  down. 

"The  officers  and  soldiers  of  the  first  brigade  will,  without  delay, 
parade  on  the  west  side  of  the  fort,  and  await  further  orders."  The 
artillery  company,  with  two  small  fieldpieces,  being  posted  in  the  front 
and  rear,  and  the  militia,  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Wynne,  on  the 
eminences  in  advance,  were  ordered  to  prevent  the  departure  of  the 
volunteers.  This  formidable  opposition  compelled  the  deserters  to  return 
once  more  to  their  posts.  But  although  baffled  in  this  manner,  their 
dissatisfaction  at  remaining  could  not  be  quelled,  and  Jackson  was  finally 
induced  to  issue  an  order  to  General  Hall,  to  march  his  brigade  to  Nash- 
ville. 

Meanwhile  the  cavalry  and  mounted  riflemen,  who,  under  an  express 
stipulation  to  return  and  complete  the  campaign,  had  been  permitted  to 
retire  into  the  settlements,  had,  at  the  time  appointed,  reassembled  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Huntsville.  But,  catching  the  infection  of  discontent 
from  the   infantry,   they  began  now  to  clamor' with  equal  zeal  for  a  (lis- 


JACKSON.  283 

charcfe.  No  Tepresentations  could  induce  them  to  romnin  ;  and  they 
finally  abandoned  their  posts  tuniulluously,  and  rolurned  to  llieir  respective 
hofhes.  Thus  Jackson  was  deserted  by  almost  his  whole  original 
army,  and  remained  with  only  about  thirteen  hundred  men  of  the  eastern 
division.  The  term  of  service  of  most  of  these  had  nearly  expired,  and 
they  claimed  their  discharge  as  due  on  the  14lh  of  December. 

"  The  Governor  of  Tennessee  had  ordered  a  levy  of  twenty-five  hundred 
men  from  the  second  division,  to  assemble  at  Fayettevillc  on  the  2Sth  of 
January,  to  serve  for  a  period  of  three  months.  General  Cocke  was  also 
required  to  furnish  his  quota.  General  Roberts  brought  two  hundred 
men  to  Fort  Strother,  but  these  stipulated  that  they  should  be  discharged 
at  the  end  of  three  months.  Nevertheless,  fearing  the  resolute  disposi- 
tion of  General  Jackson,  they  immediately  broke  up  and  deserted  to  a 
man.  Orders  were  immediately  issued  to  pursue  and  apprehend  them, 
and  finding  themselves  likely  to  be  compelled,  they  returp.ed  without 
further  ado. 

"The  time  had  now  come,  when  those  of  the  militia  w^ho  had  remained 
in  the  service,  claimed  to  be  discliarged,  and  they  declared  their  deter- 
mination to  return  home,  whether  their  claim  should  be  allowed  or  not. 
General  Jackson,  therefore,  contrary  to  the  advice  of  Governor  Blount, 
issued  an  order  forbidding  all  persons  under  his  command  to  leave  the 
camp  without  his  written  permission,  on  pain  of  death.  The  order  was 
disregarded.  The  officer  of  the  guard,  Lieutenant  Kearly,  and  all  his 
sentinels,  lefi  their  posts,  and  the  officer  refused  to  surrender  his  sword 
or  submit  to  arrest.  He  formed  his  company,  and  was  about  to  march 
them  homeward,  when  a  company  arrived  to  stay  hi?  proceedings. 
Kearly  prepared  to  fight  his  way  through  all  opposition,  aiid  his  com- 
pany would  have  seconded  him,  had  not  General  Jackson  instanily 
repaired  to  the  spot.  He  presented  a  pistol  to  the  subaltern's  breast, 
compelled  him  to  give  up  his  weapon,  and  placed  him  un'er  guard. 
But  on  his  submission  and  repentance,  Kearly  was  released  from  arrest 
and  again  received  into  favor.  While  this  was  going  on,  the  rest  of  the 
brigade  left  the  camp  and  proceeded  tov/ard  home,  leaving  behind  them 
but  a  single  regiment  of  militia,  whose  time  had  nearly  expired.  The 
General  sent  a  written  address  after  them,  but  it  did  not  bring  back  one 
individual. 

"  In  the  meanwhile,  the  Muscogees  were  sustaining  reverses  calculated 
to  depress  their  spirits  and  facilitate  future  operations  against  them.  Oa 
the  4th  of  December  they  were  defeated  by  the  Georgia  militia,  under 
General  Floyd,  at  Autossee,  a  town  on  the  Talapoosa  river.  The  strength 
of  eight  several  towns  had  been  gathered  for  the  defence  of  this  spot. 
Upwards  of  two  hundred  of  the  savage  warriors  wore  slain,  and  two 
villages  were  destroyed.  General  Clairborne  also  destroyed  the  town  of 
Eccancacha,  and  routed  its  defenders  with  loss,  on  the  1st  of  January, 
1814. 

"  On  the  13th  of  January,  eight  hundred  and  fifty  of  the  newly  raised 
Tennessee  volunteers  arrived  at  Fort  Strother.  ^They  hid  agreed  to 
serve  for  sixty  days  only,  and  no  persuasion  could  induce  them  to  extend 
the  term.     Thev  were  organized  in  two  mounted  regiments.     Two  days 


284  JACKSON. 

after,  these  troops  took  up  the  line  of  march  for  Talladega,  followed  by 
General  Jackson  with  his  staff,  an  artillery  company,  three  companies  of 
foot,  and  a  company  of  volunteer  officers,  nine  hundred  and  thirty  in  ^1. 
At  Talladega  they  were  joined  by  two  or  three  hundred  friendly  Creeks 
and  Cherokecs.  With  this  force,  the  chief  directed  his  march  to  Emuck- 
faw  river,  where  he  was  advised  that  a  large  body  of  the  enemy  had 
collected.  On  the  night  of  the  21st  he  encamped  within  three  miles  of 
them. 

"  At  daybreak  the  next  morning,  the  Creek  warriors  drove  in  the 
sentinels,  and  vigorously  charged  ih*  left  flank.  The  assault  was  bravely 
given,  bravely  received,  and  the  battle  was  maintained  with  great  spirit 
on  both  sides  for  half  an  hour.  When  light  broke,  a  general  charge 
forced  the  Muscogees  at  every  point,  and  as  the  Indian  allies  joined  in 
the  pursuit,  the  slaughter  was  considerable.  General  Coffee  was  then 
dispatched  with  four  hundred  men  to  destroy  the  Creek  encampment,  but 
found  it  too  strong  and  too  well  garrisoned  to  render  the  attempt  prudent. 
He  therefore  returned  to  the  camp. 

"  Half  an  hour  after  his  return,  a  party  of  the  enemy  attacked  the 
picket  guard  on  the  right  flank,  as  a  feint  to  draw  the  attention  of  the 
whites  thither,  and  thus  make  them  exnose  the  left  wing.  The  savages 
were  disappointed.  General  Jackson  o.dered  General  Coffee  to  defend 
the  right  with  the  assistance  of  two  hundred  of  the  Indian  allies,  and 
repaired  himself  to  the  left  wing.  The  shock  of  the  enemy  here  was 
sudden  and  violent,  but  it  was  sustained  with  a  gallantry  not  to  have  been 
expected  in  raw  recruits.  The  Creeks  maintained  the  battle  after  the 
fashion  of  their  ancestors,  availing  themselves  of  every  cover  afforded  by 
the  broken  ground,  lying  down  to  load  and  rising  to  fire.  After  a  few 
vollies,  the  left  wing  again  charged,  the  Muscogees  again  fled,  and  were 
again  pursued ;  but  in  the  mean  lime  General  Coffee  was  hard  pressed, 
the  Indians  directed  to  aid  him,  having  mistaken  their  orders.  By  some 
misapprehension  not  explained,  only  fifty  men  followed  him  to  repel  the 
first  attack,  and  he  found  the  enemy  posted  to  great  advantage.  They 
occupied  a  grove  of  pines  intermingled  with  brushwood,  forming  as  good 
a  cover  as  an  Indian  warrior  could  desire.  He  ordered  his  men  to  dis- 
mount and  charge  them,  and  they  were  driven  to  the  bank  of  a  stream, 
where  they  concealed  themselves  among  the  reeds,  Avhence  he  could  not 
dislodge  them.  He  then  retired,  and  the  Indians  again  emerged  from 
their  cover,  and  engaged  him  on  more  equal  terms.  Happily  for  him, 
their  number  was  not  great,  and  he  was  able  to  stand  his  ground  till 
General  Jackson  ordered  Jem  Fife,  the  chief  of  ihe  friendly  Creeks,  to 
go  to  his  assistance  with  a  hundred  and  fifty  Avarriors.  It  was  promptly 
done.  General  Coffee  and  the  Creek  chief  charged  in  concert,  and  the 
enemy  broke,  losing  forty-five  men  in  the  charge  and  pursuit. 

"Having  buried  the  dead  and  attended  to  the  wounded,  the  camp  v»as 
fortified  ;  for  the  Muscogee  operations  had  been  so  well  planned,  and 
they  had  fought  with  so  much  determination,  that  there  was  reason  to 
believe  they  would  not  let  the  matter  rest  thus.  No  attack  occurred 
during  the  night,  and  in  the  morning  the  army  commenced  its  retreat  to 
Fori  Strother.     Through  the  day  they  were  not  molested,  but  the  spies 


JACKSON.  286 

reporUid  that  the  enemy  hovered  on  the  flanks  and  rear.  This  induced 
the  chief  to  believe  he  should  be  attacked  in  the  night,  or  that  an 
ambush  would  be  prepared  for  him.  Nevertheless,  this  night  also  passed 
witbout  alarm. 

"There  was  a  defile  in  front  between  two  hills,  where  a  small  stream 
was  to  be  crossed,  a  place  every  way  fit  for  an  ai  uscade,  and  admirably 
adapted  to  the  pccuh'ar  warfare  of  the  Indians,  'i  >  avoid  being  taken  here 
at  a  disadvantage,  the  General  resolved  to  pass  the  stream  at  another  ford, 
where  there  was  nothing  to  obstruct  the  evolutions  or  fire  of  his  troops. 
Before  the  enemy  was  aware  of  this  change  of  route,  the  advanced 
g".ard,  the  wounded,  and  a  part  of  the  centre  division  had  crossed  the 
stream.  The  single  piece  of  artillery  had  just  entered  the  ford  when 
the  battle  cry  of  the  Muscogees  was  heard  behind,  and  the  rear  guard 
was  charged.  The  General  had  taken  his  measures  to  repel  such  an 
assault  wisely.  The  rear  column  had  received  orders  to  stand  fast,  while 
the  right  and  left  column  should  wheel  on  their  pivot,  rccross  the  stream 
above  and  below,  and  fall  upon  the  flanks  and  rear  of  the  enemy.  For 
once,  he  had  overrated  the  firnmess  of  his  men,  and  this  had  like  to  have 
been  the  last  of  his  battles.  The  rear  guard  gave  way,  on  receiving  the 
attack,  and  retired  upon  the  rear  division,  the  right  and  left  columns  of 
which  broke  in  confusion,  drawing  with  them  a  part  of  the  centre  column. 
Twenty-five  men  only  maintained  their  ground,  while  an  appalling  con- 
fusion and  consternation  pervaded  the  rest  of  the  army.  In  such  circum- 
stances, it  is  indeed  wonderful  that  the  whole  army  was  not  utterly 
destroyed. 

"  The  enemy's  balls  fell  thick  and  fast  on  the  American  ranks.  Cap- 
tain Hamilton  had  fallen,  Captains  Bradford  and  McGavock  were  down, 
Lieutenant  Armstrong  of  the  artillery  had  but  life  left  to  beg  his  men  to 
save  his  cannon,  and  many  more  of  inferior  degree  gave  up  their  lives 
here.  The  Muscogees  were  swarming  like  bees  to  the  attack,  and  there 
were  none  to  withstand  them  but  the  left  wing,  the  artillery  men,  a  com- 
pany of  spies,  and  a  few  that  remained  of  the  rear  guard."  The  artille- 
rists ascended  the  bank  with  the  most  determined  obstinacy,  loaded  their 
gun  under  a  shower  of  lead,  and  sent  repeated  charges  of  grape  amorio- 
the  savages.  The  company  of  spies  turned  the  left  flank  of  the  enemy, 
and  frustrated  a  charge  they  were  about  to  make  on  the  cannon.  IMany 
instances  of  individual  bravery  occurred  in  this  close  and  desperate 
conflict,  in  which  the  spies  and  artillerists  earned  all  praise.  They  kept 
the  enemy  at  bay,  while  the  General,  by  dint  of  strenuous  exertion, 
restored  order  in  his  broken  ranks.  The  Muscogees  at  last  fled,  throwing 
ofT  all  incumbrances  that  could  retard  their  flight. 

"  In  these  three  several  battles,  the  Muscogees  fought  with  a  courage 
worthy  of  a  better  fate,  and  their  loss  was  accordingly  severe.  One 
hundred  and  ninety  dead  were  found  on  the  fields  they  abandoned  ; 
and  if  we  consider  that  no  thorough  search  was  made,  and  that  it  is  the 
practice  of  Indians  to  carry  off'  and  conceal  their  slain,  we  must  believe 
the  number  of  their  killed  was  double  what  it  appeared.  Their  spirits 
were  depressed  by  the  success  of  this  sanguinary  onslaught,  and  they  did 
not  furtiier  harass  the  army  on  its  return  to  Fort  Stroiher.     Shortly 


2S6  JACKSON. 

after,  they  attacked  General  Floyd,  but  were  repulsed  Avith  considerable 
loss."* 

The  anny  encamped,  on  the  night  of  the  26lh,  within  three  miles  of 
Fort  Strother.  General  Jackson  having  now  terminated  this  triumphant 
campaign,  and  hearing  that  fresh  troops  might  be  expected  from  Tennes- 
see, where  the  news  of  his  success  had  much  effect,  determined  to 
discharge  his  troops.  After  detaining  his  late  volunteers,  therefore,  a 
short  time,  to  complete  boats  for  the  transportation  of  his  camp  equipage 
and  provisions  down  the  Coosa,  he  directed  them  to  be  marched  home, 
and  there  to  be  honorably  dismissed. 

The  thirty-ninth  regiment  of  Tennessee  militia,  about  six  hundred 
strong,  arrived  on  the  6th  of  February.  The  troops  from  the  second 
division,  under  Brigadier  General  Johnson,  arrived  on  the  14th ;  which, 
added  to  the  other  forces,  constituted  about  five  thousand  efficient  men. 
The  execution  of  a  private,  named  John  Woods,  who  had  been  sentenced 
by  a  court  martial,  on  the  charge  of  mutiny,  took  place  about  this  time. 
The  guilt  of  the  man  has  since  been  disputed,  and  the  necessity  of  the 
punishment  is  very  questionable. 

Insubordination  and  discontent  were  again  prevailing  among  the  troops 
in  consequence  of  a  deficiency  of  provisions.  Every  thing  seemed  to 
move  in  opposition  to  the  wishes  of  Jackson.  The  East  Tennessee 
brigade  had  already  manifested  symptoms  of  revolt,  and  it  was  ascer- 
tained that  this  mutinous  spirit  had  been  inflamed  by  General  Cocke, 
who,  it  appears,  was  jealous  of  the  increasing  fame  of  Jackson,  and 
wished  nothing  so  much  as  to  arrest  the  intended  campaign.  General 
Jackson,  at  length,  by  constant  and  unremitted  exertions,  obtained  such 
supplies  as  he  believed  would  be  necessary  to  enable  him  to  proceed. 
At  the  mouth  of  Cedar  Creek  he  established  Fort  Williams.  On  the 
24th  of  March,  1814,  leaving  a  sufficient  force  for  the  protection  of  the 
fort,  under  Brigadier  General  Johnson,  he  set  out  for  the  Tallapoosa,  by 
the  way  of  Emuckfaw.  His  whole  effective  force  was  something  less 
than  three  thousand  men.  At  ten  in  the  morning  of  the  27ih,  after  a 
march  of  fifty-two  miles,  he  reached  the  village  of  Tohopeka.  The 
enemy  had  collected  here,  in  considerable  numbers,  to  give  him  battle. 
The  warriors  from  Oakfusky,  Hillabee,  Eufalee,  and  New  Youckii, 
amounting  to  nearly  one  thousand  two  hundred,  were  at  this  place  await- 
ing his  approach.  They  had  chosen  an  admirable  spot  for  defence. 
Situated  in  a  bend  of  the  river,  which  almost  surrounded  it,  it  was 
accessible  only  by  a  narrow  neck  of  land.  This  they  had  strove  to  ren- 
der impregnable,  by  placing  large  timbers  and  trunks  of  trees  horizontally 
on  each  other,  leaving  but  a  single  place  for  entrance.  From  a  double 
row  of  port-holes,  they  were  enabled  to  fire  in  perfect  security  behind  it. 
General  Coffee,  with  mounted  infantry  and  friendly  Indians,  had  been 
dispatched,  early  in  the  morning,  to  encircle  the  bend,  and  manoeuvre  in 
such  a  way,  as  to  divert  the  savages  from  the  real  point  of  attack.  He 
was  particularly  directed  to  prevent  their  escape  to  the  opposite  shore  in 
their  canoes,  with  which,  it  was  represented,  the  whole  shore  was  lined. 

^Memoir  of  Jackson,  by  a  Freeman. 


JACKSON.  287 

Ti.e  General  posted  the  rest  of  his  army  in  front  of  tho  breastvork.  He 
be!;an  to  hatter  their  hreastworks  with  liis  cannon.  Mu.skets  and  rifles 
were  used,  as  the  Indians  occasionally  showed  themselves.  The  sig-.)als, 
which  were  to  announce  that  General  Collide  had  gained  his  destination, 
were  oiven.  The  soldiers  hailed  it  with  acclamations,  and  advanced 
with  the  intrepidity  of  veterans.  The  thirty-ninth  regiment,  led  on  by 
tlieir  skilful  commander,  Colonel  Williams,  and  the  brave,  but  ill-fated, 
Major  Montgomery,  and  the  militia,  amidst  a  sheet  of  fire  that  poured 
upon  them,  rushed  forward  to  the  rampart.  Here  an  obstinate  and 
destructive  conflict  ensued.  In  firing  through  the  port-holes  on  either 
side,  many  of  the  enemy's  balls  were  wielded  between  the  muskets  and 
bayonets  of  our  soldiers.  At  this  moment.  Major  Montgomery  leaping 
on  the  rampart,  called  to  his  men  to  follow  him.  Scarcely  had  he  spoken, 
when  he  was  shot  through  the  head,  and  fell. 

Our  troops  had  now  scaled  the  ramparts,  and  the  savages  fled  before 
them,  concealing  themselves  under  the  brush  and  timber,  which  abounded 
in  the  peninsula,  whence  they  still  continued  a  galling  fire.  Here  they 
were  charged  and  dislodged.  Their  next  alternative  was  their  canoes ; 
but  they  perceived  that  a  part  of  the  army  lined  the  opposite  shore,  and 
precluded  escape  in  that  quarter.  They,  that  still  survived  the  conflict, 
leaped  down  the  bunks,  and  took  shelter  behind  the  trees,  which  had  been 
felled  from  their  margin.  An  interpreter  with  a  flag  here  approached 
them,  to  propose  a  surrender  ;  but  he  was  fired  upon  and  severely  wounded 
ill  the  breast.  Orders  were  now  given  to  dislodge  them.  The  brush 
and  trees  about  them  were  set  on  fire  by  lighted  torches,  thrown  down 
among  them,  and  the  blaze  drove  them  from  their  hiding  places,  and 
exposed  them  to  view\  The  slaughter  continued  until  night  concealed 
the  combatants  from  one  another.  A  few  of  the  savages,  who  had  avoided 
the  havoc  of  the  day,  escaped  under  the  shelter  of  night.  The  friendly 
Indians  contributed  much  to  the  completeness  of  the  victory.  Several 
of  the  Cherokees  and  Russell's  spies  swam  across  the  river  in  the  heat 
of  the  action,  and  fired  the  Indian  town  in  the  rear  of  the  foe. 

This  battle  gave  a  death-blow  to  the  hopes  of  the  hostile  Indians,  and 
they  did  not  afterwards  venture  to  make  any  decided  stand.  Their  best 
and  their  bravest  fell.  Few  escaped  the  carnage.  Many  were  thrown 
into  the  river  while  the  battle  raged.  Many  were  destroyed  by  Cofl^ee's 
brigade  in  endeavoring  to  cross  it;  and  five  hundred  and  fifty-seven  were 
found  dead  on  the  field.  Among  the  slain  were  three  of  the  prophets. 
These  impostors  inflamed  the  delusive  confidence  of  the  savages  to  the 
last.  Monohoe,  one  of  the  chief  of  them,  fell  with  a  cannon  shot  in  his 
mouth,  at  the  very  moment  when  uttering  his  incantations,  and  urging 
tliem  to  stand  to  the  fight.  Four  men  only,  and  three  hundred  women 
and  children,  Avere  taken  prisoners.  The  small  number  of  men  who 
surrendered  proves,  in  an  impressive  ^manner,  the  decperation  with  which 
they  fought.  The  assault  by  the  troops  from  East  Tennessee  upon  the 
Hillabee  clans,  after  they  had  sued  for  peace  on  our  own  terms,  had 
caused  them  to  relincpiish  all  dependence  upon  our  humanity,  and  to  rely 
solely  upon  their  own  bravery  and  despair.  Our  loss,  including  the  friendly 
Ind'ans,  was  fifty-five  killed,  and  one  hundred  and  forty-six  wounded. 


288  JACKSON. 

The  General  sunk  his  dead  hi  the  river ;  for  he  had  found  by  experi- 
ence, that  when  they  were  b'r,  ied,  the  savages  exhumed  the  bodies,  strip- 
ped and  scalped  them,  and  exhibited  the  scalps  to  their  own  people,  as 
trophies  of  victory,  thus  encouraging  them  to  prolong  the  war.  Having 
made  the  necessary  arrangements  for  the  transportation  of  the  wounded, 
he  returned  safely  to  Fort  Williams. 

Learning  that  the  enemy  were  collected  in  consideiable  numbers  at 
Hoithlewalee,  a  town  not  far  from  the  Hickory  ground,  Jackson  was 
desirous  to  recommence  operations  as  soon  as  possible.  On  the  7th,  with 
all  his  disposable  force,  he  commenced  his  march,  with  the  double  view 
of  efi'scting  an  union  with  some  troops  from  North  Carolina  and  Georgia, 
who  were  south  of  Tallapoosa,  and  not  far  distant,  and  of  attacking  the 
enemy  at  Hoithlewalee,  on  his  route.  It  was  some  time  before  he  could 
procure  confidential  messengers,  to  convey  to  the  expected  troops  infor- 
mation of  his  proposed  movements.  He  wrote  by  expresses,  sent  on  two 
different  routes,  that  on  the  7th,  he  should  march  with  eight  days'  pro- 
visions for  Hoithlewalee,  which  he  intended  to  attack  on  the  11th  ;  and  he 
urged  the  necessity  of  proper  concert  on  their  piirt,  to  meet  this  movement. 
High  Avaters  prevented  his  reaching  his  destination  until  the  13th,  before 
which  the  enemy  had  fled.  The  rear,  however,  of  the  retreating  savages 
were  overtaken,  and  twenty-five  of  them  made  prisoners. 

The  next  dav,  the  long  desired  junction  with  the  southern  army  was 
effocled.  The  Tennessee  troops  were  sorely  pressed  foi  food.  Colonel 
Milton,  who  commanded  the  southern  army,  proposed  to  lend  General 
Jackson  a  temporary  supply,  but  felt  himself  under  no  obligation  to 
furnish  any.  To  this  the  General  replied,  by  ordering  him  to  send 
immediately  five  thousand  rations,  and  to  join  him  by  ten  the  next  day  at 
Hoithlewalee.  The  junction  was  accordingly  made.  The  necessary 
steps  were  taken  to  bring  down  provisions  from  Fort  Decatur,  and  no 
further  inconvenience  was  experienced  from  Avant  of  supplies. 

The  principal  chiefs  of  the  Hickory  ground  tribes,  and  the  Creek  chiefs 
generally,  came  in  with  protestations  of  friendship,  and  sued  for  peace. 
The  answer  was,  that  those  of  the  war  pai'ty,  who  wished  to  put  an  end 
to  the  contest,  and  become  friendl)^  must  manifest  it  by  retiring  in  the 
rear  of  the  army,  and  settling  themselves  to  the  north  of  Fort  Williams. 
Fourteen  chiefs  were  willing  to  furnish  still  further  evidence  of  their 
desire  for  peace.  They  assured  the  General,  that  their  aged  king,  Tous- 
hatchee,  would  have  come  with  them  in  person,  but  was  on  his  way  with 
his  followers,  to  settle  north  of  Fort  Williams,  according  to  the  informa- 
tion which  he  had  received  from  the  General  by  a  flag. 

It  was  expected  ihat  the  Indian?  would  make  a  desperate  stand  at  the 
Hickory  giounds,  in  the  forks  near  where  the  Coosa  and  Tallapoosa 
unite.  The  army  were  about  lo  proceed  on  its  march  to  this  place,  when 
it  was  announced  to  the  General,  that  Colonel  Milton's  brigade,  which 
had  lately  united  with  him,  was  not  in  a  situation  lo  move.  During  the 
previous  night  some  of  his  wagon  horses  having  strayed  off,  persons  had 
been  sent  in  pursuit,  and  were  expected  shortly  to  return  with  them ; 
when,  it  was  reported,  he  would  be  ready  to  take  up  the  line  of  march. 
To  Jackson,  this  was  a  reason  for  delaying  the  operations  of  an  army, 


JACKSON.  289 

which  as  yet  he  had  never  learned,  and  by  which  he  had  never  been 
influenced.  He  had,  indeed,  been  frequently  made  to  halt,  though  from 
very  diderent  causes ;  from  murmurs,  discontents,  and  starvation  in  his 
camp.  He  replied  to  the  Colonel's  want  of  preparadon,  by  telling  him, 
that,  in  the  progress  of  his  own  difficulties,  he  had  discovered  a  very 
excellent  mode  of  expediting  wagons,  even  without  horses  ;  and  that,  if 
he  would  detail  him  twenty  men  from  his  brigade,  for  every  wagon  deficient 
in  horses,  he  would  guaranty  their  safe  arrival  at  their  place  of  destination. 
Eather  than  subject  his  men  to  such  drudgery,  the  Colonel  preferred  to 
dismount  some  of  his  dragoons,  and  thus  avoided  the  necessity  of  halting 
the  armj''  until  his  lost  teams  should  arrive. 

The  army  continued  its  march  without  meeting  any  thing  to  impede 
it.  At  the  old  Toulosse  fort  on  the  Coosa,  a  fort  was  directed  to  be  raised, 
to  be  named  after  the  commanding  General.  Here  the  hostile  chiefs 
arrived  daily,  with  proffers  of  submission.  They  concurred  in  their 
statements,  that  those  of  the  hostile  chiefs,  who  were  still  opposed  to 
pea.-e,  had  fled  to  the  gulf  coast  and  Pensacola.  To  these  applications, 
ar   .nswer  was  returned  similar  to  the  former. 

To  put  their  friendly  professions,  which  he  distrusted,  at  once  to  the  test, 
Jackson  directed  them  to  bring  Weatherford  to  his  camp,  confined,  that  he 
might  be  dealt  with  as  he  deserved.  This  man  was  one  of  the  first  chiefs  of 
the  nation,  and  had  been  a  principal  actor  in  the  butchery  at  Fort  Mimms. 
Learning  from  the  chiefs  what  had  been  required  of  them  by  Jackson,  he 
determined  to  proceed  to  his  camp,  and  make  a  voluntary  surrender  of  him- 
self. Having  reached  it,  without  being  known,  and  obtained  admission  to 
the  General's  quarters,  he  fearlessly  stood  in  his  presence,  and  told  him  he 
was  Weatherford,  the  chief  who  had  commanded  at  Fort  Mimms,  and  that, 
desiring  peace  for  himself  and  for  his  people,  he  had  come  to  ask  it. 
Somewhat  surprised  that  one  who  so  richly  merited  punishment  should 
so  sternly  demand  the  protection  which  had  been  extended  to  others, 
Jackson  replied  to  him,  that  he  was  astonished  he  should  venture  to 
appear  in  his  presence  ;  that  he  was  not  ignorant  of  his  having  been  at 
Fort  Mimms,  nor  of  his  inhuman  conduct  there,  for  which  he  well  de- 
served to  die.  "  I  had  directed,"  continued  he,  "  that  you  should  be 
brought  to  me  confined  ;  and  had  you  appeared  in  that  way,  I  should  have 
known  how  to  have  treated  you." 

Weatherford  replied,  "  I  am  in  your  power — do  with  me  as  you  please. 
I  am  a  soldier;  I  have  done  the  white  people  all  the  harm  I  could;  I 
have  fought  them,  and  fought  them  bravely ;  if  I  had  an  army,  I  would 
yd  fight,  and  contend  to  the  last :  but  I  have  none ;  my  people  are  all 
gone.  I  can  now  do  no  more  than  weep  over  the  misfortunes  of  my 
nation."  Moved  at  the  firm  and  high  toned  manner  of  this  child  of  the 
forest,  Jackson  informed  him,  that  he  did  not  solicit  him  to  lay  dowm  his 
arms,  or  to  become  peaceable  :  "  The  terms  on  which  your  nation  can  be 
saved,  and  peace  restored,  have  already  been  disclosed  :  in  this  way,  and 
none  other,  can  you  obtain  safety."  If,  however,  he  desired  still  to  con- 
tinue the  war,  and  felt  himself  prepared  to  meet  the  consequences,  although 
he  was  then  completely  in  his  pnwer,  no  advantage  should  be  taken  of 
hat  circumstance;  he  was  at  perfect  liberty  to  retire,  and  unite  himself 


290  JACKSON. 

with  the  war  party,  if  he  pleased  ;  but,  when  taken,  his  life  should  pay 
the  forfeit  of  his  deeds  ;  if  this  were  not  desired,  he  might  remain  where 
he  was,  and  should  be  protected. 

Nothing  dismayed,  Weatherford  answered,  that  he  desired  peace,  that 
his  nation  might,  in  some  measure,  be  relieved  from  their  suflferings  ;  that, 
independent  of  other  misfortunes,  growing  out  of  a  state  of  war,  their 
cattle  and  grain  were  ail  wasted  and  destroyed,  and  their  women  and 
children  left  destitute  of  provisions.  "  But,"  continued  he,  "  I  may  be 
well  addressed  in  such  language  now.  There  was  a  time  when  I  had  a 
choice,  and  could  have  answered  you  :  I  have  none  now — even  hope  has 
ended.  Once  I  could  animate  my  warriors  to  battle;  but  I  cannot  animate 
the  dead.  My  v.arriors  can  no  longer  hear  my  voice  :  their  bones  are  at 
Talladega,  Tallushatchee,  Emuckfaw,  and  Tohopeka.  I  have  not  sur- 
rendered myself  thoughtlessly.  Whilst  there  were  chances  of  success, 
I  never  left  my  post,  nor  supplicated  peace.  But  my  people  are  gone, 
and  I  now  ask  it  for  my  nation,  and  for  myself.  On  the  miseries  and 
misfortunes  brought  upon  my  country,  I  look  back  Avith  deepest  sorrow, 
and  wish  to  avert  still  greater  calamities.  If  I  had  been  left  to  contend 
with  the  Georgia  army,  I  would  have  raised  my  corn  on  one  bank  of  the 
river,  and  fought  tliem  on  the  other;  but  your  people  have  destroyed  my 
nation.  You  are  a  brave  man  :  I  rely  upon  your  generosity.  You  will 
exact  no  terms  of  a  conquered  people  but  such  as  they  should  accede  to: 
whatever  they  may  be,  it  would  now  be  madness  and  folly  to  oppose.  If 
they  are  opposed,  you  shall  find  me  amongst  the  sternest  enforcers  of 
obedience.  Those  who  would  still  hold  out  can  be  influenced  only  by  a 
mean  spirit  of  revenge  ;  and  to  this  they  must  not,  and  shall  not,  sacrifice 
the  last  remnant  of  their  country.  You  have  told  our  nation  where  we 
might  go,  and  be  safe.  This  is  a  good  talk,  and  my  nation  ought  to  listen 
to  it.     They  shall  listen  to  it." 

Such  were  the  words  of  Weatherford.  The  independent  and  lofty 
course  which  he  afterwards  pursued,  left  no  doubt  of  the  sincerity  of  his 
intentions.  Parties  were  now  sent  out  to  enforce  submission,  but  they  were 
useless.  The  few  Creeks  who  still  remained  hostile,  had  indeed  retired 
into  Florida.  Such  of  the  Muscogees  as  had  joined  the  Americans 
agamst  their  brethren  were  now  disposed  to  wreak  their  fury  on  the  van- 
quished party,  especially  those  who  had  been  present  at  the  massacre  of 
Fort  Mimms.  On  one  occasion  they  destroyed  a  small  party  who  were 
on  their  way  to  the  camp,  with  the  intention  of  submitting.  General 
Jackson  took  measures  to  remedy  these  disorders,  and  having  established 
a  line  of  posts  from  Tennessee  to  the  Alabama  river,  he  marched  his 
troops  home  and  discharged  them. 

In  reviewing  the  Creek  war,  humanity  must  often  recoil  from  the  con- 
templation of  the  misery  and  ruin  inflicted  upon  the  deluded  savages. 
That  long  forbearance,  however,  had  been  extended  towards  them  on  our 
side,  cannot  be  disputed.  For  more  than  twenty  years,  the  Creeks  had 
been  perpetrating  cruellies  and  murders  along  our  frontiers.  In  the  war 
between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain,  they  believed  themselves 
to  be  allied  wilh  an  invincible  power.  Successive  defeats  at  last  dispelled 
this  illusion.     Their  courage  was  broken  down,  along  with  their  power, 


JACKSON.  291 

and  it  may  confidently  be  hoped,  that  tliey  will  never  again,  as  a  tialion, 
raise  the  tomahawk  against  us,  williin  the  liniils  of  our  country. 

On  the  22cl  of  May,  1S14,  General  Jackson  received  the  appointment  of 
U.  S.  Major  General.  He  was  also  associated  with  the  commissioners, 
for  forming  a  treaty  of  peace  and  of  limits  with  the  Creek  Indians.  In 
defining  the  extent  of  territory  to  be  conceded  to  the  Creeks,  there  was 
no  inconsiderable  difFicuUy.  It  was  increased  by  the  intrigues  of  the 
Cherokee  nation,  who  seemed  to  expect,  as  the  price  of  their  friendship 
during  the  war,  a  considerable  portion  of  country,  never  before  attached 
to  their  claim.  The  demands  of  our  government  were  slated  by  General 
Jackson.  They  were  canvassed  by  the  Creeks  in  council,  and  the  nation 
decided  against  them.  The  Big  Warrior,  one  of  their  leading  orators 
during  the  war,  had  been  friendly  to  the  United,  States.  He  replied  to 
General  Jackson  in  the  following  manner: 

"  The  President,  our  father,  advises  us  to  honesty  and  fairness,  and 
promises  that  justice  shall  be  done  :  I  hope  and  trust  it  will  be!  1  made 
this  war,  which  has  proved  so  fatal  to  my  country,  that  the  treaty  entered 
into  a  long  time  ago,  with  father  Washington,  might  not  be  broken.  To 
his  friendly  arm  I  hold  fast.  I  will  never  break  that  bright  chain  of 
friendship  we  made  together,  and  which  bound  us  to  stand  to  the  United 
States.  He  was  a  father  to  the  ]\Iuscoga  people  ;  and  not  only  to  them, 
but  to  all  the  people  beneath  the  sun.  His  talk  I  now  hold  in  my  hand. 
There  sits  the  agent  he  sent  among  us.  Never  has  he  broken  the  treaty. 
He  has  lived  with  us  a  long  time.  He  has  seen  our  children  born,  who 
now  have  children.  By  his  direction  cloth  vi^as  wove,  and  clothes  were 
made,  and  spread  through  our  country  ;  l^ut  the  Red  Sticks  came,  and 
destroyed  all, — we  have  none  now.  Hard  is  our  situation,  and  you  ought 
to  consider  it.  I  state  what  all  the  nation  knows  :  nothing  will  I  keep 
secret. 

"  There  stands  the  Little  Warrior.  While  we  were  seeking  to  give 
satisfaction  for  the  murders  that  had  been  committed,  he  proved  a  mischief- 
maker  ;  he  went  to  the  British  on  the  Lakes  ;  he  came  back,  and  brought 
a  package  to  the  frontiers,  which  increased  the  murders  here.  This 
conduct  has  already  made  the  war  party  to  suffer  greatly:  but,  although 
almost  destroyed,  they  will  not  yet  open  their  eyes,  but  are  still  led  away 
by  the  British  at  Pcnsacola.  Not  so  with  us  :  we  were  rational,  and  had 
our  senses — we  yet  are  so.  In  the  war  of  the  revolution,  our  father  be- 
yond the  waters  encouraged  us  to  join  him,  and  we  did  so.  We  had  no 
sense  then.  The  promises  he  made  were  never  kept.  We  were  young 
and  foolish,  and  fought  with  him.  The  British  can  no  more  persuade  us 
to  do  wrong:  they  have  deceived  us  once,  and  can  deceive  us  no  more 
You  are  two  great  people.  If  you  go  to  war,  we  will  have  no  concern 
in  it ;  for  we  are  not  able  to  fight.  We  wish  to  be  at  peace  with  every 
nation.  If  they  ofier  me  arms,  I  will  say  to  them.  You  put  me  in  danger, 
to  war  against  a  people  born  in  our  own  land.  They  shall  never  force 
us  into  danger.  You  shall  never  see  that  our  chiefs  are  boys  in  council, 
who  will  be  forced  to  do  any  thing.  I  talk  thus,  knowing  that  father 
Washington  advised  us  never  to  interfere  in  wars.  He  told  us  that  those 
in  peace  were  the  happiest  people.  He  told  us  that,  if  an  enemy  attacked 
3i 


292  JACKSON. 

him,  ha  hdd  warriors  enough,  and  did  not  wish  his  red  children  to  help 
him.  If  the  British  advise  us  to  any  thing,  I  will  tell  you — not  hide  it 
from  you.     If  they  say  we  must  fight,  I  will  tell  them.  No  1" 

"  You  know,"  said  Jackson  in  reply,  "  that  the  portion  of  country,_ which 
you  desire  to  retain,  is  that  through  which  the  intruders  and  mischief-ma- 
kers from  the  lakes  reached  you,  and  urged  your  nation  to  those  acts  of  vio- 
lence, that  have  involved  your  people  in  wretchedness,  and  your  country  in 
ruin.  Through  it  leads  the  path  Tecumseh  trod,  when  he  came  to  visit  you : 
that  path  must  be  stopped.  Until  this  be  done,  your  nation  cannot  expect 
happiness,  nor  mine  security.  I  have  already  told  you  the  reasons  for 
demanding  it :  they  are  such  as  ought  not — cannot  be  departed  from. 
This  evening  must  determine  whether  or  not  you  are  disposed  to  become 
friendly.  By  rejecting  the  treaty,  you  will  show  that  you  are  the  enemies 
of  the  United  States — enemies  even  to  yourselves."  He  admitted  it  to  be 
true,  that  the  war  was  not  ended,  yet  that  this  was  an  additional  reason 
why  the  cession  should  be  made  ;  that  then  a  line  would  be  drawn,  by 
which  his  soldiers  would  be  enabled  to  know  their  friends.  "  When  our 
armies,"  continued  he,  "came  here,  the  hostile  party  had  even  stripped 
you  of  your  country  :  we  retook  it,  and  now  offer  to  restore  it — theirs  we 
propose  to  retain.  Those  who  are  disposed  to  give  effect  to  the  treaty 
will  sign  it.  They  will  be  within  our  territory  ;  will  be  protected  and 
fed ;  and  no  enemy  of  theirs,  or  ours,  shall  molest  ihem.  Those  Avho 
are  opposed  to  it  shall  have  permission  to  retire  to  Pensacola.  Here  is 
the  paper  :  take  it,  and  show  the  President  who  are  his  friends.  Consult, 
and  this  evening  let  me  know  who  will  assent  to  it,  and  who  will  not. 
I  do  not  wish,  nor  will  I  attempt,  to  force  any  of  you — act  as  you  think 
proper." 

The  Indians  deliberated,  and  at  last  signed  the  treaty.  The  line  of 
cession  began,  where  the  Cherokee  boundary  crossed  the  Coosa,  to  run 
down  that  river  to  the  Big  Falls,  and  thence  easlwardly  to  Georgia. 
The  country  remaining  to  the  Indians,  was  east  and  north  of  this  line, 
and  contained  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  square  miles.  The  country 
ceded  to  the  United  Slates  was  west  and  north  of  these  limits.  A  large 
and  valuable  body  of  lands  was  included,  known  in  the  west  by  the  name 
of  "  Jackson's  Purchase."  It  immediately  began  to  be  settled  with  great 
rapidity.  But  as  soon  as  the  treaty  was  signed,  the  Chicki^saws,  Choc- 
taws,  and  Cherokees  set  up  claims,  each  to  their  particular  share  of  the 
ceded  lands.  The  government  at  length  purchased  the  title  of  these 
people,  at  the  expense  of  about  three  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  dollars. 

General  Jackson  had  now  leisure  to  extend  his  though.s  to  Florida- 
It  had  always  been  his  aim,  at  the  termination  of  the  Creek  war,  to  push 
through  their  country,  to  the  last  den  of  retreat,  and  destroy  every  source 
•^f  contention.  It  was  clearly  understood,  that  the  Spanish  Governor  of 
th«  Fluridas  had  forfeited  all  claim  to  his  professed  neutral  ch  trader,  by 
the  supplies  of  munitions  and  aid,  so  liberally  furnished  to  the  hostile 
Indians. 

During  his  journey  to  Alabama,  General  Jackson  received  information 
that  about  three  hundred  British  troops  had  landed,  and  were  fortifying 
themselves   at  the  mouth  of  the  Apalachicola,  and  were  endeavoring  to 


JACKSON.  293 

excite  the  Indians  to  war.  He  immediately  accuainted  the  government 
of  the  fact,  and  requested  permission  to  make  a  descent  upon  Pensacola, 
and  reduce  it.  He  received  an  answer,  but  not  until  long  after  he  had 
acted,  on  his  own  responsibility,  in  the  case. 

Jackson  next  wrote  to  the  Spanish  Governor.  His  letter  was  stern 
and  decided  :  it  demanded  the  giving  up  the  hostile  Indians  in  his  coun- 
try. The  reply  to  this  letter  was  received  after  much  delay.  The 
Governor  denied  some  of  the  charges,  and  endeavored  to  palliate  others, 
by  accusing  our  government  of  having  harbored  traitors  from  the  Mexican 
provinces,  and  of  countenancing  pirates  who  plundered  Spanish  com- 
merce. The  General  answered  this  letter  by  another,  from  which  we 
select  the  following  passages  : 

"Your  excellency  has  been  candid  enough  to  admit  your  having  sup- 
plied the  Indians  with  arms.  In  addition  to  this,  I  have  learned  that  a 
British  flag  has  been  seen  flying  on  one  of  your  forts.  All  this  is  done 
whilst  you  are  pretending  to  be  neutral.  You  cannot  be  surprised,  then, 
but  on  the  contrary  will  provide  a  fort  in  your  town  for  my  soldiers  and 
Indinns,  should  I  take  it  in  my  head  to  pay  you  a  visit. 

"  In  future  I  beg  you  to  withhold  your  insulting  charges  against  my 
government  for  one  more  inclined  to  listen  to  slander  than  I  am ;  nor 
consider  me  any  more  as  a  diplomatic  character,  unless  so  proclaimed  to 
you  from  the  mouths  of  my  cannon." 

Captain  Gordon,  who  had  been  sent  to  Pensacola,  reported  on  his  return, 
that  he  had  seen  from  one  hundred  and  fifty  to  two  hundred  officers  and 
soldiers,  a  park  of  artillery,  and  about  five  hundred  Indians,  under  the 
drill  of  British  officers,  armed  with  new  muskets,  f.nd  dressed  in  the 
English  uniform. 

Jackson  directly  laid  before  government  the  information  he  had  receiv- 
ed, and  again  urged  his  favorite  scheme,  the  reduction  of  Pensacola. 
Many  difficulties  were  presented ;  but  in  order  to  have  every  thing  in 
readiness,  when  the  time  for  action  should  arrive,  he  addressed  the  Gover- 
nors of  Tennessee,  Louisiana,  and  the  Mississippi  Territory,  and  uro-ed. 
them  to  lend  all  the  aid  in  their  power.  He  ordered  the  warriors  of  the 
difl^erent  tribes  of  Indians  to  be  marshalled,  and  taken  into  the  pay  of  the 
government. 

The  day  after  completing  his  business  at  Fort  Jackson,  he  departed 
for  Mobile,  to  place  the  country  in  a  state  of  defence.  He  dispatched 
Cnlnnel  Butler  to  Tennessee  to  raise  volunteers,  and  ordered  General 
Coflee  to  advance,  with  such  mounted  troops  as  he  could  collect.  Every 
preparation  was  soon  completed,  and  the  troops  set  out  for  their  place  of 
destination. 

General  Jackson  had  not  yet  received  permission  from  government  to 
march  against  Pensacola ;  and  his  design  was  a  secret,  which  was  locked 
up  in  his  own  bosom.  Events  soon  transpired  which  confirmed  him  in  his 
determination.  Colonel  Nicholls,  with  a  small  squadron  of  British  ships, 
arrived  at  Pensacola,  and  took  up  his  quarters  with  Governor  Manrequez. 
He  issued  a  proclamation  for  the  purpose  of  drawing  deserters  from  the 
American  side  to  his  standard;  but  we  are  not  aware  that  he  succeeded 
in  his  attempt.     He  facetiously  stated,  that  the  people  had  been  deprived 


294  JACKSON. 

of  their  rights  and  liberties  "  by  a  contemptible  foe,"  and  that  he  was  at 
the  head  of  a  force,  sufficient  to  reinstate  them  in  their  ancient  posses- 
sions. He  denounced  us  as  in  alliance  with  Napoleon,  of  whom  he  drew 
a  very  melancholy  picture. 

He  waited  two  weeks  to  give  time  for  this  proclamation  to  ferment  in 
the  minds  of  his  readers,  but,  to  his  mortification,  it  finally  went  off  like 
a  cork  from  a  bottle  of  very  flat  beer.  His  first  visit  was  to  Fort  Bowyer, 
commanding  the  entrance  of  Mobile  Bay.  In  an  attack  on  this  fort  the 
Colonel  lost  one  of  his  ships,  and  was  deprived  of  an  eye.  He  found 
that  he  had  been  addressing  a  stubborn  and  stiff-necked  people,  and  re 
pented,  too  late,  of  his  mistake. 

Fort  Bowyer  had  been  put  into  a  state  of  defence  by  General  Jackson, 
who  early  saw  its  importance.  Major  Lawrence  commanded  this  spot. 
His  whole  force  was  but  one  hundred  and  thirty  men.  The  fort  was 
attacked  from  the  sea  by  six  hundred  men,  and  ninety  heavy  guns.  The 
attack  from  the  rear  was  with  a  force  of  four  hundred  Indians  and  other 
troops.  The  enemy  retired  with  the  loss  of  their  best  ship,  and  two 
hundred  and  thirty  men  killed  and  wounded.  The  loss  of  the  Amerioans 
did  not  exceed  ten  men. 

The  British  retired  to  Pensacola,  to  refit,  and  prepare  for  a  descent  on 
some  less  guarded  point.  Jackson  now  determined  to  undertake,  on  his 
own  responsibility,  ihe  capture  of  this  town  ;  and  waited  only  for  the 
arrival  of  General  Coffee  with  volunteers,  to  carry  his  determination  into 
effect.  It  was  at  this  time  very  generally  understood  that  a  considerable 
force  was  shortly  to  sail  from  England,  destined  to  act  against  some  part 
of  the  United  States,  most  probably  New  Orleans.  It  was  the  key  to  all 
the  western  country,  and  a  place  of  immense  importance,  in  every  point 
of  view.  It  was  presumptuously  supposed  by  the  English,  that  the 
French  inhabitants  of  Louisiana  would  hail  them  as  restorers  of  the 
legitimate  French  monarchy. 

Genera'  Coffee  arrived  with  the  expected  reinforcements,  and  on  the 
2dday  of  November,  the  line  of  march  was  taken  up  for  Pensacola.  On  the 
6th,  the  American  army,  consisting  in  all  of  about  three  thousand  men,  ar- 
rived there.  The  British  and  Spaniards  had  been  apprised  of  their  ap- 
proach, and  had  made  preparations  for  resistance.  The  forts  were  garrison- 
ed ;  batteries  formed  in  the  principal  streets;  and  the  British  vessels, moored 
within  the  bay,  were  so  disposed  as  to  command  the  main  entrances  which 
led  into  Pensacola. 

Previous  to  commencing  the  attack,  Jackson  made  a  further  attempt  at 
negociation.  Major  Piere  was  dispatched  with  a  flag,  to  make  known 
the  required  conditions,  but  he  was  fired  on,  and  compelled  to  return. 
'J'his  outrage  was  committed  under  the  Spanish  flag,  although  the  British 
flag  had  been  associated  with  it  until  the  day  before.  Jackson  did  not 
give  up  his  hopes  of  a  reconciliation.  A  Spanish  ofhcer  had  been  taken 
the  day  before,  and  by  him  he  dispatched  another  letter  to  the  Governor. 
An  answer  was  received,  stating  that  the  above  outrage  was  properly 
chargeable  on  the  English,  and  tliat  the  Governor  was  ready  to  listen  to 
wnaiever  overtures  the  American  General  might  make.  On  the  recep- 
tion  of  this  answer.   Major  Piere  was  dispatched,  at  a  late  hour  of  the 


JACKSON.  295 

night,  to  the  Governor,  Avith  another  letter,  containing'  the  overtures  of 
peace.  In  this  communication,  Jaclvson  remarks  :  "  I  come  not  as  the  ene- 
my of  Spain  :  not  to  make  war,  but  to  ask  for  peace  ;  to  demand  security 
for  my  country,  and  that  respect  to  which  she  is  entitled,  and  must  receive. 
My  force  is  sulTicient,  and  my  dt'terminnlion  inkon,  to  prcviMit  ;i  nuure 
repetition  of  the  injuries  she  has  received.  I  demand,  therefore,  the 
possession  of  the  Barrancas,  and  other  fortifications,  with  all  your  muni- 
tions of  war.  If  delivered  peaceably,  the  whole  will  be  receipted  for, 
and  become  the  subject  of  future  arrangement  by  our  respective  fovern- 
menls;  while  the  property,  laws,  and  religion  of  your  citizens  shall  bo 
respected.  But  if  taken  by  an  appeal  to  arms,  let  the  blood  of  your 
subjects  be  upon  your  own  head.  I  will  not  hold  myself  responsible  for 
the  conduct  of  my  enraged  soldiers.  One  hour  is  given  you  for  delibe- 
ration, when  your  determination  must  be  had." 

The  propositions  contained  in  this  letter  were  rejected.  Jackson 
immediately  resolved  to  urge  his  army  forward.  Early  on  the  morning 
of  the  7th,  the  troops  were  in  motion.  To  favor  the  idea,  that  he  would 
reach  the  town  by  the  road  along  which  he  had  been  encamped,  the 
General  sent  a  detachment  of  five  hundred  men,  with  orders  to  show 
themselves  in  this  direction,  that  they  might  deceive  the  enemy;  while 
with  the  strength  of  his  army,  he  rapidly  approached  Pensacola  on  a 
difTerent  quarter.  The  stratagem  succeeded.  The  British  looked  for  his 
appearance  from  the  point  where  the  detachment  was  seen.  They  had 
formed  their  vessels  across  the  bay,  and  were  waiting  his  approach  with 
the  most  praiseworthy  patience.  Suddenly  our  troops  were  descried 
upon  the  beach,  on  the  east  side,  where  it  was  impossible  for  the  flotilla  to 
annoy  them. 

They  pushed  forward,  and  were  soon  in  the  streets,  and  sheltered  by 
the  houses.  One  company  formed  the  advance,  led  by  Captain  Laval, 
who  fell,  severely  Avounded,  while  charging  a  Spanish  battery,  formed  in 
the  street.  The  other  divisions  advanced  rapidly  upon  the  town.  Cap- 
tain Laval's  party,  although  deprived  of  their  leader,  forced  the  battery 
at  the  point  of  the  bayonet.  The  Spaniards  had  been  able  to  make  but 
three  fires,  before  they  were  compelled  to  abandovi  their  position.  They 
still  discharged,  however,  volleys  of  musketry  from  behind  the  houses 
and  fences,  until  they  were  dispersed  by  the  arrival  of  the  regulars. 

The  Governor,  bearing  a  flag,  now  hastened  panic-struck  in  search  of 
the  commander.  He  was  met  by  Colonels  Williamson  and  Smith,  at 
the  head  of  dismounted  troops,  and  entreated  that  mercy  might  be  ex- 
tended to  the  city. 

General  Jackson  hastonod  to  the  intendant  house,  and  obtained  a  promise 
of  an  inmiediate  surrender  of  the  lown,  the  arsenals,  and  the  muni- 
tions of  war.  No  time  was  lost  in  procuring  a  surrender  of  the  forts. 
Barrancas,  the  most  important,  was  fourteen  miles  west  of  Pensacola. 
Notwithstanding  the  assurances  which  had  been  given,  Fort  St.  Michael 
was  still  withheld;  nor  was  it  until  a  battery  was  raised  against  it,  that 
the  commandant  ordered  his  flag  to  be  taken  down.  Previously  to  striking 
his  colors,  the  commandant  had  asked  leave  to  discharge  his  guns. 
This  request  was  complied   with;  but  the  treacherous    Spaniard  coolly 


296  JACKSON. 

fired  his  pieces,  charged  with  grape,  at  a  pnrty  of  dragoons  and  Choctaw 
Indians,  who  were  at  a  short  distance.  By  this  aft  of  perfidy,  three 
horses  were  killed,  and  two  men  wounded.  It  was  a  commendable  piece 
of  forbearance  on  the  part  of  General  Jackson,  and  somewhat  at  variance 
with  his  usual  excitability,  that  he  did  not  punish  the  commandant  with 
a  halter. 

Every  thing  was  in  readiness,  the  next  day,  to  take  possession  of  Bar- 
rancas. Our  troops  were  approaching  the  place,  when  a  tremendous 
explosion  gave  notice  that  all  was  destroyed.  It  was  found  that  the  fort 
had  been  blown  up,  and  that  the  British  shipping  had  retired  from  the 
bay.  On  their  retreat  from  Pensacola,  the  British  carried  off  with  them 
three  or  four  hundred  slaves,  in  spite  of  the  remonstrances  of  the  owners. 
Our  loss  in  the  expedition  was  trifling.  None  were  killed.  About 
twenty  were  wounded,  among  whom  were  Captain  Laval,  and  Lieutenant 
Flournoy. 

The  General  was  now  anxious  to  depart  for  New  Orleans.  His  health 
was  much  impaired,  but  his  fear  that  a  large  fleet  would  soon  appear  on 
the  coast,  impelled  him  to  action.  Colonel  Havne  was  sent  to  the  mouth 
of  the  Mississippi  on  a  tour  of  examination.  General  Coffee  and  Colonel 
Hinds  were  ordered  to  occupy  a  position  in  the  vicinity  of  New  Orleans. 
Every  thing  being  finally  arranged,  Jackson  left  Mobile  on  the  22*}  of 
November,  and  on  the  1st  of  December  established  his  head-quarters  a* 
New  Orleans. 

A  correspondence  had  for  some  time  been  carried  on  between  Genera) 
Jackson  and  the  Governor  of  Louisiana,  in  relation  to  the  existing  cir- 
cumstances of  the  State.  It  was  believed  that  little  reliance  could  be 
placed  on  the  great  body  of  the  citizens.  Many  of  the  inhabitants  felt 
not  the  attachment  of  birth  to  the  country  ;  while  others  were  indifferent  as 
to  what  power  they  surrendered.  The  requisition  for  troops  had  been 
poorly  answered,  and  many  refused,  after  being  drafted,  to  enter  the  ranks. 
In  one  of  his  letters  to  Governor  Claiborne,  the  General  remarked :  "  I 
regret  to  hear  of  the  discontents  of  your  people :  they  must  not  exist. 
Whoever  is  not  for  us,  is  against  us.  Those  who  are  drafted  must  be 
cnvipelled  to  the  ranks,  or  punished  :  it  is  no  time  to  balance :  the  country 
must  be  defended;  and  he  who  refuses  to  aid,  when  called  on,  must  be 
treated  with  severity.  To  repel  the  danger  with  which  we  are  assailed, 
requires  all  our  energies,  and  all  our  exertions.  With  union  on  our  side, 
"re  shall  be  able  to  drive  our  invaders  back  to  the  ocean.  Summon  all 
your  energy,  and  guard  every  avenue  with  confidential  patroles,  for  spies 
and  traitors  are  swarming  around.  Numbers  will  be  flocking  to  your 
city,  to  gain  information,  and  corrupt  your  citizens.  Every  aid  in  your 
power  must  be  given  to  prevent  vessels  sailing  with  provisions.  By  us 
the  enemj?^  must  not  be  fed.  Let  none  pass;  for  on  this  w'ill  depend  our 
safety,  until  we  can  get  a  competent  force  in  the  field,  to  oppose  attack, 
or  become  the  assailants.  We  have  more  to  dread  from  intestine,  than 
open  and  avowed  enemies  :  but  vigilance  on  our  side,  and  all  will  be  safe. 
Remember  our  watchword  is  victory  or  death.  Our  country  must  and 
shall  be  defended.  We  \^ill  enjoy  our  liberty,  or  nerish  in  the  last 
ditc^i  " 


JACKSON.  297 

Ho  forwarded  an  address  to  the  people  of  Louisiana,  in  which  hft 
pointed  out  the  course  which  the  present  crisis  required  them  to  adopt, 
and  entreated  them  not  to  he  lured  from  their  fidelity. 

"Your  government,  Louisianiaiis,  is  engaged  in  a  just  and  honorahle 
contest,  for  the  security  of  your  individual,  and  her  national  rights.  The 
only  country  on  earth,  where  man  enjoys  freedom,  where  its  blessings 
are  alike  extender  to  the  poor  and  rich,  calls  on  you  to  protect  her  from 
the  grasping  usurpation  of  Britain  : — slic  will  not  call  in  vain.  I  know 
that  every  man  whose  bosom  beats  high  at  the  proud  title  of  freeman, 
will  promptly  obey  her  voice,  and  rally  round  the  eagles  of  his  country, 
resolved  to  rescue  her  from  impending  danger,  or  nobly  to  die  in  her 
defence.  He  who  refuses  to  defend  his  rights,  when  called  on  by  his 
government,  deserves  to  be  a  slave — deserves  to  be  punished  as  an  enemy 
to  his  country — a  friend  to  her  foes." 

In  the  mean  time,  orders  were  issued  by  the  Secretary  of  War  to  the 
Governors  of  the  adjoining  States  to  hasten  forward  their  quotas  of  men 
and  supplies.  Governor  Shelby  of  Kentucky  displayed  his  zeal  by  the 
most  efficient  exertions.  The  troops  from  his  State  were  immediately 
organized,  placed  under  the  command  of  Major-General  Thomas,  and 
dispatched  down  the  Ohio.  Major-General  William  Carroll  commanded 
the  detachment  from  Tennessee.  On  the  19th  of  November,  the  day  ap- 
pointed for  their  rendezvous,  twenty-five  hundred  of  the  yeomanry  of  th'^ 
State  appeared  at  Nashville,  and,  in  eight  days,  embarked  on  "board 
their  boats  for  New  Orleans. 

Although  General  Jackson  had  heretofore  been  mainly  dependent  on 
the  militia  for  his  successes,  yet  he  had  but  little  faith  in  their  abilitv  •.., 
contend  in  an  open  field,  against  troops  experienced  in  all  the  manoeuvres 
and  stratagems  of  war.  In  a  letter  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  of  the  20th 
of  November,  1814,  he  observes,  "  Permit  me  to  suggest  a  plan,  Avhicti, 
on  a  fair  experiment,  will  do  away  or  lessen  the  expenses,  under  the 
existing  mode  of  calling  militia  forces  into  the  field.  Whenever  there 
happens  to  be  a  deficiency  in  the  regular  force,  in  any  particular  quarter, 
let  the  government  determine  on  the  necessary  number :  this  should  be 
apportioned  among  the  different  States,  agreeably  to  their  respective  re- 
presentations, and  called  into  service  for,  and  during  the  war.  The 
quota  wanted  will,  in  my  opinion,  be  soon  raised  from  premiums  offered 
by  those  who  are  subject  to  militia  duty,  rather  than  be  harassed  by  re- 
peated drafts.  In  the  mean  time,  let  the  present  bounty,  given  by  the 
government,  be  also  continued.  If  this  be  done,  I  will  insure  that  an 
effective  force  shall  soon  appear  in  every  quarter,  amply  sufficient 
for  the  reduction  of  Canada,  and  to  drive  all  our  enemies  from  our 
shores." 

The  Legislature  of  Louisiana  had  been  for  some  weeks  in  session,  but 
had  not  yet  arrived  at  any  definite  decision.  The  arrival  of  Jackson 
infused  new  vigor  into  the  public  measures.  He  reviewed  the  volunteer 
corps  of  the  city,  visited  the  different  forts,  and  inspected  the  avenues  to 
the  city.  The  old  fort  at  the  Balize  was  abandoned,  and  Fort  St.  Philip 
was  put  in  the  best  possible  state  of  defence.  Various  alterations  and 
improvements  were  ordered   to  be  made  in  the  other  forts   along   the 


298  JACKSON. 

river.  Negroes  were  the  only  laborers,  that  in  this  swampy  and  insalu- 
brious clime,  could  be  expected  to  perform  these  labors.  The  planters 
were  appealed  to,  to  furnish  their  slaves. 

The  measures  of  defence  on  Lakes  "Rorgne  and  Ponchartrain  were 
promptly  carried  into  effect  by  Commodore  Patterson.  Lieutenant  Jones 
with  his  gun-boats  was  sent  to  defend  the  passes,  and  the  comrnunica- 
tion  between  the  two  lakes  was  protected  by  a  fort,  under  Cap!  ain  Nor- 
man. Guards  and  videttes  were  also  posted  in  different  directions  to 
convey  early  intelligence  of  every  thing  that  passed.  Notwithstanding 
these  precautions,  treachery  at  last  pointed  out  to  the  enemy  a  narrow 
pass,  through  which  they  effected  a  landing,  and  reached  undiscovered 
the  banks  of  the  Mississippi. 

As  soon  as  information  was  received,  that  the  English  fleet  were  ap- 
proaching, Lieutenant  Jones,  with  his  gun-boats,  was  ordered  to  recon- 
noitre, and  ascertain  their  disposition  and  force.  On  the  13th  of  De- 
cember, he  discovered  the  enemy  moving  off  in  barges  towards  Pass 
Christian.  He  had  explicit  orders  to  fight  the  enemy  only  at  the  Rigo- 
lets,  which  a  violent  wind  prevented  him  from  reaching.  His  situation 
became  dangerous;  but,  at  a  moment  ofextren^e  peril,  the  tide,  which  is 
there  very  irregular,  came  suuuenly  in,  and  lifting  the  boats  off' the  shoal, 
bore  them  away  from  the  attack.  At  the  bay  of  St.  Louis  was  a  small 
depot  of  public  stores,  which  Lieutenant  Jones  had  been  ordered  to  bring 
away.  Mr.  Johnson,  on  board  the  Seahorse,  proceeded  to  execute  this 
order.  The  enemy,  on  the  retreat  of  Lieutenant  Jones,  dispatched  three 
baro-es  to  capture  him.  They  were  driven  back.  An  additional  force 
was  sent  against  him,  when  a  smart  action  commenced,  and  the  assail- 
ants ,vere  again  compelled  to  retire  with  loss.  But,  awa.  i  that  it  was 
out  of  his  power  to  defend  himself  against  so  large  a  force  us  the  British 
could  bring  against  him,  he  blew  up  his  vessel,  burned  the  stores,  and 
effected  a  retreat  by  land. 

Early  on  the  morning  of  the  14th,  the  enemy's  barges,  lying  nme 
miles  to  the  east,  suddenly  weighed  their  anchors,  and  proceeded  west- 
wardly  to  the  pass,  where  our  gun-boats  still  lay.  -  The  same  difficulty 
experienced  before  was  encountered.  A  perfect  calm  prevailed,  while  a 
strong  current  rendered  every  effort  to  retire  unavailing.  No  alternative 
remained  but  to  meet  and  fight  the  enemy ;  whose  force  consisted  of 
forty-three  boats,  mounting  as  many  cannon,  and  1200  chosen  men. 
The  action  soon  commenced.  A  strong  current  unfortunately  drifted 
two  of  our  boats  a  hundred  yards  in  advance  of  the  line.  The  enemy 
bore  down  on  the  gun-boats  in  advance,  and  attempted  to  board  them. 
They  were  repulsed  with  great  slaughter,  and  two  of  their  boats  were 
sunk.  One  of  them  with  one  hundred  and  eighty  men,  went  down  immedi- 
ately under  the  stern  of  one  of  the  two  gun-boats.  A  second  attempt  to  board 
them  proved  unsuccessful.  Lieutenant  Jones  received  a  severe  wound, 
and  was  ot)liged  to  yield  the  command  to  George  Parker,  who  soon  after  was 
also  compelled  to  retire  on  the  same  account.  After  a  conflict  of  nearly 
an  hour's  duration,  the  Americans  yielded  to  superiority  of  force.  Mid- 
shipmen Cauly  and  Reynolds,  young  men  of  promise,  fell  victims  to  the 
wounds  received  n  this  contest.     The  American  loss  was  ten  killed  and 


JACKSON.  209 

tliirty-five  woundoil.  7'hat  of  tlie  assailants  could  not  have  been  less 
titan  three  liiuulrcd.  The  British  returned,  with  iheir  shinninf',  to  Cat 
Island. 

(Jeneral  Jackson  received  the  news  of  this  disaster  with  concern.  Ac- 
live  and  enorcfetic  measures  were  requisite  to  meet  the  exigencies  of  the 
occasion.  Major  Lacoste,  commanding  a  battah'on  of  colored  troops, 
u'ith  two  y)ieces  of  cannon,  and  a  sufficient  force,  was  ordered  to  defend 
the  Clief  Menteur  road,  that  leads  from  the  head  of  lake  Borgne  to  New 
Orleans.  The  Rigolots  presented  the  most  probable  route  for  the  ad- 
vance of  the  enemy.  This  important  point  was  reinforced,  and  confided 
to  Captain  Newman,  of  the  artillery.  On  the  16th,  the  militia  were  re- 
viewed by  Jackson,  who  addressed  them  in  a  tone  suited  to  the  occa- 
sion. 

The  day  after  the  contest  on  the  lakes,  Mr.  Shields,  purser  in  the 
navy,  was  dispatched  with  a  flag  to  Cat  Island,  accompanied  by  Dr. 
Murrell.  The  object  of  the  mission  was  to  alleviate  the  situation  "of  our 
wounded,  and  to  effect  their  liberation  on  parole.  The  British  command- 
er tried  various  methods  of  obtaining  from  these  gentlemen,  information 
of  the  .'■treiigth  and  disposition  of  our  army;  but  nothing  could  be  elicit- 
ed from  them.  They  were  placed  at  night  in  a  room,  where  their  con- 
versation might  be  overheard.  Suspecting  something  of  the  kind,  they 
resolved  to  turn  the  circumstance  to  their  advantage.  They  talked  of  the 
circumstance  of  their  detention,  and  of  the  prudent  caution  with  which 
they  had  withheld  all  information  from  the  British  commander.  "But," 
continued  Shields,  "  how  greatly  these  gentlemen  will  be  disappointed 
in  their  expectations !  For  Jackson,  with  the  twenty  thousand  troops  he 
now  has,  and  the  reinforcements  from  Kentucky,  which  must  speedily 
reach  him,  will  be  able  to  destroy  any  force  that  can  be  landed  from 
these  ships."  These  words  were  eagerly  listened  to  and  treasured,  and 
the  belief  was  adopted  that  our  force  was  as  large  as  the  wily  prisoner 
represented. 

Early  on  the  15th,  expresses  were  sent  in  quest  of  General  Coffee, 
who,  it  was  hoped,  was  not  far  distant  with  the  troops  from  Tennessee 
and  Kentucky.  The  ex]iress  met  Coffee  a  little  above  Baton  Rouge, 
where  he  had  halted,  with  three  hundred  men  on  his  sick  list.  He  imme- 
diately hastened  forward  with  his  force  reduced  to  eight  hundred  men,  and 
early  on  the  morning  of  the  20th  arrived  within  four  miles  of  New  Orleans. 
The  advance  of  Colonel  Hinds,  with  the  Mississippi  dragoons,  was  no  less 
expeditious.  Having  received  his  orders,  he  effected,  in  four  Ua^,;  a 
march  of  two  hundred  and  thirty  miles.  On  the  21st,  General  Carroll 
appeared  with  the  rest  of  the  Tennesseans. 

When  it  was  announced  in  New  Orleans,  that  the  British  had  dis- 
embarked, all  was  panic  among  the  citizens,  notwithstanding  the  prepa- 
rations of  the  General.  On  the  night  of  the  22d,  the  enemy  efl^ected  a 
landing  at  Bayou  Bienvenue,  a  lagunc  of  considerable  extent,  stretchin"- 
from  lake  Borgne,  to  within  fifteen  miles  of  New  Orleans.  Jackson  re'^ 
solved  to  advance  and  give  them  battle  that  night.  He  arrived  in  sight 
of  the  enemy  a  little  before  dark.  The  schooner  Caroline  was  ordered 
to  drqi  down  opposite  the  enemy's  position,  where  she  was  to  anchor 
3d 


300  JACKSON. 

and  deliver  her  fire.  This  was  to  be  the  signal  for  a  general  aUack. 
General  Coffee  had  cautiously  advanced  beyond  the  enemy's  pickets,  and 
nearly  reached  an  advantageous  position,  when  a  broadside  from  the 
Caroline  announced  the  battle  begun.  The  British  were  so  much  an- 
noyed by  her  guns,  that  they  were  compelled  to  retire  three  hundred 
yards  in  rear  of  their  first  position.  Their  compelled  change  of  place 
brought  their  ricfht  in  contact  with  General  Coffee,  sooner  than  that 
officer  had  expected.  His  men  opened  a  fire  so  destructive,  that  the 
enemy  gai'e  way,  but  soon  rallied  again. 

Thus  the  battle  raged  on  the  left  wing,  until  the  British  reached  the 
bank  of  the  river.  The  conflict  here  was  severe  on  both  sides,  for  half 
an  hour.  Neither  force  could  be  made  to  yield  their  ground.  But  at 
length  the  British,  having  suffered  greatly,  took  refuge  behind  the  levee, 
which  afforded  them  a  breastwork  adequate  to  shield  them  from  the  fatal 
fire  of  our  riflemen.  General  Coffee,  unacquainted  from  the  darknes? 
of  the  night  with  the  strength  of  their  position,  proposed  to  charge  them 
ao"ain  ;  but  he  was  finally  induced  to  retire,  and  await  the  orders  of  his 
General. 

While  the  left  wing  was  thus  engaged.  General  Jackson  attacked  the 
enemy's  left  flank.  The  British  troops  had  gained  a  favorable  position 
between  two  levees,  or  embankments,  which  had  been  raised  to  resist 
the  encroachments  of  the  Mississippi.  Here  they  were  partly  sheltered 
from  the  fire  of  the  American  riflemen  and  the  guns  of  the  Caroline. 
They  resisted  bravely  for  half  an  hour,  giving  ground,  however  ;  when  a 
dense  fog  arising,  and  his  troops  getting  into  disorder,  Jackson  judged  it 
prudent  to  discontinue  the  contest. 

From  prisoners  and  deserters  it  was  ascertained,  that  the  enemy  was 
now  not  much  short  of  six  thousand  strong.  This  number  greatly  ex- 
ceeded any  force  which  the  American  General  could  bring  against  them; 
and  Jackson  resolved  to  forbear  all  farther  efl'orts,  until  he  should  dis- 
cover the  ultimate  views  of  the  enemy,  and  be  reinforced  by  the  Ken- 
tucky troops  that  were  expected.  He  fell  back,  and  formed  his  line 
behind  a  deep  ditch,  that  run  at  right  angles  from  the  river,  and  was  de- 
fended on  the  left  by  an  almost  impervious  swamp.  He  exerted  Iiimself 
strenuously  to  put  this  position  in  a  proper  state  of  defence.  Bales  of 
cotton  in  vast  numbers  were  drawn  from  the  city,  and  placed  so  as  to 
form  an  almost;  impenetrable  buhvark. 

■The  British  in  the  mean  time  were  not  idle.  Early  on  the  morning 
of  the  27th,  a  battery,  which  had  been  thrown  up  the  preceding  night, 
was  discovered  on  the  Lank  of  the  river.  Ineffectual  efforts  had  been 
made  to  float  the  schooner  up  the  stream.  Bombs  and  red-hot  shot  were 
thrown  on  her  from  the  battery,  and  she  was  finally  in  flames.  There 
being  no  chance  of  saving  her,  and  one  of  the  crew  being  killed,  and  six 
wounded,  she  was  abandoned,  and  shortly  after  blew  up. 

On  the  2Sth,  the  British  columns  advanced  on  our  works,  apparently 
with  the  object  of  storming  them.  Sir  Edward  Packenham  commanded 
in  person.  At  the  distance  of  half  a  mile,  they  opened  their  heavy  ar- 
tillery upon  us.  Showers  of  bombs,  balls,  and  congreve  rockets  were 
discharged,  but  excited  no  sensation  in  the  minds  of  the  Americans,  save 


JACKSON.  301 

that  of  curiosity.  After  persevering  in  their  attack  for  seven  hoars,  th^ 
British  abandoned  the  unavailing  contest.  The  armed  sloop  Louisiana 
had  also  open  ad  a  fire  upon  them,  and  withstood  all  their  efforts  to  si- 
lence her. 

While  these  proceedings  were  going  on,  Jackson  received  an  intin^ation, 
that  it  was  the  design  of  the  Legislature,  in  case  he  should  be  defeated, 
to  offer  the  en^my  terms  of  capitulation.  He  was  greatly  incensed  af 
this  intelligence,  and  sent  orders  to  Governor  Claiborne  to  watch  narrow- 
ly the  conduct  of  the  Legislature,  and  the  moment  the  project  of  offering 
a  capitulation  to  the  enemy  should  be  fully  disclosed,  to  place  a  guard  at 
the  door,  and  confine  the  representatives  to  their  chamber.  On  receiv- 
ing this  order,  the  Governor  coolly  marched  an  armed  force  into  the 
hall  of  the  Legislature,  and  unceremoniously  expelled  the  members  at 
the  point  of  the  bayonet. 

Before  this,  Jackson  had  been  called  on  by  a  special  committee  of  the 
Legislature  to  know  what  his  course  would  be,  should  necessity  drive 
him  from  his  position.  "If,"  replied  the  General,  "  I  thought  the  hair 
of  my  head  could  divine  what  I  should  do,  I  would  cut  it  off;  go  back 
with  this  ansv/er  ;  say  to  your  honorable  body,  that,  if  disaster  does  over- 
take me,  and  the  fate  of  war  drives  me  from  my  line  to  the  city,  they 
may  expect  to  have  a  A'ery  warm  session."  "And  what  did  you  design 
to  do,"  one  inquired,  "  provided  you  had  been  forced  to  retreat  ?"  "  I 
should,"  he  replied,  "  have  retreated  to  the  city,  fire-d  it,  and  fought  the 
fnemy  amidst  the  surrounding  flames.  There  were  with  me  men  of 
wealth,  owners  of  considerable  property,  who,  in  such  an  event,  would 
have  been  amongst  the  foremost  to  have  applied  the  torch  to  their  own 
buildings ;  and  what  they  had  left  undone,  I  should  have  completed. — 
Nothing  for  the  comfortable  maintenance  of  the  enemy  would  have  been 
left  in  the  rear.  I  would  have  destroyed  New  Orleans,  occupied  a  posi- 
tion above  on  the  river,  cut  off  all  supplies,  and  in  this  way  compelled 
them  to  depart  from  the  country." 

From  this  time  to  the  Sth  of  January,  no  important  military  operations 
took  place.  There  were  some  trifling  skirmishes,  and  an  occasional 
cannonade,  but  nothing  to  change  the  relative  position  of  the  two  armies. 
To  repair  the  damage  caused  by  the  enemy's  cannon,  General  Jackson 
seized  a  considerable  quantity  of  cotton,  and  filled  up  the  breaches 
with  it.  The  man  to  whom  the  bales  belonged  complained  to  him,  and 
demanded  their  restoration.  Finding  that  he  was  not  enrolled  in  any 
corps,  the  General  put  a  musket  into  his  hand  and  ordered  him  into  the 
ranks  ;  remarking,  that  as  he  was  a  man  of  property,  none  could  be  more 
proper  to  defend  it. 

The  Sth  of  January  dawned,  and  with  the  dawn  the  enemy's  signals 
for  movement  were  descried.  These  were  two  skyrockets,  the  one 
thrown  upon  the  left,  the  other  on  the  right  of  the  enemy's  camp.  The 
charge  that  followed  was  so  rapid,  that  the  troops  at  the  outposts  fled  in 
with  difficulty.  Showers  of  bombs  and  balls  were  poured  upon  our  line, 
while  the  air  blazed  with  congreve  rockets.  The  Uvo  divisions,  com- 
manded by  Sir  Edward  Packenham  in  person,  and  supported  by  Gene- 
rals Keane  and  Gibbs,  pressed  forward     the  right  against  the  centre  of 


r.-.=J 


302  JACKSON. 

General  Carroll's  division, — the  left  against  our  redoubt  on  the  levee.  A 
thick  fog  enabled  them  to  approach  near  our  entrenchment,  before  th?y 
were  discovered.  Our  troops,  on  descrying  them,  ga^e  three  cheers,  and 
poured  upon  them  from  the  whole  line  a  sheet  of  fire.  It  was  accompanied 
by  a  burst  of  artillery,  Avhich  swept  down  their  front.  From  the  musketry 
there  was  a  continued  volley.  Some  of  the  enemy  moved  through  this 
murderous  fire,  and  gained  the  ditch  in  front  of  our  works,  where 
they  remained  daring  the  action,  and  were  afterwards  made  prisoners. — 
Nothing  could  surpass  the  horror  of  the  scene  before  them.  These 
trained  veterans  were  seen  first  to  waver,  and  then  retire.  Sir  Edward 
Packenham  hastened  to  their  front,  and  endeavored  to  rally  them.  He 
fell  mortally  wounded,  in  the  arms  of  his  aid-de-camp,  not  far  from  our 
line.  It  is  said  that  Packenham  had  appealed  to  the  worst  passions  of 
his  troops  to  stimulate  them  to  the  assault.  "  Beauty  and  Booty"  were 
the  words  given  by  him  as  the  order  of  the  day. 

Scarcely  had  Packenham  received  his  death-wound,  when  the  next 
officer  in  command  was  bonie  from  the  field  dangerously  wounded.  The 
British  then  retreated,  in  less  confusion  than  might  have  been  expectea, 
till  they  gained  the  shelter  of  a  ditch,  where  they  halted  and  dressed 
their  ranks.  Their  officers,  having  restored  order,  led  them  steadily  on 
once  more  over  the  thick  strewn  bodies  of  their  comrades,  and  met  the 
same  reception  as  before.  So  dreadful  v/as  the  destruction,  that  they 
could  hardly  close  the  gaps  in  their  ranks  as  fast  as  they  were  made. — 
They  were  endeavoring  to  deploy  into  the  line,  when  they  at  once  lost 
heart,  broke,  and  fled,  in  spite  of  their  leaders,  the  points  of  whose 
swords  had  now  less  terror  for  them  than  the  American  rifles.  General 
Lambert,  who  had  succeeded  to  the  command,  led  them  back  to  their  for> 
mer  position. 

Meanwhile,  a  simultaneous  attack  by  Colonel  Thornton,  with  thrfe 
hundred  chosen  men,  had  been  made  upon  General  Morgan's  position  on 
the  left  bank  of  the  river.  Some  troops,  that  were  stationed  in  advance 
to  act  as  spies,  retreated  on  the  landing  of  the  enemy,  and  virere  met  on 
their  return  by  the  Kentucky  force,  who  joined  them.  The  two  detach- 
ments, now  acting  together,  formed  behind  a  saw-mill  race,  the  plaink 
and  scanning  of  which  made  a  tolerable  breastwork.  A  spirited  resist- 
ance was  maintained  towards  the  advancing  foe  for  some  time,  and  for  a 
moment  the  enemy  were  checked.  They  rallied,  advanced,  and  again  re- 
ceived a  heavy  fire.  The  General's  aid,  perceiving  the  steady  advance 
of  the  British,  and  fearing  for  the  safety  of  his  troops,  ordered  a  retreat. 
The  consequence  was,  that  the  whole  force  fled  in  haste,  creating  confu- 
sioi.  in  General  Morgan's  line.  Here  they  were  halted,  and  formed  in  a 
line  that  reached  quite  to  the  swamp.  Colonel  Thornton,  having  ar- 
rived in  an  orange  grove,  seven  hundred  yards  distant  from  our  line, 
halted  and  surveyed  it.  He  immediately  advanced  to  attack  it  in  two 
divisions.  It  Avas  defended  by  about  fifteen  htmdred  men,  A  seviire 
discharge  from  the  ordnance  along  our  works  caused  their  right  division 
to  oblique,  and  to  unite  with  their  left.  They  pressed  upon  the  point 
occupied  by  the  Kentucky  troops.  From  some  inexplicable  cause,  the 
whole  force  became  panic  struck,  and  fled.     Through  the  exertions  of  the 


JACKSON.  303 

officers,  ii  frioinentary  halt  was  efTccU'd ;  bu.  a  burst  of  conrrreve  rockets 
falliii','-  tliickly  around  them,  and  sotting  fire  to  the  sugar-cane  and  other 
cotnhuslibles,  renewed  their  flight.  Commodore  Patterson  had  been 
firing  on  the  enemy  from  the  opposite  shore.  But  seeing  the  confusion 
of  lliis  retreat,  and  aware  that  he  could  not  maintain  liis  ground,  he 
spiked  his  guns,  and  retired  from  his  post. 

General  Jackson  hastened  to  throw  detachments  across  the  river,  with 
orders  to  regain  the  position  at  all  hazards.  Fortunately  his  object  was 
obtained  without  the  efiusion  of  blood. 

The  British  commander  sent  a  flag  of  truce  with  a  proposal  that  hos- 
tilities should  cease  for  twenty-four  hours,  tliat  the  dead  might  be  buried. 
General  Jackson  assented,  but  stipulated  that  the  truce  should  not  extend 
to  the  troops  on  the  right  bank,  and  that  no  reinforcement  should  be  sent 
across  by  either  parly.  Whether  General  Lambert  had  already  di-ter- 
mined  to  abandon  the  post  gained  and  retreat,  or  whether  he  inferred 
from  this  answer,  that  a  large  American  force  had  already  been  sent 
O'^er,  cannot  now  be  known.  At  any  rate,  Colonel  Thornton  did  not 
«a.it  to  be  attacked,  but  recrossed  the  river  and  joined  the  main  body  in 
the  night.  The  Americans  joyfully  took  possession  of  the  post  he  had 
abandoned,  and  thus  both  armies  were  again  in  the  same  relative  posi- 
tions as  before  the  battle. 

The  loss  of  the  British  in  the  main  attack  on  the  left  has  been  various- 
ly stated.  The  killed,  wounded  and  prisoners,  as  ascertained  by  Colo- 
nel Hayne,  our  inspector  general,  the  day  after  the  battle,  amounted  to 
two  thousand  six  hundred.  The  American  loss,  in  killed  and  wounded, 
was  but  thirteen.  Our  effective  force  on  the  line  was  short  of  four 
thousand.     That  of  the  enemy  engaged  was  at  least  nine  thousand. 

The  conflict  ended,  and  each  army  occupied  its  former  position.  A 
powerful  eflbrt  was  made  by  the  enemy  to  bring  their  fleet  up  the  river, 
and  change  the  character  of  the  campaign.  A  long  and  violent  attack 
was  made  on  Fort  St.  Philip,  by  two  bomb  vessels,  a  brig,  sloop,  and 
schooner.  The  assault  was  continued,  until  the  n'v^ht  of  the  17lh,  du- 
ring which  time  an  immense  quantity  of  bombs  and  balls  were  thrown 
upon  the  fort  by  the  enemy.  It  was  commanded  by  Major  Overton,  who 
managed  the  defence  with. much  skill  and  bravery.  The  eflxirts  of  the 
British  were  in  vain,  and  the  British  finally  forsook  their  camp,  and 
took  refuge  on  board  their  shipping.  Our  loss  in  the  defence  was  nine 
killed  or  wounded.  On  the  10th  of  February,  news  of  peace  was  re- 
ceived at  New  Orleans. 

Thus  ended  the  much  talked  of  battle  of  New  Orleans.  At  the  close 
of  the  contest.  General  Jackson  delivered  an  address  in  the  following 
strain : 

"  Citizens,  and  fellow-soldiers !  The  enemy  has  retreated,  and  your 
General  has  now  leisure  to  proclaim  to  the  world  what  he  has  noticed 
with  admiration  and  pride — your  undaunted  courage,  your  patriotism, 
and  patience  under  hardships  and  fatigues.  Natives  of  difll'rent  States, 
acting  together  for  the  fi^t  time  in  this  camp;  differing  in  habits  and  in 
language,  instead  of  viewing  in  these  circumstances  the  germ  of  distrust 
and  division,  you  have  mad»  ^hemthe  source  of  honorable  emulation,  and 


304  JACKSON. 

from  the  seeds  of  discord  itself  have  reaped  the  fruits  of  an  honorable 
union.  This  day  completes  the  fourth  week,  since  fifteen  hundred  of 
you  attacked  treble  your  number  of  men,  Avho  had  boasted  of  their  disci- 
pline and  their  services  under  a  celebrated  leader,  in  a  long  and  eventful 
war — attacked  them  in  their  camp,-  the  moment  they  had  profaned  the 
soil  of  freedom  with  their  hostile  tread,  and  inflicted  a  blow  which  was  a 
prelude  to  the  final  result  of  their  attempt  to  conquer,  or  their  poor  con- 
trivances to  divide  us.  A  few  hours  was  sufficient  to  unite  the  gallant 
band,  though,  at  the  moment  they  received  the  welcome  order  to  march, 
thev  were  separated  many  leagues,  in  different  directions  from  the  city. 
The  gay  rapidity  of  the  march,  and  the  cheerful  countenances  of  the  of- 
ficers'and  men,  would  have  induced  a  belief  that  seme  festive  entertain- 
ment, not  the  strife  of  battle,  was  the  scene  to  which  they  hastened  with 
so  much  eagerness  and  hilarity.  In  the  conflict  that  ensued,  the  same 
spirit  was  supported,  and  my  communications  to  the  executive  of  the 
United  States,  have  testified  the  sense  I  entertained  of  the  merits  of  the 
corps  and  officers  that  were  engaged.  Resting  on  the  field  of  battle, 
they  retired  in  perfect  order  on  the  next  morning  to  these  lines,  destined 
10  become  the  scene  of  future  victories,  which  they  were  to  share  with 
the  rest  of  you,  my  brave  companions  in  arms.  Scarcely  were  your 
lines  a  protection  against  musket  shot,  when,  on  the  28th,  a  disposition 
was  made  to  attack  them  with  all  the  pomp  and  parade  of  military  tac- 
tics, as  improved  by  those  veterans  of  the  Spanish  war. 

"  Their  batteries  of  heavy  cannon  kept  up  an  incessant  fire  ;  their 
rockets  illuminated  the  air;  and,  under  their  cover,  two  strong  columns 
threatened  our  flanks.  The  foe  insolently  thought  that  this  spectacle 
was  too  imposing  to  be  resisted,  and  in  the  intoxication  of  this  pride,  he 
already  saw  our  lines  abandoned  without  a  contest.  How  were  these 
menacing  appearances  met?  By  shouts  of  defiance,  by  a  manly  coun- 
tenance, not  to  be  shaken  by  the  roar  of  his  cannon,  or  by  the  glare  of  his 
firework  rockets  ;  by  an  artillery  served  with  superior  skill,  and  with, 
deadly  effect.  Never,  my  brave  friends,  can  your  General  forget  the 
testimonials  of  attachment  to  our  glorious  cause,  of  indignant  hatred  to 
our  foe,  of  aftectionate  confidence  in  your  chief,  that  resounded  from 
every  rank,  as  he  passed  along  your  line.  This  animating  scene  damp- 
ed the  courage  of  the  enemy  ;  he  dropped  his  scaling  ladders  and  fas- 
cines, and  the  threatened  attack  dwindled  into  a  demonstration,  which 
served  only  to  show  the  emptiness  of  his  parade,  and  to  inspire  you  with 
a  just  confidence  in  yourselves. 

"  The  new  year  was  ushered  in  with  the  most  tremendous  fire  his 
whole  artillery  could  produce  :  a  few  hours  only,  however,  were  necessa- 
ry for  the  brave  and  skilful  men,  who  directed  our  own,  to  dismount 
his  cannon,  destroy  his  batteries,  and  effectually  silence  his  fire.  Hith- 
erto, my  brave  friends,  in  the  contest  on  our  lines,  your  courage  had 
been  passive  only ;  you  stood  with  calmness  a  fire  that  would  have  tried 
the  firmness  of  a  veteran,  and  you  anticipated  a  nearer  contest  with  aa 
eagerness  which  was  soon  to  be  gratified.  # 

"  On  the  Sth  of  January,  the  final  eflbrt  was  made.  At  the  dawn  of 
day  the  batteries  opened,  and  the  columns  advanced.     Knowing  that  the 


JACKSON.  305 

volunteers  from  Tennessee  and  the  militia  from  Kentucky  were  stationed 
on  your  left,  it  was  there  they  directed  their  chief  attack. 

"  Reasoning  always  from  false  principles,  they  expected  little  opposi- 
tion from  men  whose  officers  even  were  not  in  uniform,  who  were  ig- 
norant of  the  rules  of  dress,  and  who  had  never  been  caned  into  discipline. 
Fatal  mistake  !  a  fire  incessantly  kept  up,  directed  with  a  calmness  and 
unerring  aim,  strewed  the  field  with  the  bravest  officers  and  men  of  the 
column,  which  slowly  advanced,  according  to  the  most  approved  rules  of 
European  tactics,  and  was  cut  down  by  the  untutored  courage  of  Ameri- 
can militia.  Unable  to  sustain  this  galling  and  unceasing  fire,  some 
hundreds  nearest,  the  intrenchment  called  for  quarter,  which  was  grant- 
ed: the  rest  retreating,  were  rallied  at  some  distance,  but  only  to  make 
them  a  surer  mark  for  the  grape  and  canister  shot  of  our  artillery,  which, 
without  exaggeration,  mowed  down  whole  ranks  at  every  discliarge ;  and 
at  length  they  precipitately  retired  from  the  field. 

"  Our  right  had  only  a  short  contest  to  sustain  with  a  few  rash  men, 
who,  fatally  for  themselves,  forced  their  entrance  into  the  unfinished  re- 
doubt on  the  river.  They  were  quickly  dispossessed,  and  this  glorious 
day  terminated  with  the  loss  to  the  enemy,  of  iheit  Commander-in-chief 
and  one  Major-General  Icilled,  another  Major-General  wounded,  the  most 
experienced  and  bravest  of  their  officers,  and  more  than  three  thousand 
men  killed,  wounded  and  missing,  while  our  ranks,  my  friends,  were 
thinned  only  by  the  loss  of  seven  of  our  brave  companions  killed,  and 
six  disabled  by  wounds.  Wonderful  interposition  of  Heaven  !  unexampled 
event  in  the  history  of  war  ! 

"  Let  us  be  grateful  to  the  God  of  battles,  who  has  directed  the  arrows 
of  indignation  against  our  invaders,  while  he  covered  with  his  protecting 
shield  the  brave  defenders  of  their  country. 

"  After  this  unsuccessful  and  disastrous  attempt,  their  spirits  were  bro- 
ken, their  force  was  destroyed,  and  their  whole  attention  was  employed 
in  providing  the  means  of  escape.  This  they  have  effected  ;  leaving 
their  heavy  artillery  in  our  power,  and  many  of  their  wounded  to  our 
clemency.  The  consequences  of  this  short  but  decisive  campaign  are 
incalculably  important.  The  pride  of  our  arrogant  enemy  humbled,  his 
forces  broken,  his  leaders  killed,  his  insolent  hopes  of  our  disunion  frus- 
trated— his  expectation  of  rioting  in  our  spoils  and  wasting  our  country, 
changed  into  ignominious  defeat,  shameful  flight,  and  a  reluctant  ac- 
knowledgment of  the  humanity  and  kindness  of  those,  whom  he  had 
doomed  to  all  the  horrors  and  humiliation  of  a  conquered  state. 

"  On  the  other  side,  unanimity  established,  disaffection  crushed,  con- 
fidence restored,  your  country  saved  from  conquest,  your  property  from 
pillage,  your  wives  and  daughters  from  insult  and  violation — the  union 
preserved  from  dismemberment,  and  perhaps  a  period  put,  by  this  de- 
cisive stroke,  to  a  bloody  and  savage  war.  These,  my  brave  friends,  are 
the  consequences  of  the  efforts  you  have  made,  and  the  success  with  which 
they  have  been  crowned  by  Heaven. 

"  These  important  results  have  been  effected  by  the  united  courage  and 
perse /erance  of  the  army;  but  which  the  difTerent  corps,  as  well  as  the 
individuals  that  compose  it,  have  vied  with  each  other  in  their  exertions 
40 


306  JACKSON. 

to  produce.  The  gratitude,  the  admiration  cf  their  country,  offers  a 
fairer  reward  than  that  which  any  praises  of  the  General  can  bestow ; 
and  the  best  is  that  of  which  they  can  never  be  deprived,  the  conscious- 
ness of  having  done  their  duty,  and  of  meriting  the  applause  they  will 
receive." 

On  the  22d  of  the  month,  Jackson  signed  a  warrant  which  condemned 
six  militia  men  to  death,  and  nearly  two  hundred  more  to  a  disgraceful 
punishment.  During  the  party  excitement  of  1828,  various  statements 
of  this  affair  appeared  in  the  newspapers.  An  investigation  of  the  Gene- 
ral's conduct  was  instituted  by  Congress,  and  to  the  proceedings  on  the 
occasion,  we  refer  our  readers. 

General  Jackson  was  enthusiastically  received  at  New  Orleans,  on 
his  return.  The  23d  of  January  was  appointed  a  day  of  Thanksgiving. 
Jackson  repaired  to  the  cathedral,  which  was  crowded  to  excess.  Chil- 
dren robed  in  white,  and  representing  the  different  States,  strewed  his 
way  with  flowers,  and  an  ode  was  recited  as  he  passed.  A  Te  Deum 
was  sung,  and  bishop  Dubourg  delivered  an  address,  which  he  concluded 
by  presenting  the  General  with  a  wreath  of  laurel. 

During  the  prevalence  of  martial  law  in  New  Orleans,  Jackson  had 
arrested  a  member  of  the  Legislature  named  Louallier,  on  a  charge  of 
exciting  mutiny  among  his  troops,  by  a  publication  in  a  newspaper. — 
Louallier  applied  to  Judge  Hall  for  a  writ  of  habeas  corpus,  which  was 
immediately  issued.  Instead,  however,  of  acting  in  obedience  to  the  writ, 
and  surrendering  M.  Louallier,  Jackson  arrested  the  Judge  and  turned 
him  out  of  the  city.  On  being  restored  to  the  exercise  of  his  functions, 
Judge  Hall  granted  a  rule  of  court  for  General  Jackson  to  appear,  and 
show  cause  why  an  attachment  for  contempt  should  not  1>,  awarded,  on 
the  ground  that  he  had  refused  to  obey  a  writ  issued  to  him,  detained  an 
original  paper  belonging  to  the  court,  and  imprisoned  the  Judge.  Jack- 
son endeavored  to  justify  his  conduct  in  a  long  defence,  but  by  the  deci- 
sion of  the  court  he  was  fined  a  thousand  dollars. 

The  popular  feeling  seems  to  have  run  strongly  in  his  favor.  No 
sooner  was  the  judgment  pronounced,  than  the  crowds  who  filled  the 
court-house,  hurried  forth  with  loud  cries  of  "Huzza  for  Jackson." — 
They  presently  met  a  carriage  in  which  a  lady  was  riding,  and  taking 
her  from  it  with  more  enthusiasm  than  civility,  they  compelled  the  ob- 
ject of  their  acclamations  to  occupy  her  place.  The  horses  being  re- 
moved, the  carriage  was  drawn  on,  and  stopped  at  the  coffee-house,  into 
which  he  was  carried,  and  thither  the  crowd  followed,  huzzaing  for 
Jackson,  and  uttering  menaces  against  the  Judge.  A  sum  was  soon 
raised  sufficient  to  relieve  Jackson  of  the  payment  of  the  fine  ;  but  he  is 
said  to  have  preferred  the  satisfaction  of  refusing  the  proflfered  indemni- 
fication. 

General  Jackson  arrived  in  Nashville  on  the  18th  of  May,  1815.  and 
was  received  in  a  flattering  manner  by  the  citizens  of  that  place.  He 
was  soon  after  appointed  Commander-in-chief  of  the  southern  division. 
The  Legislature  of  Tennessee  passed  a  vote  of  thanks,  and  presented 
him  with  a  gold  medal.  Towards  the  close  of  the  autumn  of  1815,  he 
reoaired  to  the  seat  of  government.     On  his  way,  he  met  with  continued 


-It 


JACKSON.  307 

demonstrations  of  respect  from  the  people.  A  public  dinner  was  oiven 
him  at  Lynchburg,  in  Virginia,  at  which  Thomas  Jefferson  gave  the 
following  toast :  'Honor  and  gratitude  to  the  man  who  has  filled  the 
measure  of  his  country's  glory.'  In  the  spring  of  1816,  Jackson  again 
visited  New  Orleans.  After  stationing  the  army  in  the  southern  section 
of  his  division,  he  concluded  a  treaty  with  the  Indians,  the  object  of 
which  was  to  obtain  from  them  the  absolute  relinquishment  of  all  the 
claim  they  pretended  to  have  to  lands  within  the  limits  of  the  United 
States,  and  which  had  been  previously  ceded  by  them.  Shortly  after- 
wards he  entered  into  a  correspondence  with  President  Monroe,  on  the 
subject  of  the  War  Department,  It  was  his  wish  that  the  officers  of  his 
division  should  obey  no  order  from  the  War  Department,  which  did 
not  pass  through  the  office  of  his  Adjutant  General ;  and  he  had  issued 
a  notice  to  this  effect.  The  affair  ended  in  the  Secretary  of  War  issuing 
a  declaration,  that,,  for  the  future,  orders  of  the  War  Department  should 
be  first  communicated  to  the  commanding  Generals  of  divisions,  except- 
ing on  extraordinary  occasions. 

The  Seminole  Indians  had  committed  many  troublesome  depredations 
on  our  southern  frontiers.  General  Gaines  had  been  ordered  by  the 
President  on  the  30th  of  October,  1817,  to  take  measures  for  the  defence 
of  the  frontier.  In  obedience  to  his  orders,  he  built  three  forts,  and  pro- 
ceeded to  expel  the  Indians.  He  met  with  considerable  opposition.  At 
the  mouth  of  Flint  river,  a  party  of  forty  men,  under  Lieutenant  Scott, 
fell  into  an  ambuscade  of  the  savages,  and  were  all  slain  but  six,  who 
escaped  by  swimming.  On  hearing  the  news  of  this  massacre.  General 
Jackson  raised  an  army  of  two  thousand  five  hundred  volunteers,  mus- 
tered them  as  in  the  service  of  the  United  States,  and  appointed  two 
hundred  and  thirty  officers.  On  the  first  of  April,  he  arrived  with  his 
army  at  the  Mickasucky  villages,  which  were  deserted  on  his  approach. 
He  burned  the  villages,  and  marched  to  St.  Marks,  a  Spanish  post  on 
Apalachy  bay. 

Alexander  Arbuthnot,  a  Scot,  and  an  Indian  trader,  was  taken  near 
St.  Marks  and  confined.  Shortly  afterwards,  a  British  Lieutenant  of 
marines,  named  Ambrister,  was  also  seized.  These  men  were  accused 
of  exciting  the  Indians  to  hostility  against  the  United  States,  and  sup- 
plying them  with  the  means  of  war.  They  were  tried  by  a  court  mar- 
tial, consisting  of  officers  of  militia,  by  whom  the  case  seems  to  have 
been  fully  investigated.  The  unhappy  prisoners  were  found  guilty,  and 
sentenced  to  be  hung. 

General  Jackson  arrived  about  the  middle  of  May  at  the  Escambia, 
near  Pcnsacola.  Here,  he  received  a  remonstrance  from  the  Governor 
of  West  Florida,  who  complained  of  the  violation  of  a  Spanish  territory. 
But  Jackson  having  heard  that  a  party  of  fugitive  Indians  had  passed 
through  the  town,  resolved  to  follow  them.  He  took  possession  of  the 
place  on  the  24th ;  and  the  Governor  fled  to  Fort  Barrancas  for  pro- 
tection. The  next  day,  Jackson  commenced  offensive  operations  against 
the  fort,  which  was  finally  surrendered.  In  a  letter  to  the  Secretary  of 
War,  dated  June  2d,  1818.  Jackson  closes  as  follows.  As  usual,  he  does 
not  omit  to  mention,  in  terms  of  praise,  his  officers  and  men. 


308  JACKSON. 

"The  S'^minole  war  may  now  be  considered  as  at  a  close,  tranquillity 
again  restored  to  the  southern  frontier  of  the  United  States,  and  as  long 
as  a  cordon  of  military  posts  is  maintained  along  the  Gulf  of  Mexico, 
America  has  nothing  to  apprehend  from  either  foreign  or  Indian  hostili- 
ties. Indeed  Sir,  to  attempt  to  fortify,  or  protect  an  imaginary  line,  or  to 
suppose  that  a  frontier  on  the  nist  degree  of  latitude,  in  a  wilderness, 
can  be  secured  by  a  cordon  of  military  posts,  while  the  Floridas  lie  open 
to  an  enemy,  is  visionary  in  the  extreme. 

"  Under  this  firm  belief,  I  have  bottomed  all  my  operations.  Spain 
had  disregarded  the  treaties  existing  Avith  the  American  Government,  or 
had  not  power  to  enforce  them.  The  Indian  tribes  within  her  territory, 
and  which  she  was  bound  to  keep  at  peace,  had  visited  our  citizens  with 
all  the  horrors  of  savage  war  ;  negro  brigands  were  establishing  them- 
selves, when  and  where  they  pleased  ;  and  foreign  agents  were  openly 
and  knowingly  practising  their  intrigues  in  this  neutral  territory. 

"  The  immutable  principles,  therefore,  of  self  defence,  justified  the  occu- 
pancy of  the  Floridas,  and  the  same  principles  will  warrant  the  American 
government  in  holding  it,  until  such  time  as  Spain  can  guaranty,  by  an 
adequate  military  force,  the  maintaining  her  authority  within  the  colony. 

"At  the  close  of  a  campaign  which  has  terminated  so  honorably  and 
liappily,  it  gives  me  pleasure  to  express  my  approbation,  generally,  of  the 
officers  and  soldiers  of  every  species  of  corps,  which  I  have  had  the  honor 
to  con-.uicnd.  The  patience  with  which  they  endured  fatigue,  and  sub- 
mitted to  privations,  and  the  determination  with  which  they  encountered, 
and  vanquished  every  difficulty,  is  the  strongest  indication  of  the  exist- 
ence of  that  patriotic  feeling,  which  no  circumstances  can  change,  and  of 
that  irresistible  ardor  in  the  defence  of  his  country,  which  will  prove  her 
strength  and  bulwark  under  any  experience.  I  should  do  violence  to 
my  feelings,  if  I  did  not  particularly  notice  the  exertions  of  my  quarter- 
master general,  Colonel  George  Gibson,  who,  under  the  most  embarrass- 
ing circumstances,  relieved  the  necessities  of  my  army,  and  to  whose 
exertions  was  I  indebted  for  the  supplies  re'^eived.  His  zeal  and  integrity, 
in  this  campaign,  as  well  as  in  the  uniform  discharge  of  his  duties  since 
his  connexion  with  my  staff,  merits  the  approbation  and  gratitude  of  his 
country." 

At  the  close  of  the  Seminole  campaign.  General  Jackson  returned  to 
Nashville.  From  this  period  till  the  summer  of  1S21,  nothing  particular- 
ly worthy  of  remark  occurred  to  him.  Florida  was,  by  the  treaty,  to  be 
ceded  in  August,  and  in  June  he  was  appointed  Governor  of  the  whole 
Territory,  with  powers  equal  to  those  which  had  been  previously  ex- 
ercised by  the  Spanish  Governors.  The  Spanish  officers  yielded  their 
several  commands  on  the  day  appointed  by  the  treaty.  The  new  Go- 
vernor, however,  did  not  assume  his  command  in  perfect  harmony  and 
serenity.  There  were  certain  documents  of  importance,  which  the  Spa 
nish  Governor,  Callava,  retained  in  his  possession.  These,  Jackson 
ordered  him  to  sui,ender.  Callava  refused,  and  was  taken  into  custody 
by  an  armed  guard.  He  was  carried  before  Governor  Jackson,  and  was, 
by  his  order,  committed  to  prison,  until  the  papers  should  be  delivered  to 
the  alcaide      On  the  next  day,  a  search-warrant  for  the  papers  was  issued 


JACKSON.  ,      309 

by  the  Gavernor,  upon  which  ihoy  were  obtained,  and  directed  to  be  de- 
livered to  the  alcaide  ;  whereupon,  Callava  was  immediately  released. 

In  assuming  the  command  in  Florida,  General  Jackson  had  said  :  "  I 
am  clothed  with  powers,  that  no  one,  under  a  repujjlic,  ought  to  possess, 
and  which  I  trust  will  never  again  be  given  to  any  man."  Becoming 
weary  of  his  situation  as  Governor,  he  resigned  his  office,  and  returned 
to  Nashville.  In  May,  1822,  he  was  nominated,  by  the  Legislature  of 
Tennessee,  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency  of  the  United  States.  He 
ivas  elected  in  the  autumn  of  the  same  year  to  the  United  States  Senate. 
The  new  tariff  bill,  which  was  enacted  the  next  session,  received  his 
support. 

Mr.  Monroe's  second  term  of  office  as  President  of  the  United  States 
was  near  expiring,  and  the  question,  who  should  be  his  successor,  was 
an  exciting  one  throughout  the  Union.  The  candidates  were  John 
Quincy  Adams  of  the  north,  Andrew  Jackson  and  Henry  Clay  of  the 
west,  and  Messrs.  Crawford  and  Calhoun  of  the  south.  Mr.  Calhoun 
Avithdrew  from  the  canvass  of  1824,  and  the  contest  was  maintained  be- 
tween the  other  candidates.  General  Jackson  received  ninety-nine  elec- 
toral votes;  J.  Q.  Adams,  eighty-four;  W.  H.  Crawford,  forty-one;  and 
Henry  Clay,  thirty-seven.  By  a  constitutional  provision,  the  election 
consequently  devolved  upon  the  House  of  Representatives.  It  was  evi- 
dent,'that  Mr.  Clay's  chance  of  election  was  small,  but  having  received 
the  entire  votes  of  three  States,  he  Avas  able  to  exercise  a  powerful  in- 
fluence on  the  election.  He  avowed  himself  in  favor  of  Rlr.  Adams ; 
his  friends  followed  his  example,  and  Mr.  Adams  was  consequently 
elected. 

During  the  political  excitement  in  relation  to  the  Presidency,  General 
La  Fayette,  who  had  been  making  his  memorable  tour  through  the  United 
States,  arrived  at  Nashville.  His  visit  to  General  Jackson  is  thus  de- 
scribed by  Levasseur,  the  secretary  of  our  country's  guest : 

"  At  one  o'clock,  we  embarked  with  a  numerous  company,  to  proceed 
to  dine  with  General  Jackson,  whose  residence  is  a  few  miles  up  the 
river.  We  there  found  numbers  of  ladies  and  farmers  from  the  neigh- 
borhood, whom  Mrs.  Jackson  had  invited  to  partake  of  the  entertainment 
she  had  prepared  for  General  La  Fayette.  The  first  thing  that  struck  me 
on  arriving  at  the  General's,  was  the  simplicity  of  his  house.  Still  some- 
what influenced  by  my  European  habits,  I  asked  myself  if  this  could 
really  be  the  dwelling  of  the  most  popular  man  in  the  United  States,  of 
him  whom  the  country  proclaimed  one  of  her  most  illustrious  defenders; 
of  him,  finally,  who  by  the  will  of  ihe  people  was  on  the  point  of  becom- 
ing her  chief  magistrate.  One  of  our  fellow-passengers,  a  citizen  of 
Nashville,  witnessing  my  astonishment,  asked  me,  whether  in -France, 
our  public  men,  that  is  to  say,  the  servants  of  the  public,  lived  very  dif- 
ferently from  other  citizens  ?  '  Certainly,'  said  I ;  '  thus,  for  example, 
the  majority  of  our  generals,  all  our  ministers,  and  even  the  greater  part 
of  our  subaltern  administrators,  would  think  themselves  dishonored,  and 
would  not  dare  to  receive  any  one  at  their  houses,  if  they  only  possessed 
such  a  residence  as  this  of  Jackson's  ;  and  the  modest  dwellings  of  your 
illustrious  chiefs  of  the  revolution,  Washington,  John  Adams,  Jefferson. 


310  JACKSON. 

&;c.,  would  only  inspire  them  with  contempt  and  distrust.  They  must 
first  have  in  the  city  an  immense  an  1  vast  edifice,  called  a  hotel,  in  which 
two  large  families  could  live  with  ease,  but  Vvdiich  they  fill  with  a  crowd 
of  servants  strangely  ^nd  ridiculously  dressed,  and  whose  only  employ- 
ment, for  the  most  part,  is  to  insult  those  honest  citizens  who  come  on 
foot  to  visit  their  master.  They  must  also  have  another  large  establish- 
ment in  the  country,  which  they  call  a  chateau,  and  in  which  they  ac- 
cumulate all  the  luxuries  of  furniture,  decorations,  entertainments,  and 
dress — in  fact,  every  thing  that  can  malce  them  forget  the  country. — 
Then  they  must  have,  to  enable  them  to  go  from  one  to  the  other  of  these 
habitations,  a  great  number  of  carriages,  horses,  and  servants.'  'Very 
well,'  interrupted  the  Tennessean,  shaking  his  head  as  if  in  doubt,  '  but 
who  provides  these  public  officers  with  all  the  money  thus  swallowed  up 
in  luxury,  and  how  do  the  affairs  of  the  people  go  on  V  '  If  you  ask 
them,  they  will  tell  you  that  it  is  the  king  who  pays  them,  although  I 
can  assure  you  that  it  is  the  nation,  which  is  borne  down  by  taxes  for  the 
purpose ;  as  to  business,  it  is  both  well  and  badly  attended  to,  but  gene- 
rally the  latter.'  'And  why  do  you  submit  to  such  a  state  of  things  ?' — 
'  Because  we  cannot  remedy  it.'  '  What !  you  cannot  remedy  it  ?  A 
nation  so  great,  so  enlightened  as  the  French,  cannot  prevent  its  officers. 
magistrates,  and  servants,  from  enjoying,  at  their  expense,  a  scandalous 
and  immoral  luxuriousness,  and  at  the  same  time  not  attending  to  their 
duties  !  whilst  we,  who  have  just  assumed  our  name  among  nations,  are 
enjoying  Ahe  immense  advantage  of  only  having  for  magistrates,  men 
who  are  plain,  honest,  laborious,  and  more  jealous  of  our  esteem  than 
solicitous  for  wealth.  Permit  me  to  believe  that  what  you  have  told  is 
only  pleasantry,  and  that  you  wished  to  amuse  yourself  for  a  moment 
with  a  poor  Tennessean  who  has  never  visited  Europe.  But  rest  assured, 
that,  however  ignorant  we  may  be  of  what  passes  on  the  other  side  of  the 
water,  it  is  not  easy  to  make  us  credit  things  which  militate  so  strongly 
against  good  sense  and  the  dignity  of  man.'  Do  what  I  could,  I  could 
never  make  this  good  citizen  of  Nashville  believe  that  I  was  not  jesting, 
and  was  obliged  to  leave  him  in  the  belief  that  we  were  not  worse  go- 
verned in  France  than  in  the  United  States. 

"General  Jackson  successively  showed  us  his  garden  and  farm,  which 
appeared  to  be  well  cultivated.  We  every  where  remarked  the  greatest 
order,  and  most  perfect  neatness ;  and  we  might  have  believed  ourselves 
on  the  property  of  one  of  the  richest  and  most  skilful  of  the  German  far- 
mers, if,  at  ever)'  step,  our  eyes  had  not  been  afflicted  by  the  had  specta-i 
cle  of  slavery.  Every  body  told  us  that  General  Jackson's  slaves  were 
treated  with  the  greatest  humanity,  and  several  persons  assured  us,  that 
it  would  not  surprise  them,  if,  in  a  short  time,  their  master,  who  already 
nad  so  many  claims  on  the  gratitude  of  his  fellow-citizens,  should  at- 
tempt to  augment  it  still  more,  by  giving  an  example  of  gradual  emanci- 
pation to  Tennessee,  Avhich  would  be  the  more  easily  accomplished,  as 
there  are  in  this  State  but  seventy-nine  thousand  slaves  in  a  population 
of  four  hundred  and  twenty-three  thousand,  and  from  the  public  mind  be- 
coming more  inclined  than  formerly  to  the  abolition  of  slavery. 

"  On  returning  to  the  house,  some  friends  of  General  Jackson,  who 


JACKSON.  311 

probably  had  not  seen  him  for  some  time,  beg-god  him  to  show  them  the 
arms  presented,  to  him  in  honor  of  his  achievements  during  llie  last  war; 
he  acceded  to  their  reciuest  with  great  politeness,  and  placed  on  a  table, 
a  sword,  a  sabre,  and  a  pair  of  pistols.  The  sword  was  presented  to  him 
by  Congress;  the  sabre,  Ibelieve,  by  the  army  which  fought  under  his 
Command  at  New  Odeans.  These  two  weapons,  of  American  manufac- 
ture, were  remarkable  for  their  finish,  and  still  more  so  for  the  honorable 
,inscnj)lions  with  which  they  were  covered.  But  it  was  to  the  pistols, 
that  General  Jackson  wished  more  particularly  to  draw  our  attention ; 
he  handed  them  to  General  La  Fayette,  and  asked  him  if  he  recognized 
them.  The  latter,  after  examining  them  attentively  for  a  few  minutes, 
replied,  that  he  fully  recollected  them,  to  be  a  pair  he  had  presented  in 
177S  to  liis  paternal  friend  Washington,  and  that  he  experienced  a  real 
satisfaction  in  finding  them  in  the  hands  of  one  so  worthy  of  possessing 
them.  At  these  words  the  face  of  old  Hickory  was  covered  with  a  mod- 
est blush,  and  his  eye  sparkled  as  in  a  day  of  victory.  '  Yes  !  I  believe 
myself  worthy  of  them,'  exclaimed  he,  in  pressing  the  pistols  and  La- 
Fayette's  hands  to  his  breast ;  '  if  not  from  what  I  have  done,  at  least  for 
what  I  wished  to  do  for  my  country.'  All  the  bystanders  applauded  this 
noble  confidence  of  the  patriot  hero,  and  were  convinced  that  the 
weapons  of  Washington  could  not  be  in  better  hands  than  those  of 
Jackson." 

In  October,  1S25,  General  Jackson  was  nomiaated  by  the  Legislature 
of  Tennessee,  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency.  He  soon  after  resigned 
his  seat  in  the  United  States  Senate,  and  retired  to  private  life.  In  May, 
1S26,  he  was  nominated  for  the  Presidency,  by  a  meeting  of  citizens  in 
Philadelphia.  Active  measures  were  taken  by  his  friends  to  insure  his 
success,  and  it  was  not  forgotten  to  place  his  military  talents  in  a  daz- 
zling light  before  the  people.  At  an  anniversary  of  our  independence, 
which  was  celebrated  at  Fayetteville  in  Tennessee,  he  addressed  an  as- 
sembly, as  follows  : 

"  Your  cordial  welcome  is  grateful  to  my  feelings.  It  recalls  to  my 
recollection  the  urbanity  and  hospitality  which  were  extended  to  me  and 
my  troops  by  the  citizens  of  this  town  and  country,  in  1S13,  while  encamp- 
ed in  its  vicinity,  on  their  march  to  protect  our  southern  frontier  from 
the  ruthless  savage.  Sir,  the  orderly  conduct  of  the  brave  men  I  had 
the  happiness  then  to  command,  was  honorable  to  them,  to  me,  and  to 
their  country.  Those  high-minded  men,  whom  patriotism  alone  had  led 
to  the  tented  field,  to  defend  their  country  and  their  country's  rights, 
could  not  trespass  on,  or  infringe  the  rights  and  privileges  of  their  fellow 
citizens  of  Fayetteville  and  of  Lincoln  county.  These  were  the  wealth 
and  sinew  of  your  country— they  were  the  citizen  soldiers,  who  appre- 
ciated, above  all  earthly  blessings,  their  liberties  achieved  by  their  fore- 
fathers, and  had  sworn  to  hand  them  down,  unimpaired,  to  their  children, 
or  die  in  the  attempt.  With  such  an  army  your  rights  could  not  be 
infrmged,  nor  your  property  molested.  In  the  ranks  of  such  men,  order, 
clisciplme,  and  strict  subordination,  were  easily  introduced  and  main- 
tained. It  was  the  prowess  of  those  citizen  soldiers  that  enabled  me  so 
promptly  and  eflectually  to  terminate  a  savage  war — to  meet  and  van- 


312  JACKSON. 

quish  their  more  savage  allies,  the  British,  at  New  Orleans,  which  gvive 
security  to  your  borders,  and  peace  to  the  nation.  I,  Sar,  was  only  a 
humble  instrument  in  the  hands  of  a  wi?e  and  superintending  Provi- 
dence, for  the  accomplishment  of  those  important  and  beneficial  ob- 
jects. 

"  My  humble  efforts  in  the  service  of  my  country,  whether  in  the  field 
or  cabinet,  I  am  fearful,  are  too  highly  appreciated  by  you.  I  can  with 
candor,  however,  declare,  that  in  every  situation,  to  which  I  have  beei> 
called  by  my  fellow  citizens,  my  best  judgment  has  been  exercised,  and 
unceasing  exertions  been  employed,  to  promote  the  best  interests  of 
my  country.  How  far  I  have  succeeded,  is  evidenced  by  your  approba- 
tion. 

"  You,  Sir,  have  been  pleased  to  pass  in  review  my  conduct  in  the  late 
presidential  contest.  I  trust  you  will  believe  me  candid,  when  I  assure 
you,  that  I  have  too  long  practised  the  pure  principles  of  republicanism 
to  abandon  them  at  this  late  period  of  my  life.  I  have  always  been 
taught  to  believe  that  ours  is  a  government  based  upon   the   will   of  the 

fieople,  and  established  for  their  prosperity  and  happiness  exclusively. — 
n  the  adoption  of  our  Constitution,  the  people  secured  to  themselves  the 
right  of  choosing  their  own  agents  to  administer  the  government  agreea- 
bly to  their  own  will,  as  expressed  bj''  the  voice  of  a  majority.  Surely, 
then,  in  the  exercise  of  these  important  rights,  they  ought  to  be  left  to 
the  dictates  of  their  own  unbiassed  judgments.  Acting,  Sir,  in  accor- 
dance to  these  fundamental  principles  of  our  government,  and  having  laid 
it  down  as  a  rule  from  Avhich  I  have  ne^'er  departed,  'neither  to  seek, 
nor  decline  office,  Avhen  freely  offered  by  the  people,'  I  could  not  inter- 
fere, in  any  manner  whatever,  in  that  contest,  while  either  before  the 
people,  or  the  people's  representatives.  Your  approbation  of  my  course 
is,  therefore,  truly  gratifying,  and  particularly  so,  as  my  conduct  on  that 
occasion  was  dictated  by  my  best  judgment. 

"  For  the  kind  solicitude  you  have  expressed  for  my  promotion  in  the 
estimation  of  my  fellow-citizens,  I  tender  yovi  my  sincere  thanks." 

In  182S,  General  Jackson  was  present  at  New  Orleans,  at  the  celebra- 
tion of  the  eighth  of  January  ;  the  anniversary  of  the  victory,  to 
which  his  energy  and  decision  had  contributed  so  much.  He  was  hos- 
pitably welcomed  by  the  city  authorities,  and  the  enthusiasm  of  the  day 
was  greatly  augmented  by  his  presence. 

As  the  period,  which  was  to  decide  the  new  Presidential  election  ap- 
proached, the  excitement  of  the  contending  parties  increased.  In  the  au- 
tumn of  1S28,  the  election  took  place,  and  the  result  was  the  choice  of  Gene- 
ral Jackson  as  President  of  the  United  States.  Before  departing  for  the 
seat  of  government,  he  met  with  a  severe  affliction  in  the  death  of  Mrs. 
Jackson.     The  loss  bore  heavily  upon  him  for  some  time. 

Towards  the  close  of  January,  1829,  General  Jackson  and  suite  left  the 
Hermitage  for  the  seat  of  Government.  He  reached  Washington  early 
in  February,  in  a  plain  carriage,  and  escorted  by  ten  or  twelve  horsemen. 
On  the  4th  of  March,  the  ceremony  of  his  inauguration  took  place  in  tiie 
Senate  chamber.  His  address  upon  the  occasion  was  short,  but  appro- 
priate and  sufficient. 


JACKSON.  313 

President  Jackson  organized  his  Cabinet  by  appointing  Martin  Van 
Burcn,  of  New  York,  Secretary  of  Slate ;  Samuel  D.  Ingham,  of  Penn- 
sylvania, Secretary  of  the  Treasury  ;  John  H.  Eaton,  of  Tennessee,  Sec- 
retary of  War  ;  John  Branch,  of  North  Carolina,  Secretary  of  the  Navy  ; 
and  John  M.  Berrien,  of  Georgia,  Attorney  General. 

One  of  the  first  acts  of  the  new  administration  was  a  sweeping  remo- 
val from  office  of  all  those  who  had  been  actively  opposed  to  his  election. 
For  this  he  .was  much  censured  by  many,  and  there  is  no  doubt  but  that 
a  good  deal  of  private  calamity  was  occasioned  by  the  act.  His  friends, 
however,  have  asserted,  though  without  the  shadow  of  truth,  that  such 
persons  only  were  removed,  as  the  public  good  required. 

On  the  opening  of  Congress  in  December,  1829,  the  first  message  of 
the  President  was  delivered.  In  this  document,  he  recommended  the 
amendment  of  that  nart  of  our  Constitution,  which  relates  to  the  election 
of  President  and  Vi  -e  President,  so  that  all  intermediate  agency  in  the 
election  might  be  removed. 

He  believed,  that  the  purity  of  our  government  would  be  promoted  by 
the  exclusion  of  members  of  Congress,  from  all  appointments  m  the  gift 
of  the  President. 

He  advised,  that  the  attention  of  Congress  should  be  directed  to  the 
modification  of  the  Tariff. 

He  recommended  that  no  more  first-rate  ships  should  be  built,  but  that 
the  materials  of  marine  architecture  should  rather  be  collected  and  placed 
in  situations  where  they  might  readily  be  put  to  use. 

On  the  27lh  of  May,  the  President  rejected  the  bill,  which  originated 
in  the  House  of  Representatives,  and  passed  that  House,  and  also  the 
Senate,  authorizing  a  subscription  of  slock  in  the  Maysville  and  Wash- 
ington Turnpike  Road  Company,  in  Kentucky.  This  bill  was  returned 
to  the  House  of  Representatives,  with  the  President's  objections   thereto. 

In  December,  1830,  Congress  again  assembled,  and  President  Jackson 
presented  his  second  message  to  the  Representatives  of  the  nation. 
Previous  to  the  close  of  this  Congressional  session,  a  rupture  took  place 
between  the  President  and  Mr.  Calhoun,  Vice-President  of  the  United 
States,  which  gave  rise  to  a  voluminous  correspondence  between  the 
parties  concerned. 

The  correspondence  was  published  at  the  adjournment  of  Congress. 
This  decisive  step  plainly  indicated  a  division  among  the  friends  of  the 
administration;  and  as  the  influence  of  the  Vice  President  predominated 
in  the  Southern,  and  he  was  not  without  friends  in  the  Middle  Slates, 
his  appeal  Iwgan  to  aflfect  injuriously  the  administration  itself,  from  a 
conviction  that  its  head  was  operated  upon  by  improper  feelings  and  pre* 
judices, 

*  "In  this  nosture  of  affairs,  the  country  was  astonished  by  the  infor- 
mation promulgated  through  the  official  journal  at  the  seat  of  Govern- 
ment. April  ^Uth,  1831,  that  the  Cabinet  Ministers  of  the  President  had 
resigned,  and  the  most  lively  curiosity  was  manifested  to  learn  the 
causes  of  this  unexpected  and  unprecedented  movement.     This  curiosity 


*American  Annual  Register. 

41 


314  JACKSON. 

was  not  speedily  gratified.  The  letters  of  the  several  members  of  the 
Cabinet  were  published,  but  they  served  to  inflame  rather  than  to  gratify 
the  public  feeling. 

"  The  mystery  was  finally  developed  by  a  communication  of  the  At- 
torney General  to  the  public,  in  which  the  cause  of  the  want  of  harmony 
in  the  admmstration  was  attributed  to  a  determination  to  compel  the  fami- 
lies of  the  dismissed  members  to  associate  with  the  wife  of  the  Secretary 
of  War. 

.  "  By  this  statement  it  appeared  that  these  ladies  had,  in  accordance 
with  the  general  understanding  of  the  female  part  of  society  at  Washing- 
ton, declined  to  visit  the  family  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  and  that  this 
neglect,  being  resented  by  that  gentleman,  had  produced  a  coolness  be- 
tween him  and  the  heads  of  those  families.  As  the  President  warmly 
espoused  the  feelings  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  as  of  an  old  and  confiden- 
tial friend,  it  was  rumored,  early  in  the  year,  that  their  removal  would 
be  a  consequence  of  this  resentment ;  and  the  Attorney  General  stated, 
that  about  that  time  a  confidential  friend  of  the  President  (Richard  M. 
Johnson)  called  upon  him  and  the  other  refractory  members,  as  from  the 
President,  and  intimated  to  them,  that  unless  they  would  consent  to  at 
least  a  formal  intercourse  between  their  families  and  that  of  the  Secreta- 
ry of  War,  he  had  determined  to  remove  them  from  office.  They  re- 
plied, that  while  they  felt  bound  to  maintain  a  frank  and  harmonious  in- 
tercourse with  their  colleagues,  they  would  not  permit  any  interference 
with  the  social  relations  of  their  families,  and  wholly  refused  to  comp'Jy 
with  the  request.  Other  friends,  however,  interfered,  and  the  President 
was  induced  to  waive  any  further  prosecution  of  the  subject  at  that 
time. 

"  To  that  refusal,  however,  he  attributed  the  want  of  harmony  of  the 
Cabinet,  and  its  consequent  dissolution. 

"  This  charge,  from  a  high  and  unquestioned  source,  imputing  so  discre- 
ditable and  undignified  an  interference  with  the  private  and  domestic  rela- 
tions of  the  members  of  his  Cabinet,  produced  a  strong  impression  upon 
the  public  mind ;  and,  with  the  view  of  obviating  that  unfavorable  im- 
pression, a  different  version  was  soon  furnished  of  these  transactions,  by 
the  friends  of  the  administration.  According  to  this  version,  it  seemed 
that  the  President,  believing  that  a  combination  had  been  entered  into 
by  the  Vice-President  and  a  portion  of  his  Cabinet,  to  drive  the  Secreta- 
ry of  War  from  the  administration,  by  excluding  his  family  from  society, 
had  determined  on  re-organizing  his  Cabinet,  unless  its  members  would 
consent  to  meet  upon  terms  of  harmonious  intercourse.  With  the  view 
of  averting  that  result,  Mr.  Johnson  called  upon  the  members  of  the 
Cabinet,  and  suggested  to  them  the  propriety  of  associating  with  the 
family  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  or  at  least  of  assenting  to  a  formal  inter- 
course, which  would  be  all  that  the  President  could  desire.  In  making 
this  proposition,  Colonel  Johnson  asserted,  that  he  was  actuated  solely  by 
a  desire  to  prevent  a  dissolution  of  the  Cabinet;  that  it  was  upon  his 
own  authority;  and  thai  he  was  in  no  shape  authorized  by  the  President 
to  make  any  such  requisition. 

'*  This  version  was  sustained  by  an  authorized  publication  on  the  part 


JACKSON.  315 

iif  thie  President,  while  that  of  the  Attorney  (Jencral  was  supported  by 
tlie  tt'stimony  of  the  Secretaries  of  the  Navy  and  of  the  Treasury.  It 
was  .lowever,  impossible  to  avoid  the  conclusion,  that,  to  the  influence 
of  these  domestic  dissensions,  the  dissolution  of  the  Cabinet  wa-s  to  be 
solely  attributed,  and  that  the  cause  assigned  in  the  letter  of  the  Secreta- 
ry of  State,  was  merely  ostensible,  and  with  the  design  of  diverting  the 
public  attention  from  these  discreditable  occurrences.  The  satisfaction 
that  was  felt  by  the  community  at  large  at  the  breaking  up  of  the  most 
incompetent  Cabinet,  that  was  ever  called  to  the  administration  of  the 
Government  of  the  United  States,  in  some  measure  compensated  for  the 
manner  in  which  it  was  dissolved.  This  satisfaction  was  increased  by 
the  character  of  the  gentlemen  invited  to  act  as  their  successors." 

The  new  Cabinet,  which  was  not  completely  organized  until  late  in 
the  summer  of  1831,  was  constituted  as  follows  :    t 

Edward  Livingston,  of  Louisiana,  Secretary  of  State. 

Louis  McLane,  of  Delaware,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

Lewis  Cass,  of  Ohio,  Secretarj?^  of  War. 

Levi  Woodbury,  of  New-Hampshire,  Secretary  of  the  Navy. 

RoGKR  B.  Taney,  of  Maryland,  Attorney  General. 

This  Cabinet  was  not  only,  in  every  particular,  superior  to  that  which 
preceded  it,  but  might  fairly  compare,  in  point  of  talent  and  ability,  with 
that  of  any  previous  administration,  and  its  character  furnished  strong 
testimony  of  the  tribute  paid  to  public  opinion  in  the  selection  of  his  pub- 
lic advisers  by  a  Chief  Magistrate  of  great  personal  popularity. 

The  determination  adopted  by  General  Jackson,  upon  his  accession  to 
the  Presidency,  not  to  enforce  the  Indian  intercourse  act,  whenever  its 
provisions  should  bring  the  Government  of  a  State  into  collision  with 
that  of  the  United  States,  now  began  to  produce  the  most  unhappy  con- 
sequences. Encotrraged  by  the  conviction,  that  they  could  proceed 
without  molestation,  the  Government  of  Georgia  commenced  the  execu- 
tion of  what  it  had  only  threatened,  under  the  preceding  administration. 
Shortly  after  the  period  designated  for  the  extension  of  the  jurisdiction 
of  the  State,  over  the  Cherokee  territory,  the  writs  of  the  State  Courts 
were  issued  against  residents  in  the  Indian  territory,  and  the  Cherokees 
were  tried  before  the  State  tribunals,  without  any  regard  being  paid  to 
their  pleas  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Court  before  which  they  were  sum- 
moned. 

"  In  the  case  of  George  Tassel,  a  Cherokee,  charged  with  the  murder 
of  another  Cherokee  upon  the  Indian  Territory,  an  effort  was  made  to 
procure  the  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court,  upon  the  constitutionality  of 
the  State  laws.  After  his  trial  and  condemnation,  by  the  Superior 
Court  for  Hall  County,  a  writ  of  error  was  issued  from  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States,  and  a  citation,  was  served  upon  Governor 
Giln.er,  on  the  22d  of  December,  1830,  requiring  the  State  of  Georgia,  to 
appear  before  the  Supreme  Court,  at  Washington,  on  the  second  Monday 
of  January,  to  shew  cause  why  the  judgment  in  that  case  should  not  be 
reversed.  As  the  question  in  this  cause  was  simply  concerning  the 
validity  of  the  treaties  between  the  United  States  and  the  Cherokee 
tribe,  it  was  obviously  within  the  jurisdiction  of  the   Federal  Judiciary 


316  JACKSON 

which,  by  the  second  section  of  the  third  article  of  the  Constitution,  is 
declared  to  extend  'to  all  cases  in  hw  and  equity,  arising  under  this 
Constitution,  the  laws  of  the  United  States  and  treaties  made  or  which 
shall  be  made,  under  their  authority.' " 

"  Governor  Gilmer,  however,  regarding  it  as  an  usurpation  of  authori- 
ty, immediately  transmitted  the  citation  to  the  Legislature,  with  a  mes- 
sage exhorting  that  body  to  take  measures  to  resist  any  interference^  on 
the  part  of  the  Federal  Judiciary,  with  the  jurisdiction  of  the  criminal 
Courts  of  the  State. 

Upon  the  reception  of  this  message,  the  following  resolutions  were 
proposed  by  the  committee  to  which  the  subject  was  referred,  and  were 
passed  by  the  Legislature. 

"Resolved,  That  the  State  of  Georgia  will  never  so  far  com  pro  mi  t  her 
sovereignty  as  an  independent  State,  as  to  become  a  party  to  the  case 
sought  to  be  made  before  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  by  the 
writ  in  question. 

"  Resolved,  That  his  Excellency  the  Governor,  be,  and  he  is  hereby 
authorized,  to  communicate  to  the  Sheriff  of  Hall  County,  by  express,  so 
much  of  the  foregoing  resolutions,  and  such  orders  as  are  necessary  to 
insure  the  full  e.^ecution  of  the  laws,  in  the  case  of  George  Tassel, 
convictpd  of  murder  in  Hall  County.'  " 

"  Orders  were  accordingly  given  to  the  Court  and  the  Sheriff,  to  disre- 
gard any  process  from  the  United  Slates'  Courts,  and  the  execution  of 
the  unfortunate  Indian  took  place  on  the  28th  of  December,  pursuant  to 
his  sentence. 

The  subsequent  arrest  and  treatment  of  the  missionaries  are  well  re- 
membered. These  acts  apparently  received  the  countenance  and  sup- 
port of  the  General  Government. 

The  twenty-second  Congress  of  the  United  States  convened  in  Decem- 
ber, 183L  The  customary  message  of  the  President  at  this  time  was 
received  with  considerable  favor  by  the  people. 

One  of  the  most  prominent  acts  of  this  session  of  Congress,  was  the 
rejection  by  the  Senate,  of  the  nomination  of  Martin  Van  Buren,  by  the 
President,  as  Minister  to  England.  This  rejection  is  said  to  have  been  a 
subject  of  much  irritation  to  General  Jackson. 

Another  and  more  important  question  which  agitated  Congress,  wa3 
that  oi  renewing  the  charter  of  the  present  Bank  of  the  United  States. 
After  much  discussion,  this  bill  passed  the  House  and  Senate,  and  was 
submitted  to  the  President,  by  whom  it  was  rejected,  and  returned  with 
his  objections.  These  objections  have  been  too  recently  before  the  read- 
er to  be  acceptable  in  this  place.  A  great  sensation  was  produced 
throughout  the  Union  by  the  promulgation  of  the  veto  message;  and  the 
result  of  the  excitement  was  perhaps  favorable  to  the  man,  who  had  pos- 
sessed the  independence  to  pursue  such  a  course.  On  the  13th  of  July, 
the  Senate  resumed  the  bank  subject,  and,  after  some  debate,  the  question 
was  put,  "  whether  the  bill  should  become  a  law,  the  President's  objections 
to  tlie  contrary  notvfithstanding,"  and  was  decided  in  the  negative. 

The  next  public  paper  of  moment,  which  proceeded  from  the  Presi- 
dent, Avas   the  proclamation  issued  against  the  ordinance  of  the  South 


JACKSON.  317 

Carolina  Convention,  assembled  at  Columbia.  The  proceedings  of  this 
Convention  had  been  watched  with  intense  interest  by  the  people  of  the 
United  States,  and  when  the  deliberations  resulted  in  the  plainly  avowed 
threat  of  Nullification,  conjecture  was  busy  in  imaijining  the  course 
which  would  be  pursued  by  the  President,  at  so  alarming-  a  crisis.  No 
sooner  was  his  proclamation  issued,  denouncing  the  measures  of  the 
Convention,  than  it  was  met  by  the  most  cheering  responses  from  all 
parts  of  the  Union.  This  document  may  be  ranked  among  the  ablest 
and  most  popular  state  papers  ever  promulgated.  Few,  perhaps,  have 
been  more  read  and  applauded.  A  counter  proclamation  from  Governor 
Hayne  soon  followed,  warning  the  good  people  of  South  Carolina  against 
"the  insidious  attempts  of  the  President  of  the  United  States  to  seduce 
them  from  their  allegiance."  Fortunately  the  excitement  has  been 
allayed  without  bloodshed,  by  the  removal  of  the  most  prominent  causes 
for  complaint. 

On  the  13th  of  February,  1833,  the  two  Houses  of  Congress  met  in 
the  Representatives'  chamber,  to  count  the  votes  for  a  President  and 
Vice-President  of  the  United  States  for  four  years  from  the  4th  of 
March  ensuing.  The  ballots  were  opened  by  the  President  of  the 
Senate,  when  they  were  examined.,  and  the  certificate  of  the  vote  read  by 
the  tellers.     The  official  result  was  as  follows  : 

For  President,  Jackson,         -         -       219         Clay,       -         -         49 
For  Vice-President,  Van  Buren,     -     189         Sergeant,     -      -      49 
The  majority  for  General  Jackson  was  declared  to  be  145.     His  inau- 
guration took  place  with  the  usual  ceremonies  on  the  4th  of  March. 

On  the  6th  of  May,  General  Jackson,  with  the  members  of  h's  Cabinet, 
and  his  private  secretary,  left  Washington  in  compliance  with  the  invi- 
tation of  the  "  Monumental  Committee"  at  Fredericksburg,  to  lay  the 
corner-stone  of  the  pillar,  to  be  erected  in  honor  of  the  mother  of  Wash- 
ington. The  President  and  his  party  embarked  in  the  large  and  com- 
modious steamer  Cygnet.  "  The  day,"  says  a  correspondent  of  the  N. 
Y.  Mirror,  "  was  mild,  and  the  air  soft  and  refreshing.  After  the  com- 
pany had  assembled  on  board,  they  paid  their  respects  to  the  Executive, 
which  that  venerable  patriot  received  with  the  ease  and  grace  of  the 
most  finished  gentleman  of  the  old  school.  They  then  separated  ;  some 
of  the  party  went  upon  the  upper  deck,  to  admire  the  picturesque  and 
beautiful  scenery  of  the  surrounding  country,  whence,  from  the  north 
round  to  the  south,  lay  a  line  of  high  grounds,  forming  within  their  in- 
terior an  extensive  amphitheatre.  On  the  south,  the  broad  and  peaceful 
Potomac,  stretching  as  far  as  the  eye  could  reach.  On  the  eastern 
branch  of  the  river  was  to  be  seen  the  navy  yard,  and  several  of  the 
public  armed  vessels  lying  in  the  stream,  with  our  flag  floating  on  the 
breeze  ;  and,  on  the  western  branch,  we  had  a  distant  but  beautiful  view 
of  Georgetown,  as  it  slopes  from  the  high  grounds  to  the  river;  and  be- 
tween that  and  the  navy  yard,  was  to  be  seen  the  city  of  Washington, 
whence  we  had  just  taken  our  departure ;  and  from  our  situation  we 
had,  at  one  giance,  ;/.  view  of  the  bridge  crossing  the  river,  which  ex- 
ceeds a  mile  in  extent,  the  Chief  Magistrate's  house,  and  the  capitol, 
with  its  splendid  dome,  rearing  its  head  over  every  other  object      Among 


318  JACKSON. 

those  who  went  upon  the  upper  deck  were  the  heads  of  department.  A 
group  of  ladies,  with  their  attendants,  were  seated  in  the  after  part  of  the 
hoat ;  and  an  excellent  band  of  music  was  playing  several  national  airs, 
as  the  steamer  glided  on  her  way,  and  shortly  arrived  at  the  city  of 
Alexandria.  General  Jackson  had,  just  previous  to  the  boat's  reaching 
the  wharf,  retired  to  the  cabin,  and  had  taken  his  seat  at  a  long  table, 
which  had  been  set  preparatory  for  dinner ;  he  w^as  seated  on  the  west 
side,  and  next  to  the  berths,  there  being  barely  room  enough  left  be- 
tween the  berths  and  table  for  a  person  to  pass,  by  moving  sideways. 
Upon  his  left  sat  Mrs.  Thruston,  the  wife  of  Judge  Thruston,  of  Wash- 
ington ;  and  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  table  sat  Major  Donaldson,  the 
General's  private  secretary ;  l\Ir.  Potter,  a  clerk  in  one  of  th^  depart- 
ments at  Washington  ;  and  Captain  Broome,  of  the  marine  corps.  The 
President  was  reading  a  newspaper.  While  in  this  situation,  (there 
being  no  other  person  in  the  cabin  or  near  him,)  a  large  number  of 
citizens  came  on  board,  as  it  was  supposed,  to  pay  their  respects  to  him. 
Among  the  number  was  Randolph,  late  a  lieutenant  in  the  navy.  He 
made  his  way  into  the  cabin,  and  after  speaking  to  Captain  Broome,  who 
had  long  been  acquainted  with  him,  he  immediately  advanced  between 
the  table  and  the  berths  toward  the  President,  as  if  to  address  him.  The 
President  did  not  know  him,  and  it  seems  that  Captain  Broome  did  not 
mention  his  name,  because,  he  said,  he  believed  that  the  object  of  his 
visit  was  to  present  a  petition,  praying  to  be  restored  to  the  navy  again  ; 
still,  as  the  captain  did  not  know  that  that  was  the  object  of  his  visit, 
and  fearing,  as  he  said,  that  he  might  intend  to  commit  some  act  of 
violence,  he  stepped  quickly  to  the  same  side  of  the  table,  and  advanced 
up  to  and  near  Randolph,  who  had  by  this  time  come  so  Bear  Genera) 
Jackson  as  to  be  observed  by  him,  who,  supposing  it  was  some  person 
about  to  salute  him,  said  that  he  was  afflicted  with  a  severe  pain  in  bis 
side,  and  begged  to  be  excused  for  not  rising ;  and,  seeing  that  Randolph 
had  some  difficulty  in  pulling  off  his  glove,  he  stretched  out  his  hand 
toward  him,  saying,  at  the  same  time,  "  Never  mind  your  glove,  sir." 
Upon  this,  Randolph  thrust  one  hand  violently  into  the  President's  face  ; 
but,  before  he  could  make  use  of  the  other,  or  repeat  his  blow,  Captain 
Broome  seized  and  drew  him  off  toward  the  door.  A  part  of  the  table 
was  broken  down  in  the  scuffle.  Mr.  Potter  thrust  his  umbrella  at  Ran- 
dolph across  the  table,  at  the  moment  Captain  Broome  seized  him ; 
whereupon  Randolph's  friends  clenched  him,  hurried  him  out  of  the 
cabin,  and  off  from  the  boat,  leaving  his  hat  behind.  This  was  done  so 
quickly,  that  the  few  persons  who  were  near  the  President  were  not  aware 
of  it,  as  they  had  all  turned  around  after  push  nig  Randolph  away,  to  in- 
quire whether  or  not  the  Chief  Magistrate  was  much  hurt.  He  was  so 
confined  behind  the  table,  that  he  could  not  rise  with  ease,  nor  could  he 
seize  his  cane  in  time  to  defend  himself.  The  news  of  this  outrage  was 
soon  circulated  around  the  boat,  and  at  first  it  seemed  so  incredible  that 
no  one  could  be  found  to  believe  it ;  all,  however,  immediately  repaired 
to  the  cabin,  and  heard  the  President  relate  the  story  himself. 

"  Had  I  been  apprised,"  said  he,  "  that  Randolph   stood   before  me,  1 
should  have  been  prepared  for  him,  and  I  could  have  defended  myself. 


JACKSON  319 

No  villain,"  said  he,  "  has  ever  escaped  me  before  ;  and  he  v/ould  not, 
had  it  not  been  for  my  confined  situation." 

Some  blood  was  seen  on  his  face,  and  he  was  asked  whether  he  had 
been  much  injured? 

"  No,"  said  he,  "  I  am  not  much  hurt ;  but,  in  endeavoring-  to  rise,  I 
have  Avounded  my  side,  which  now  pains  me  more  than  it  did." 

About  this  time,  one  of  the  citizens  of  Alexandria,  who  had  heard  of 
the  outrage,  addressed  the  General,  and  said  :  "  Sir,  if  you  will  pardon 
me,  in  case  I  am  tried  and  convicted,  I  will  kill  Randolph,  for  this  insult 
to  you,  in  fifteen  minutes  ?"* 

"  No,  Sir,"  said  the  President,  "  I  cannot  do  that.  I  want  no  mnn  to 
stand  between  me  and  my  assailants,  and  none  to  take  revenge  on  iny 
account.  Had  I  been  prepared  for  this  coivardly  villain's  approach,  I 
can  assure  you  all,  that  he  would  never  have  the  temerity  to  undertake 
such  a  thing  again." 

"  The  spirits  of  the  whole  party  had  been  much  affected  by  this  out- 
rage ;  no  one  could  think  or  talk  of  any  thing  else  ;  and  it  seemed  that 
the  sacred  errand  which  the  President  was  proceeding  upon  would  be 
defeated.  But,  after  the  steamer  had  got  under  way  from  the  fort,  and 
after  the  report  of  the  last  cannon,  fired  as  a  salute  in  honor  of  the  Chief 
Magistrate,  had  died  away,  some  one  exclaimed,  "  We  are  approaching, 
and  shall  soon  be  at  Mount  Vernon."  Upon  this  the  pulse  of  every 
heart  on  board  was  quickened,  and  every  eye  was  turned  toward  the 
beautiful  promontor}^  which  projects  into  the  river;  and  upon  the  sacred 
mansion  (which  is  situated  upon  the  highest  part  of  it)  where  once  dwelt 
the  father  of  his  country.  The  band  played  a  funeral  dirge  as  we  pass- 
ed his  tomb,  and  then  the  steamer  lay  to  for  some  time,  and  a  small 
boat  was  seen  gliding  to  the  shore,  bearing  two  gentlemen  of  the  party, 
■who  landed  on  the  plantation,  and  ascended  the  hill  to  the  mansion. 
But  few  ox\  board  knew  the  object  of  the  delay.  In  a  few  moments, 
however,  they  returned  to  the  boat  with  three  ladies,  the  descendants  of 
Waskingto?i,  and  the  residents  of  Mount  Vernon,  who  had  agreed  to 
honor  the  occasion  with  their  company.  Upon  reaching  the  deck  of  the 
steamer,  they  were  introduced  to  General  Jackson,  when  each  presented 
him  with  a  bunch  of  flowers  culled  from  the  garden  which  had  been  cul- 
tivated by  the  hands  of  the  immortal  Washington.  This  incident  dis- 
pelled the  gloom  occasioned  by  the  outrage  already  related,  and  the  re- 
mainder of  the  passage  was  pleasant  and  agreeable. 

"  The  President  was  met  at  Potomac  creek,  nine  miles  from  Fredericks- 
burgh,  by  the  Monument  committee,  and  a  long  concourse  of  gentlemen 
on  horseback,  who  escorted  him  to  the  heights  north  of  Fredericksburgh, 
from  whence  was  an  extensive  view  of  the  beautiful  and  fertile  valley  of 
the  Rappahannock,  of^the  city  itself,  which  is  delightfully  situated  upon 
the  south  bank  of  the  river,  and  likewise  of  the  numerous  and  splendid 
country  seats  in  the  vicinity  of  the  city.  The  view  from  this  spot  was 
grand  and  imposing  beyond  description.  Here  the  President  was  met 
by  several  companies   in  uniform,  under  the  command  of  Major  Patten, 

*  It  has  been  well  remarked,  that  this  proposal  was  more  iiisulting  than  the  assdult. 


320  JACKSON. 

and  conducted  in  an  elegant  open  carringe,  through  the  j  riririjial  stieets 
in  the  city,  to  Doctor  Wallace's,  whose  hospitable  mansion  was  throum 
open  to  him,  as  were  the  dwellings  of  all  the  members  of  the  committee, 
and  of  the  citizens,  to  the  invited  guests  and  numerous  strangers  then 
assembled.  The  kind,  hospitable  manner  in  which  the  citizens  received 
and  entertained  their  guests  and  friends,  made  an  indelible  impression 
upon  all,  and  will  long  be  remembered  with  gratitude." 

On  Tuesday  the  seventh,  the  day  fixed  upon  for  the  ceremony,  the 
city,  at  an  early  hour,  was  crowded  to  overflowing.  At  10  o'clock,  a 
procession  was  formed  by  the  marshals  of  the  day,  and  moved  to  the  site 
of  the  monument.  On  the  arrival  of  the  column  on  the  ground  where 
repose  the  remains  of  the  mother  of  Washington,  a  detachment  of  caval- 
ry wheeled  to  the  left  and  formed  outside  of  the  green.  The  infantry 
were  formed  in  line  on  the  left,  and  the  strangers  and  citizens  formed  a 
square,  within  which  the  President  and  heads  of  department,  the  Ma- 
sonic societies,  and  the  ladies  and  relatives  of  the  Washington  family, 
the  architect,  the  committee,  marshals,  mayor  and  common  council, 
occupied  the  space  about  the  monument.  The  spectacle  was  grand  and 
imposing;  all  seemed  desirous  of  approaching  as  near  as  possible,  in 
order  to  witness  the  ceremony.  After  an  appropriate  prayer  from  the 
Rev.  E.  C.  M'Guire,  an  eloquent  address  Avas  delivered  by  Mr.  Bassett, 
one  of  the  members  of  the  monumental  committee. 

To  this  address,  the  President  made  a  reply,  distinguished  for  its 
chaste  and  appropriate  character ;  a  specimen  of  finished  and  touching 
eloquence  that  would  have  done  honor  to  any  statesman  or  orator  that 
our  country  has  produced.  It  Avas  delivered  with  deep  feeling,  and  lis- 
tened to  by  all  with  proud  attention.  Upon  concluding  it,  the  President 
deposited  a  plate,  with  a  suitable  inscription,  in  the  place  intended  for  it, 
and  then  the  stone  was  laid,  and  the  procession  returned  in  the  same 
order  to  the  town-hall. 

"  The  day  w'as  concluded  with  a  ball  in  the  evening.  The  attention 
shown  the  venerable  guest  of  Virginia  by  the  citizens  of  the  old  domi- 
nion, furnished  a  striking  illustration  of  the  proverbial  hospitality  and 
generosity  of  that  people.  The  deepest  abhorrence  was  manifested  and 
expressed  by  all  at  the  attempt  made  at  Alexandria  to  deprive  them  of 
the  President's  promised  visit,  to  perform  the  patriotic  and  sacred  rite 
which  he  had  been  invited  to  pay  to  the  mother  of  Washington. 

"  On  the  day  following,  at  noon,  the  procession  was  again  formed,  and 
the  President  was  escorted  to  the  high  grounds  north  of  the  city,  w^here 
he  was  first  met  by  the  procession.  A  line  was  formed  by  the  military, 
and  he  reviewed  the  troops.  From  thence  he  was  attended  by  the  com- 
mittee and  marshals  to  the  Potomac  creek,  where  he  embarked  for 
Washington.  On  his  return,  and  before  the  boat  arrived  at  Mount  Ver- 
non, the  ladies  from  that  place  gave  a  pressing  and  earnest  invitation  .to 
mm,  and  the  heads  of  department,  and  the  others  in  his  company,  to 
land  and  pay  a  visit  to  the  tomb  of  Washington,  which  he  reluctantly 
declined  for  want  of  time,  it  being  then  near  sundown.  After  landing 
the  ladies,  the  boat  soon   reached   Alexandria,   where  a  nationnl   salute 


JACKSON.  321 

was  fired,  and  the  citizens  having  assembled  on  the  piers,  welcomed  the 
President's  return  by  loud  and  repeated  cheering. 

"  On  reaching  the  city  of  Washington,  a  large  concourse  of  citizens 
had  assembled  on  the  wharf.  The  mayor  and  common  council  waited 
upon  the  President  in  the  cabin  ;  and  the  mayor,  General  Van  Ness,  de 
livered  a  sj)inted  and  feeling  address  to  the  President,  expressing  his 
regret,  as  also  that  of  the  citizens  of  Washington  generally,  at  the  wan- 
ton and  dastardly  attack  made  on  the  person  of  the  Chief  Magistrate  ; 
to  which,  and  to  the  resolutions  of  the  citizens  of  Washington  on  the 
same  subject,  which  had  been  read  by  Colonel  Gardner,  the  President 
made  a  reply  in  his  peculiarly  happy  style,  and  then  left  the  boat  with 
the  mayor  and  common  council ;  and  on  landing  he  was  cheered  by  the 
citizens  until  he  reached  his  house." 

The  war,  which  had  long  been  waged  along  our  western  frontiers, 
having  ended  in  the  capture  of  many  of  the  hostile  Indians,  it  Avas 
thought  advisable  to  retain  the  Chief  Black  Hawk  and  his  son,  to- 
gether with  the  Prophet  and  his  son,  as  hostages.  On  their  arrival  at 
Washington,  they  waited  on  the  President  to  receive  his  orders,  The 
interview  v.^as  friendly  and  satisfactory. 

The  judicious  plan,  which  has  been  recently  carried  into  execution,  of 
conveying  to  these  sons  of  the  forest  an  idea  of  the  resources  and  popula- 
tion of  our  country,  by  means  of  showing  to  them  some  of  the  principal 
cities  of  the  Union,  has  been  justly  commended. 

On  Thursday,  the  6lh  day  of  June,  1833,  President  Jackson  set  out  on  his 
journey  to  New  England,  arcompanied  by  the  Hon.  Martin  Van  Ruren,  the 
Vice-President ;  Mr.  McLane,  Secretary  of  State  ;  Governor  Cass,  Sec- 
retary of  War ;  and  Major  Donaldson,  Private  Secretary.  The  Presi- 
dent was  welcomed  at  BaUimore  with  ev^ery  demonstration  of  respect, 
by  a  large  concourse  of  citizens.  He  left  Baltimore  on  Saturday  in  the 
ssucam-boal  Kentucky.  On  his  passage,  he  stopped  about  twenty  minutes 
at  Chesapeake  city,  while  the  barges  were  preparing  to  proceed  through 
the  canal.  At  Delaware  city,  the  President  and  suite  were  received 
into  the  Ohio,  and  at  New-Castle  they  disembarked  with  military  sa- 
lutes, where  the  President  was  received  by  Governor  Bennett  of  the 
State,  and  committees  and  delegates  from  Wilmington  and  all  the  towns 
in  the  vicinity.  Again  they  embarked  amid  the  salutes  of  the  guns, 
"  the  streamers  waving  in  the  wind,"  and  the  shouts  of  the  applauding 
multitudes.  Long  before  his  arrival,  every  convenient  spot  in  and 
around  the  navy  yard  was  densely  thronged  with  anxious  spectators. 
About  five  o'clock  the  President  landed  under  a  national  salute,  and 
was  cheered  with  the  oft  repeated  plaudits  of  the  people.  His  onward 
progress  was  marked  by  the  repeated  congratulations  of  the  citizens. 
When  he  had  reached  the  hotel,  he  showed  himself  from  one  of  the 
windows,  and  was  again  received  with  enthusiasm. 

The  public  reception  of  ihe  President  at  Philadelphia,  took  place  on 
Monday.  At  an  early  'lour  the  city  was  alive  with  the  bustle  of  exten- 
sive preparation,  and  the  streets  through  which  the  procession  was  to 
pass  grew  populous  as  he  approached.  From  nine  until  twelve  o'clock, 
the  President  remained  at  the  State  House  to  receive  the  compliments  of 
42 


322  JACKSON. 

his  felloiv-citizens.  At  the  latter  hour  he  proceeded  on  horseback  to 
Arch-street,  wliere  he  reviewed  the  military.  The  President  was  dressed 
in  a  suit  of  deep  black,  and  passed  along  a  great  portion  of  the  route 
with  his  hat  ofi^.  The  appearance  of  the  military  who  assembled  to  an 
immense  number  was  imposing  and  eflective.  Towards  live  o'clock  the 
procession  reached  the  City  Hotel,  and  the  President  alighted,  evidently 
gratified  with  a  reception  at  once  so  respectful  and  so  general. 

The  next  day  the  President  embarked  on  board  the  People's  Line 
steam-boat  Philadelphia  ;  she  moved  off  from  the  wharf,  and  a  salute  nf 
twenty-one  guns  announced  the  departure  of  the  President  on  his  northern 
tour.  He  stopped  for  about  twenty  minutes  at  Burlington,  and  thence 
crossed  over  to  Bristol,  whence  he  proceeded  to  Bordentown.  After  a 
short  delay  in  this  place,  he  next  proceeded  to  Lamberton,  where  he  took 
carriage  for  Trenton.  Here  he  dined,  and  soon  after  passed  on  to  Prince- 
ton, where  he  spent  the  night.  The  next  morning  he  proceeded  in  a  car- 
riage to  New  Brunswick,  and  thence  to  Perth  Amboy. 

Having  spent  half  an  hour  at  Amboy,  he  went  on  board  the  North 
America,  and  was  received  with  proper  honors  by  the  company,  with 
whom  he  dined.  On  passing  the  Narrows,  salutes  were  fired  from  forts 
Hamilton  and  La  Fayette.  The  General  took  his  station  on  the  upper 
quarter  deck,  where  he  appeared  to  be  highly  delighted  with  the  beautiful 
appearance  of  the  bay,  harbor,  and  fortifications.  Salutes  were  fired  by 
vessels  of  various  nations;  three  steamers,  elegantly  decorated,  and 
crowded  with  passengers,  attended  the  North  America  all  the  way,  and, 
on  approaching  the  city,  numerous  steam  and  sail  boats  were  plying  about 
the  river,  which,  with  the  crowds  of  men  and  women  in  the  Castle  and 
Battery,  and  on  the  housetops  in  the  neighborhood,  gave  to  the  whole 
scene  a  singular  brilliancy  of  effect. 

On  Saturday,  the  President  and  his  suite  embarked  from  New  York, 
and  arrived  at  New  Haven,  at  about  three  in  the  afternoon.  Having 
passed  through  Newport,  Providence  and  Dedham,  the  President  arrived 
on  the  2lst  of  June,  at  Roxbury,  where  he  was  very  handsomely  received. 
He  arrived  in  Boston  the  same  afternoon,  and  was  greeted  by  an  immense 
concourse  of  citizens.  On  Wednesday,  he  visited  Cambridge,  where  the 
degree  of  LL.  D.  was  conferred  on  him  by  the  President  of  Harvard 
University.  From  Cambridge  he  passed  with  his  suite  to  Charlestown, 
accompanied  by  the  Governor  and  other  officers  of  State. 

On  Thursday,  June  27,  the  President  passed  through  Lynn,  Saleiri; 
Marblehead,  and  Andover,  to  Lowell.  He  had  intended  to  proceed  as 
far  north  as  Portland,  but  on  reaching  Concord,  N.  H.,  he  found  that  his 
strength  would  not  enable  him  to  undergo  a  repetition  of  the  labors  which 
the  various  engagements  he  had  made  would  require  of  him.  He  was 
therefore  under  the  necessity  of  giving  up  his  journey,  and  returning  to 
Washington.  He  would  have  found  it  impossible  to  have  borne  up  so 
long  und^r  the  fatigue  of  exchanging  salutations  and  greetings  with  so 
many  thousands  of  his  fellow-citizens,  but  for  the  animation  inspired  by 
their  enthusiastic  kindness. 

It  was  during  his  absence  on  this  journey  that  the  order  was  given  for 
the  removal  of  the  deposites  from  the  Bank  of  the  United  States,  which  led 


JACKSON.  323 

to  the  expulsion  of  Mr.  Duane  from  the  cabinet,  and  the  temporary  eleva- 
tion of  Mr.  Taney  to  the  office  of  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  This  act 
rendered  the  last  years  of  his  administration  a  scene  of  continued  agitation 
and  disorder.  By  one  party  it  was  sustained  as  a  bold  and  patriotic 
movement,  necessary  to  arrest  the  political  action  of  a  dangerous  moneyed 
iuslilulion.  By  the  other  it  was  denounced  with  equal  ardor,  as  an  act 
eijually  contrary  to  the  good  faith  of  the  Republic,  the  spirit  of  our  insti- 
tutions, and  the  letter  of  the  law.  Sufficient  time  has  not  yet  elapsed 
fur  the  calm  and  reflective  discussion  of  this  exciting  topic.  The  ques- 
tion was  duly  brought  before  both  Houses  of  Congress.  In  the  Represen- 
tative branch,  where  the  administration  held  a  firm  majority,  no  definite 
action  was  ever  held  on  the  precise  point  at  issue ;  the  debate  turned  and 
resolutions  were  adopted  on  topics  merely  collateral  and  not  involving  the 
main  subject  of  controversy. 

Ill  the  Senate  the  following  resolution  was  adopted  :  "  Resolved,  that 
the  President,  in  the  late  executive  proceedings  in  relation  to  the  revenue, 
has  assumed  upon  himself  authority  and  power  not  conferred  by  the  Con- 
stitution and  laws,  but  in  derogation  of  both."  This  was  passed  on  the 
2S[h  of  ]\Iarch,  IS34,  by  the  following  vote  :  Yeas.  Messrs.  Bibb,  Black, 
Calhoun,  Clay,  Clayton,  Ewing,  Frelinghuysen,  Kent,  Knight,  Leigh, 
Mangum,  Naudain,  Polndexter,  Porter,  Prentiss,  Preston.  Robbins,  Silsbee, 
Smith,  Southard,  Sprague,  Swift,  Tomlinson,  Tyler,  Waggaman,  Web- 
ster— 2f).  Nays.  Messrs.  Benton,  Brown,  Forsyth,  Grundy,  Hendricks, 
Hill,  Kane,  King  of  Alabama,  King  of  Georgia,  Linn,  McKean,  Moore, 
Morris,  Robinson,  Shepley,  Tallmadge,  Tipton,  White,  W^ilkins,  Wrighl 
—20. 

In  the  session  of  1S36-37,  on  motion  of  Mr.  Benton  of  Missouri,  the 
following  resolution  was  adopted  by  the  Senate  :  ''Resolved,  that  the  said 
resolve  (above  given)  be  expunged  from  the  journal ;  and  for  that  purpose, 
that  the  secretary  of  the  Senate,  at  such  time  as  the  Senate  may  appoint, 
shall  bring  the  manuscript  journal  of  the  session  1S33-34  into  the  Senate, 
and,  in  the  presence  of  the  Senate,  draw  black  lines  round  the  said  re- 
solve, and  write  across  the  face  thereof,  in  strong  letters,  the  following 
words  :  '  Expunged,  by  order  of  the  Senate,  this  16th  day  of  January,  in 
the  year  of  our  Lord  1837.'  " 

On  agreeing  to  this  resolution  the  vote  was  as  follows  :  Yeas.  Messrs. 
Benton,  Brown,  Buchanan,  Dana,  Ewing  of  Illinois,  Fulton,  Grundy, 
Hubbard,  King  of  Alabama,  Linn,  Morris,  Nicholas,  Niles,  Page,  Rives, 
Robinson,  Ruggles,  Sevier,  Strange,  Tallmadge,  Tipton.  Walker,  Wall, 
Wright— 24.  Nays.  Messrs.  Bayard,  Black,  Calhoun,  Clay,  Crittenden, 
Davis,  Ewing  of  Ohio,  Hendricks,  Kent,  Knight,  Moore,  Prentiss,  Preston, 
Robbins,  Southard,  Swift,  Tomlinson,  Webster,  White — 19. 

The  resolution  having  been  agreed  to,  Mr.  Benton  observed  that  noth- 
ing now  remained  but  for  the  secretary  to  carry  it  into  effect,  and  moved 
that  it  be  executed  upon  the  spot.  The  secretary  thereupon  produced  the 
record,  and  expungi;d  the  obnoxious  resolution.  No  sooner  had  this 
been  done,  than  loud  and  repeated  hisses  were  heard  from  various  parts 
of  the  gallery.  The  chair  immediately  ordered  the  galleries  to  be  cleared. 
Mr   Benton  hoped  that   the  galleries  would  not   be  cleared,  but  that  the 


324  JACKSON. 

bank  ruffians  who  had  created  the  disturbance  would  be  arrested.  The 
order  to  clear  the  naileries  was  revoked,  and  the  sergeant-at-arms  pro- 
ceeded to  arrest  one  of  the  supposed  culprits.  Mr.  Benton  moved  that  he 
be  brought  to  th(.  bar  of  the  Senate  ;  the  motion  was  carried.  It  was  af- 
terward su<To-ested  bv  the  same  Senator  that  he  should  go  to  the  clerk's 
table  and  there  purge  himself  of  the  contempt  by  oath.  A  motion  was 
here  made  for  his  discharge  ;  much  confusion  prevailed,  but  the  motion 
was  pressed  and  carried.  On  being  discharged  from  custody,  the  indi- 
vidual referred  to  advanced  and  addressed  tJie  chair.  "Mr.  President, 
am  I  not  to  be  permitted  to  speak  in  my  own  defence?"  Chair  lo  the  ser- 
oeaiit-at-arvis.  "  Take  him  out."  The  occupant  of  the  chair  was  Mr. 
Senator  King  of  Alaban-a. 

The  question  of  the  removal  of  the  deposites,  and  the  important  questions 
connected  with  their  subsequent  disposition,  and  the  regulation  of  the  cur- 
rency, were  the  engrossing  and  exciting  topics  during  the  last  three  years 
of  President  Jackson's  administration.  These  topics  are  too  near,  too  fa- 
miliar, and  too  much  involved  in  the  partisan  discussions  of  the  day, 
to  form  legitimate  subjects  of  historical  comment.  The  end  of  Gene- 
ral Jackson's  policy  is  not  yet  wrought  out.  It  began  in  the  veto  of  the 
United  States  Rank,  and  has  resulted  in  the  universal  suspension  of  specie 
payments.  His  first  objection  to  the  bank  was  on  the  ground  that  it  had 
failed  to  furnish  "a  sound  and  uniform  currency.'*  It  is  for  the  historian 
to  tell  us  how  much  his  measures  have  improved  it. 

General  Jackson  went  into  retirement  at  the  Hermitage  immediately  on 
quitting  the  Presidential  chair.  He  still  continues  to  take  an  active  inter- 
est in  public  afFdirs.  We  can  only  hope  that  the  venerable  Ex-President 
may  live  long  enough  to  witness  the  restoration  of  his  beloved  country  ta 
her  old  prosjxrity. 

On  the  3d  of  March,  1837,  his  administration  closed  ;  and  having  pub- 
lished a  farewell  address,  he  retired  to  the  "  Hermitage,"  in  Tennessee, 
where  he  passed  the  remainder  of  his  days.  For  the  last  two  years  of  his 
life  he  was  physically  quite  infirm,  but  his  mind  lost  but  little  of  its  energy. 
On  the  8th  of  Jane,  1845,  he  expired,  in  the  seventy-ninth  year  of  his  age. 
Public  funeral  obsequies  were  performed  throughout  the  country,*  for  it 
might  be  truly  said,  a  "  great  man  has  fallen  in  Israel."  His  estate  was 
left  to  the  Donelson  famdy,  who  were  relatives  of  Mrs.  Jackson,  he  having 
no  blood-relations  in  this  country. 

In  person.  General  Jackson  was  six  feet  one  inch  high,  remarkably 
straight,  and  thin,  never  weighing  over  one  hundred  and  fifty  pounds. 
His  sharp,  intelligent  eye  was  a  dark  blue.  His  manners  were  pleasing, 
his  address  commanding,  and  the  most  remarkable  feature  of  his  character 
was  firmness.  Honest  and  conscientious,  no  obstacle  could  prevent  his 
doing  what  he  judged  to  be  right.  Benevolence  was  in  him  a  leading 
virtue,  and  his  moral  character  was  ever  above  reproach. 

*  A  colossal  equestrian  statue  is  to  lie  erected  upon  an  arch  to  span  Pennsylvania  avenue, 
near  llie  capilol,  al  Washinglon.     It  is  lo  be  erected  by  private  subscriplion. 


MARTIN    VAN    BUREN. 

Mi\RTiN  Van  Buren,  eighth  president  of  the  United  Stales,  was  born 
at  Kinderhook,  in  the  State  of  New  York,  on  the  5th  day  of  December- 
J782.  His  parents  were  of  Dutch  descent,  and  in  humble  circumstances. 
He  received  the  elements  of  his  education  in  an  academy  of  his  native 
village,  which  he  left  at  the  age  of  fourteen  years,  to  commence  the  study 
of  the  law,  in  the  office  of  Francis  Sylvester,  Esq  a  respectable  practi- 
tioner of  Kinderhook.  The  term  of  study  required  of  candidates  not  edu- 
cated in  college  was  then  seven  years.  Six  of  them  young  Van  Buren 
passed  in  his  native  village,  the  last  in  the  city  of  York,  in  the  office  and 
under  the  direction  of  Mr.  William  P.  Van  Ness,  a  distinguished  member 
of  the  bar,  and  a  prominent  leader  of  the  Democratic  party.  By  this 
gentleman  he  was  introduced  to  the  celebrated  Aaron  Burr,  who  mani- 
fested an  unusual  interest  in  his  welfare,  and  is  said  by  one  of  his  biog- 
raphers to  have  treated  him  "  with  marked  attention,  and  to  have  made 
every  reasonable  effort  to  secure  his  favorable  regard." 

In  November,  1S03,  in  the  twenty-first  year  of  his  age,  Mr.  Van  Buren 
was  admitted  as  an  attorney  at  law  to  the  bar  of  the  Supreme  Court,  in 
the  State  of  New  York,  and  immediately  commenced  the  practice  of  his 
profession  at  Kinderhook.  At  the  first  succeeding  session  of  the  Colum- 
bia County  Court,  he  was  enrolled  in  the  list  of  its  attorneys  and  counsel- 
lors. He  took  an  early  interest  in  local  politics,  and  professed  the  princi- 
ples of  the  Democratic  party.  When  this  party,  therefore,  obtained  a 
temporary  ascendency  in  the  appointing  department  of  the  Slate,  Mr.  Van 
Buren  was  appointed  Surrogate  of  Columbia  county.  In  1S09,  he  re- 
moved from  the  village  of  Kinderhook  to  the  city  of  Hudson,  for  the  im- 
provement of  his  professional  prospects.  Thus  established  in  the  capital 
of  his  native  county,  he  may  be  considered  to  have  entered  on  the  most 
successful  period  of  his  professional  life. 

The  bar  of  Columbia  county  numbered  several  members  of  distinguished 
ability.  Among  them  the  most  eminent,  perhaps,  was  the  celebrated 
Elisha  Williams,  who  was  a  resident  of  Hudson  at  the  time  of  Mr.  Van 
Buren's  removal  there.  The  first  jury  lawyer  of  his  State,  if  not  of  the 
country,  Mr.  Williams  was  at  the  same  lime  an  active  and  zealous  politi- 
cian of  the  Federal  school,  and  a  prominent  leader  of  the  party  in  his 
section.  Mr.  Van  Buren  occupied  a  corresponding  position  in  the  Demo- 
cratic ranks;  and  aspired  to  a  distant  competition  with  Mr.  Williams  in 
his  efforts  at  the  bar.  Of  Air.  Van  Buren's  speeches  at  the  bar  hardly  a 
fragment  has  been  preserved,  and  it  is  therefore  impossible  to  form  any 
estimate  of  his  powers  from  printed  reports.  Of  his  appearance  at  ihe 
bar,  in  contrast  with  Mr.  Williams,  we  have  the  following  sketch  from  the 
pen  of  Mr.  Attorney  General  Buller.     It  is  to  be  taken  with  some  degree 


326  VAN    BUR  EN. 

of  allowance,  as  the  tribute  of  a  pupil  to  his  patron  is  too  apt  to  be  the 
language  of  panegyric  ;  and  as  the  natural  relations  of  Mr.  Butler  and 
Mr.  Van  Buren  render  neither  of  them  a  disinterested  witness  to  the 
claims  and  merits  of  the  other. 

"  Never,"  says  Mr.  Butler,  "  were  two  men  more  dissimilar.  Both  were 
eloquent ;  but  the  eloquence  of  Williams  was  declamatory  and  exciting  ; 
that  of  Van  Buren  insinuating  and  delightful.  Williams  had  the  livelier 
imagination ;  Van  Buren  the  sounder  judgment.  The  former  presented 
the  strong  points  of  his  case  in  bolder  relief,  invested  them  in  a  more  bril- 
liant coloring,  indulged  a  more  unlicensed  and  magnificent  invective,  and 
gave  more  life  and  variety  to  his  arguments  by  his  peculiar  wit  and  inim- 
itable humor  :  but  Van  Buren  was  his  superior  in  analyzing,  arranging, 
and  combining  the  insulated  materials,  in  comparing  and  weighing  testi- 
mony, in  unravelling  the  w^eb  of  intricate  afikirs,  in  eviscerating  truth 
from  the  mass  of  diversified  and  conflicting  evidence,  in  softening  the 
heart  and  moulding  it  to  his  purpose,  and  in  working  into  the  judgments 
of  his  hearers  the  conclusions  of  his  own  perspicuous  and  persuasive  rea- 
sonings." We  think  this  picture  altogether  too  highly  charged.  That 
Mr.  Williams  was  much  the  superior  of  Mr.  Van  Buren  in  a  commanding 
and  attractive  eloquence  there  is  no  doubt ;  and  it  is  equally  true  that  he 
excelled  him  in  vivacity,  wit,  humor,  and  invective.  Mr.  Van  Buren  was 
never  distinguished  for  any  of  these  qualities,  and  though  he  undoubtedly 
possessed  the  faculty  of  arranging,  combining,  unravelling  intricate  affairs, 
eviscerating  truth,  and  insinuating  himself  into  the  judgments  of  his 
hearers,  it  is  gross  injustice  to  Mr.  Williams  to  intimate  that  he  was  infe- 
rior in  any  of  these  powers. 

Mr.  Van  Buren  resided  for  seven  years  in  Hudson,  engaged  in  the  ac- 
tive practice  of  his  profession  ;  and  managed  with  no  little  address  as  a 
party  leader.  His  legal  and  partisan  merits  were  so  well  appreciated,  that 
on  the  accession  of  the  Republican  party,  in  1815,  he  was  appointed  Attor- 
ney General  of  the  State. 

In  1812,  he  had  been  elected  a  member  of  the  State  Senate  from  the 
then  middle  district;  by  which  election  he  became  a  member  of  the  Court 
for  the  revision  of  Errors.  This  simultaneous  occupancy  for  a  considera- 
ble period  of  the  attorney  generalship,  and  of  a  seat  in  the  State  Senate, 
accounts  for  the  infrequency  of  his  opinions  in  the  Court  of  Errors.  In 
1816,  in  consequence  of  his  ofHcial  duties  and  his  professional  engage- 
ments, he  removed  from  Hudson  to  Albany,  where  his  practice  became 
extensive  and  lucrative.  In  1819,  his  party  had  lost  their  ascendency  in 
the  council  of  appointment,  and  Mr.  Van  Buren  was  removed  from  the 
office  of  Attorney  General.  In  the  following  year  the  tables  were  turned, 
and  a  re-appointment  was  offered  and  declined.  His  last  professional  effort 
before  a  jury  is  said  to  have  been  in  the  trials  of  the  celebrated  Astor  case, 
and  the  case  of  the  Sailors'  Snug  Harbor,  in  the  city  of  New  York,  in 
the  fall  of  1S27.  It  was  during  the  trial  of  the  latter  case  that  the  cele- 
brated Mr.  Emmet  fell  in  an  apoplectic  fit  which  terminated  his  life.  In 
the  sprmg  of  1S28,  Mr.  Van  Buren  appeared  in  the  case  of  Varick  vs. 
Jackson,  before  the  Court  of  Errors  at  Albany. 

Of  Mr.  Van  Buren's  legal  ellbrts,  his  biographer  presents  but  a  single 


VAN    BUREN, 


3i7 


specimen;  which  is  extracted  from  his  argument  in  the  case  of  Wilkes  vs. 
Lion,  before  the  Court  of  Errors  at  Albany,  in  December,  1823,  reported 
at  length  in  the  second  of  Cowen.  From  this  argument  we  present  a 
single  passage,  which  illustrates  the  variation  in  Mr.  Van  Buren's 
opinions,  at  different  periods,  on  the  binding  obligation  of  legal  and  con- 
stitutional precedents. 

"  The  parties  came  here,"  said  Mr.  Van  Buren,  "  to  litigate  a  principle 
so  full}'  and  plainly  established,  in  the  Supreme  Court,  that  tiie  decision 
of  the  cause,  there,  though  involving  a  large  amount  of  property,  was  not 
deemed  worth  reporting.  You  saw  that  principle  concurred  in  by  Kent, 
Chief  Justice,  Thompson,  Chief  Justice,  and  Spencer,  Van  Ness,  Yates, 
and  Piatt,  Justices;  after  a  series  of  discussions  almost  unparalleled  in  the 
history  of  any  principle  in  our  law.  You  saw  the  same  question  arising 
and  the  same  principle  esiablished  in  neighboring  States.  From  every 
source,  opposition  was  hushed ;  not  only  with  men  of  books,  but  in  the 
common  walks  of  life.  You  knew  that  thousands  of  wills  had  been  made 
upon  that  very  principle,  and  that  if  you  'unsettled  the  rule,  you  opened 
Pandora's  box.  You  knew  it  to  be  more  important  that  the  law  should 
be  settled,  than  hotv  it  should  be  settled.  You  secured  to  us  a  principle 
which  had  been  established  in  the  mind  of  every  man  for  a  long  time ; 
and  you  were  right,  for  the  contrary  would  have  been  incalculably  mis- 
chievous. You  have  not  the  moral  power  to  change  your  ground,  because 
it  is  not  right.  Who  can  know  what  the  law  of  this  State  is,  unless  youi 
decision  is  final  ?  Shall  we  look  into  your  decisions  under  the  idea  that 
they  are  to  be  overturned  by  a  new  set  of  men  who  shall  come  here  to- 
morrow ?  A  change  of  decision  with  a  change  of  men  would  be  a  less 
evil  in  the  Supreme  Court  of  this  State,  or  of  the  United  States,  because, 
from  the  tenure  of  the  Judges'  office,  frequent  changes  are  not  to  be 
looked  for.  This  Court  may  change  once  in  four  years. "^  Are  we  barely 
enabled  to  say,  '  these  words  meant  a  definite  failure  of  issue  yesterday, 
but  whether  this  will  be  the  law  next  year,  I  will  tell  you  after  election  V 
The  law  of  discretion,  with  the  best  of  men  and  the  best  of  judges,  is, 
more  or  less,  the  creature  of  prejudice  or  passion.  Yo7cr  decisions  should 
be  as  stable  as  the  Constitution ;  they  should  be  so,  in  order  that  the  suitor 
may,  at  least,  see  one  spot  where  there  is  an  end  of  uncertainty." 

The  comparison  of  these  opinions  with  those  subsequently  advanced  by 
Mr.  Van  Buren  in  his  letter  to  Sherrod  Williams,  indicates  a  very  mate- 
rial change  in  his  opinions  on  the  points  here  involved. 

In  ihe  thirtieth  year  of  his  age  Mr.  Van  Buren  was  elected  to  the 
State  Senate,  where  his  legal  term  of  service  commenced  on  the  fourth 
of  July,  1312 ;  his  actual  entrance  on  the  duties  of  the  office,  however, 
was  in  the  November  following.  The  opposing  candidate  was  Edward 
P.  Livingston,  then  of  the  Federal  party,  though  subsequently  recognised 
as  a  Jackson  Democrat.  It  was  by  the  friends  of  De  Wilt  Clinton  that 
Mr.  Van  Buren's  success  was  compassed.       The  question  of  "  war  or  no 

•  The  Senators  of  the  State  of  New  York,  elij^ible  every  four  years,  to<rpther 
with  the  Lieutenant  Governor,  Cliancellor  and  Justices  of  the  Sujjreine  Court, 
constitute  the  Court  for  the  correction  of  Errors. 


328  YANBUREN. 

war"  then  agitated  the  whole  counti-y.  On  the  29th  of  May,  1812,  a  few  days 
before  the  declaration  of  war,  a  caucus  was  held  at  Albany,  in  which  Mr. 
Van  Buren  took  an  active  part.  At  that  caucus  De  Witt  Clinton  was 
nominated  to  the  presidency,  in  opposition  to  James  Madison.  Mr. 
Clinton  was  opposed  to  the  war.  It  may  be  reasonably  inferred,  then, 
that  ni  its  early  stages,  Mr.  Van  Buren  was  also  opposed  to  the  war ; 
though  the  question  is  one  of  no  great  interest,  involving  only  a  matter  of 
opniion,  and  reflecting,  in  any  event,  no  discredit  upon  Van  Buren. 
There  is  no  doubt  that  at  the  period  to  which  we  refer,  the  test  of  Democ- 
racy was  the  policy  of  the  Democratic  Congressional  Caucus.  It  was  by 
the  nomination  of  this  body  that  Mr.  Jefferson  had  been  twice  elected, 
and  Mr.  Madison  already  once.  By  the  nomination  of  this  caucus,  Mr. 
Van  Buren  was  unwilling  to  abide ;  and  by  the  Democratic  party  was  re- 
garded as  politically  heterodox. 

During  the  autumn  of  1S12,  Mr.  James  A.  Hamilton,  subsequently  dis- 
trict attorney  of  New  York,  under  the  administration  of  General  Jackson, 
resided  at  Hudson,  and  formed *an  intimate  connection  with  Mr.  Van  Buren. 
At  this  period  these  gentlemen  rallied,  nominally,  under  different  standards  ; 
but  they  were  aiming  at  the  same  objects,  to  bring  the  war  into  disrepute, 
and  through  the  agency  of  Mr.  Clinton  defeat  the  re-election  of  Madi- 
son. They  both  labored  zealously  in  behalf  of  Mr.  Clinton  ;  they  were 
both  loud  and  strong  in  their  denunciations  of  his  opponent.  The  jour- 
nals, which  were  sustained  by  them  and  their  friends,  used  the  most  decided 
and  Anolent  language  in  condemnation  of  the  war  and  its  promoters. 

On  ihe  third  of  November,  1812,  the  Legislature  met  in  Albany  for  the 
purpose  of  choosing  electors,  Mr.  Van  Buren  took  his  seat  as  a  member 
of  the  Senate.  Governor  Tompkins  announced  in  his  message  that  war 
had  been  declared.  A  committee,  consisting  of  Messrs.  Wilkins,  Van 
Buren  and  Piatt,  was  appointed  to  draft  a  respectful  answer.  This  docu- 
ment breathes  any  thing  but  approbation  of  the  war.  It  is  cold,  brief,  and 
studied.  The  following  is  the  language  of  Mr.  Van  Buren  :  "  The  Senate 
fully  concur  with  your  excellency  in  the  sentiment,  that,  at  a  period  like 
the  present,  when  our  country  is  engaged  in  a  .war  with  one  of  the  most 
powerful  nations  of  Europe,  difference  of  opinion  on  abstract  points 
should  not  be  suffered  to  impede  or  prevent  our  united  and  vigorous  sup- 
port of  the  constituted  authority  of  the  nation." 

On  the  evening  of  the  fourth  of  November,  the  Democratic  members  of 
the  Legislature  met  in  the  Senate  chamber  to  nominate  candidates  for  presi- 
dential electors.  The  proposition  before  the  caucus  was  "Madison  and  war" 
or  "  Clinton  and  peace."  Mr.  Van  Buren  spoke  strongly  for  Clinton  and 
peace.  He  was  severe  on  Southern  men  and  policy,  and  indulged  in  bit- 
ter sneers  and  sarcasms  at  the  expense  of  the  Old  Dominion.  In  com- 
paring Madison  with  Clinton,  he  rated  the  former  infinitely  below  the  lat- 
ter. He  denounced  the  policy  of  the  general  government  in  plunging  the 
nation,  unprepared,  into  a  war;  and  denounced  the  entire  cabinet  as  un- 
worthy the  confidence  and  support  of  the  people.  Mr.  Van  Buren  carried 
his  point,  and  the  caucus  decided  that  they  would  support  no  man  who 
would  vole  for  James  Madison. 

Thus  it  appears  that  from  1811  to  1813.  Mr.  Van  Buren  was  the  asso- 


VANBUREN.  329 

ciate  and  friend  of  that  class  of  politicians  opposed  to  the  war  ;  that  lie  was 
the  opponent  of  Madison,  and  the  adiierent  of  Clinton.  It  is  not  our  pur- 
pose to  discuss  the  merits  of  the  respective  parties  or  candidates  ;  to  assail 
or  eulogize  either  the  one  or  the  other.  Our  only  object  is  to  make  an 
impartial  record  of  facts.  When  Mr.  Madison  was  re-elected,  December, 
1812,  Mr.  Van  Buren  was  disinclined  to  continue  his  opposition,  and  made 
arrangements  to  transfer  his  influence  to  the  Madi.son  pajrty.  Having  in- 
gratiated himself  with  Governor  Tompkins,  who  possessed  the  confidence 
of  the  administration,  and  had  sustained  the  war  from  its  commencement, 
he  was  introduced  to  the  attention  of  the  General  Government.  The 
trials  of  Hall  and  Wilkinson  ollered  an  opportunity  to  the  wqj  department 
for  bestowing  considerable  largesses  upon  a  new  supporter;  and  Mr.  Van 
Buren  was  suddenly  converted  into  an  advocate  of  the  war,  a  supporter 
of  Mr.  Madison,  and  a  professor  of  the  current  Virginia  politics.  In  tliis 
complexion  he  continued  during  the  war. 

In  1816,  the  gubernatorial  term  of  Mr.  Tompkins  expired.  During  the 
same  year  Mr.  Madison  was  to  retire  from  the  presidency.  Promises  had 
been  made  to  the  friends  of  Mr.  Tompkins  tliat  he  should  receive  the 
nomination  to  the  successorship ;  but  it  soon  bfecame  apparent  that  Mr. 
Monroe  and  Mr.  Crawford  would  be  the  prominent  candidates.  The 
friends  of  either  of  these  gentlemen  were  willing  to  take  Mr.  Tompkins  as 
Vice-President;  and  he  was  accordingly  designated  as  the  candidate  at 
Washington.  While  it  was  well  understood  that  he  would  receive  this 
nomination,  a  legislative  caucus  at  Albany  again  put  him  before  the  people 
for  Governor.  In  April  he  was  re-elected  to  the  office.  In  the  following 
December  he  was  elected  to  the  vice-presidency,  but  did  not  resign  the 
former  station  till  the  24th  of  February,  1817. 

During  the  summer  and  autumn  of  1816,  it  had  become  apparent  to 
Mr.  Van  Buren  that  Mr.  Clinton,  as  the  head  of  the  canal  party,  would 
be  the  next  candidate  for  the  gubernatorial  chair.  The  canal  policy  was 
evidently  in  the  ascendant.  Till  the  convening  of  the  Legislature  in  Jan- 
uary, 1817,  Mr.  Van  Buren  had  been  entirely  non-committal  on  the  sub- 
ject of  internal  improven^^nts,  and  since  his  original  rupture  had  been 
engaged  in  violent  denunciations  of  Mr.  Clinton.  When  the  legislative 
nominating  caucus  was  to  be  held,  delegates  were  admitted  from  the  Fede- 
ral counties.  Previous  to  the  convention  several  preliminary  meetings 
were  held  by  the  anti-Clintonians,  among  whom  Mr.  Van  Buren  was 
then  numbered,  and  one  of  them  at  his  own  house.  It  was  then  deter- 
mined that  as  soon  as  Mr.  Clinton  was  nominated,  the  minority  should 
withdraw.  At  length  the  grand  caucus  was  held,  on  the  27th  of  March, 
1817,  and,  as  had  been  expected,  Mr.  Clinton  received  the  nomination. 
As  soon  as  thej^esult  was  declared,  Mr.  Van  Buren  rose  and  moved  that 
the  nomination  should  be  unanimous.  This  movement  was  utterly  un- 
expected, and  produced  great  confusion  and  consternation  in  the  ranks  of 
the  anti-Clintonians.  Some  withdrew,  others  acquiesced  in  the  measure, 
because  they  were  too  much  surprised  to  think  of  opposition.  Mr.  Van 
Buren  found  himself  once  more  safely  landed  among  the  friends  of  Mr. 
Clinton,  and  three  weeks  afterwards  gave  his  first  vote  in  favor  of  appro 
priations  for  the  canal. 
43 


330  VAN    BUR  EN. 

After- the  election  of  Governor  Clinton,  Mr.  Van  Buren  ascertained  that 
he  could  not  obtain  his  confidence,  and  was  soon  found  in  an  opposition. 
The  course  pursued  in  appointments  to  ofBce  was  not  approved  by  the 
Democratic  party ;  and  an  open  rupture  was  soon  the  consequence.  Mr. 
Van  Buren  and  his  friends  withdrew  their  support  from  Mr.  Clinton's 
measures,  and  prepared  to  oppose  his  re-election. 

In  1S19,  Eufus  King's  term  of  service  in  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States  expired.  The  New  York  Legislature  convened  in  January.  The 
Democratic  members,  Clintonian,  and  anti-Clintonian,  united,  were  as 
three  to  one  of  the  Federalists.  Through  Mr.  Van  Buren's  influence, 
the  election  of  Senator  was  postponed  ;  no  nomination  being  made  by  either 
branch  of  the  Legislature.  This  body  then  adjourned,  leaving  the  State 
in  part  unrepresented  in  the  Senate.  At  this  period  the  Federal  newspapers 
were  assailing  Mr.  Clinton  and  his  friends  for  not  supporting  Mr.  King. 
The  newspapers  under  Mr.  Van  Buren's  influence  were  making  the  most 
solemn  declarations  "  that  the  Republicans  would  not  move  to  the  right  or 
to  the  left.     They  would  support  their  candidate  and  no  other," 

During  the  summer  of  1S19,  Mr.  Van  Buren's  intercourse  with  Mr. 
King  was  of  a  very  famiUar,  if  not  confidential  character ;  and  an  ar- 
rangement was  effected  with  the  Federalists  to  elect  Mr.  King  to  the  Sen- 
ate. With  the  anti-Clintonian  party,  an  impression  was  created  that  the 
Clintonians  would  elect  Mr.  King  if  they  did  not ;  and  the  ensuing-  session 
of  the  Legislature,  Mr.  King  was  elected  by  the  unanimous  vote  of  the 
Senate,  and  with  but  three  dissenting  votes  in  the  House  of  Representatives. 
In  the  summer  previous  a  pamphlet  had  been  prepared,  entitled  "  Consid- 
erations in  favor  of  the  appointment  of  Rufus  King  to  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States,"  addressed  to  the  Republican  members  of  the  New  York 
Legislature,  by  one  of  their  colleagues.  This  pamphlet  was  said  to  be  the 
joint  production  of  Mr.  Van  Buren  and  Mr.  Benjamin  F.  Butler.  In  the 
autumn  of  the  same  year,  Mr.  Van  Buren  addressed  a  letter  to  one  of  his 
friends,  in  which  a  passage  occurs  which  has  been  the  subject  of  a  good 
deal  of  comment,  and  which  we  therefore  copy : 

"  I  should  sorely  regret  to  find  any  flagging  on  the  subject  of  Mr.  King. 
We  are  committed  to  his  support.  It  is  both  wise  and  honest ;  and  we 
must  have  no  fluttering  in  our  course.  Mr.  King's  views  towards  us  are 
honorable  and  correct.  The  Missouri  question  conceals,  so  far  as  he  is 
concerned,  no  plot,  and  we  shall  give  it  a  true' direction.  You  know 
what  the  feelings  and  views  of  our  friends  were,  when  I  saw  you  ;  and 
you  know  what  we  then  concluded  to  do.  My  '  considerations,'  &c.,  and 
the  aspect  of  the  Albany  Argus,  will  show  you  that  we  have  entered  on 
the  work  in  earnest.  VVe  cannot,  therefore,  look  back.  Let  us  not,  then, 
have  any  halting.     I  will  put  my  head  on  its  propriety." 

In  the  winter  of  1S19-20,  a  public  meeting  was  held  at  Albany  to  ex- 
press the  feelings  of  its  citizens  on  the  extension  of  slavery  beyond  the 
Mississippi.  Mr.  Van  Buren  did  not  attend  the  primary  meeting;  at 
which  his  name  was  placed  on  the  committee  without  his  knowledge,  but 
subsequently  retained  there  by  his  own  consent.  When  the  large  meet- 
ing was  held  Mr.  Van  Buren  was  absent  from  Albany  on  professional 
business.     Resolutions  were  adopted,  and  a  committee  appointed  to  me- 


VAN    BUREN.  331 

modalize  Congress.  On  this  cointnittee  Mr.  Van  Buren's  name  was 
placed  during  his  absence.  Their  memorial  was  reported  and  adopted. 
On  the  return  of  Mr.  Van  Buren,  he  declined  sig-ning  tiie  memorial  or  co- 
openkling  with  its  friends,  as  he  disapproved  the  sentiments  contained  in 
the  roisolutions. 

At  the  meeting  of  the  Legislature,  Governor  Clinton  directed  their  atten- 
tion to  the  question  of  admitting  Missouri  into  the  Union,  with  the  rif^ht 
to  hold  slaves.  The  House  of  Representatives  accordingly  adopted  a  res- 
olution, instructing  their  Senators,  and  requesting  the  Representatives  of  the 
State  in  Congress,  "  to  oppose  the  admission  as  a  State  in  the  Union  of 
any  territory  not  comprised  in  the  original  boundary  of  the  United  States, 
without  makin.^  the  prohibition  of  slavery  therein  an  indispensable  con- 
dition of  admission."  In  this  resolution  the  Senate,  and  Mr.  Van  Buren 
as  one  of  the  number,  concurred.  It  was  adopted  without  division  or 
debate. 

On  the  sixth  day  of  February,  1S21,  Mr.  Van  Buren  was  appointed,  by 
the  Legislature  of  New  York,  a  member  of  the  Senate  of  the  United  States. 
In  the  August  following,  he  was  returned  a  member  of  the  convention  to 
revise  the  Constitution  of  the  State.  In  this  convention  he  took  an  active 
part.  Several  of  his  speeches  on  the  important  questions  which  came  be- 
fore it  have  been  preserved.  Some  extracts  from  them  we  copy  as  favor- 
able specimens  of  his  style  and  political  opinions.  Of  the  legislative 
povver,  and  the  executive  veto,  he  speaks  in  the  following  manner : 

"  Sir,  such  is  the  superior  force  and  influence  of  legislative  power — 
such  is  the  reverence  and  regard  with  which  it  is  looked  up  to,  that  no 
man  in  the  community  will  have  the  temerity,  on  ordinary  occasions,  to 
resist  its  acts,  or  check  its  proceedings.  I  cannot  illustrate  this  position 
more  strongly  than  by  a  reference  to  the  Constitution  of  England.  There 
the  executive  is  a  branch  of  the  Legislature,  and  has  an  absolute  negative. 
Surrounded  as  he  is  with  prerogative,  and  placed  far  beyond  the  reach 
of  the  people,  yet,  since  the  year  1692,  no  objection  has  been  made  by  the 
king  of  Great  Britain  to  any  bill  presented  for  his  approbation.  Rather 
than  produce  the  excitement  and  irritation  which,  even  there,  would  re- 
sult from  the  rejection  of  a  bill  passed  by  the  Parliament,  he  has  resorted  to 
means  which  have  degraded  the  government,  and  dishonored  the  nation, 
to  prevent  the  passage  of  bills  which  he  should  feel  it  his  duty  to  reject. 
In  the  declaration  of  independence,  in  the  catalogue  of  wrongs  under 
which  our  fathers  had  been  suffering,  one  of  the  most  prominent  was,  that 
the  king  had  exercised  his  prerogative,  and  had  refused  his  sanction  to 
salutary  laws.  Gentlemen  may  therefore  rest  satisfied,  that  very  little 
danger  is  to  be  apprehended  on  this  subject." 

On  the  question  of  universal  and  unrestricted  suffrage,  we  find  the  fol- 
lowing record  of  his  opinion.  He  would  only  say,  that  among  the  many 
evils  which  would  flow  from  a  wholly  unrestricted  suffrage,  the  following 
would  be  the  most  injurious,  viz : — 

"  First.  It  would  give  to  the  city  of  New  York  about  twenty-five  thou- 
sand votes ;  whilst,  under  the  liberal  extension  of  the  right  on  the  choice 
of  delegates  to  this  convention,  she  had  but  about  thirteen  or  fourteen 
thousand.     That  the  character  of  the  increased  number  of  votes  would  be 


332  VAI^    SURER. 

3Tich  as  would  render  their  elections  rather  a  curse  than  a  blessing :  which 
would  drive  from  the  polls  all  sober-minded  people  ;  and  such,  he  was 
happy  to  find,  was  the  united  opinion,  or  nearly  so,  of  the  delegation  from 
that  city.  ' 

"  Secondly.  It  would  not  only  be  injurious  to  them,  but  that  injury 
would  work  an  equally  great  one  to  the  western  and  northern  parts  ©f  the 
State.  It  was  the  present  consolation  of  our  hardy  sons  of  the  west,  that, 
for  their  toils  and  their  sufferings  in  reducing 'the  wilderness  to  cultivation, 
they  v/ere  cheered  by  the  conviction,  not  only  that  they  would  be  secure 
in  the  enjoyment  of  their  dear-bought  improvements,  in  consequence  of 
their  representation  in  the  Legislature,  bat  that  any  incrgase  of  that  repre- 
sentation gave  them  a  still  greater  influence  there.  That  as  far  as  it  re- 
spected this  State,  their  march  and  the  march  of  empire  kept  pace.  This 
arose  from  the  circumstance  of  the  representation  in  the  State  being 
founded  on  the  number  of  electors ;  and  because  almost  every  man  in  a 
new  country  was  an  elector,  under  the  existing  and  contemplated  qaalifi- 
eations :  whilst  in  the  old  counties,  and  especially  in  eities,  there  were 
great  numbers  who  would  not  be  embyaced  by  them.  So  great  was  this 
effect,  that  the  city  of  New  York  alone  would,  under  the  vote  of  the  other 
day,  have  become  entitled  to  additional  voters,  over  those  who  voted  at 
the  election  of  delegates,  equalj  or  nearly  so,  to  the  whole  number  of  votes 
of  Ontario  or  Genesee.  The  direct  consequence  of  which  would  be,  that 
the  additional  representation  of  fourteen  members,  which  are  next  year  to 
be  distributed  among  the  counties,  would,  instead  of  going  principally  to 
the  west,  be  siarrendered  to  the  worst  population  of  the  old  counties  and 
cities, 

"  And  thirdly.  The  door  would  have  been  entirely  closed  against  re- 
treat, whatever  might  be  our  after  conviction,  founded  on  experience,  as  to 
the  evil  tendency  of  this  extended  suffrage. 

"  The  just  equilibrium  between  the  rights  of  those  who  have,  and  those 
who  have  no'interest  in  the  government,  could,  when  once  thus  surren- 
dered, never  be  regained,  except  by  the  sword." 

In  December,  IS21,  Mr.  Van  Buren  took  his  seat  as  a  Senator  of  the 
United  States  ;  at  this  time  he  was  just  entering  on  the  thirty-ninth  year 
of  his  age.  Of  Mr.  Van  Buren's  service  in  this  capacity,  we  must  con- 
tent ourself  with  a  very  rapid  summary.  On  his  first  appearance  in  that 
body  he  was  elected  a  member  of  the  committee  on  finance,  and  of  the 
committee  on  the  judiciary.  His  first  speech  in  the  Senate  was  on  the 
claim  of  the  Marquis  de  Maison  Rouge ;  involving  a  title  to  about  half  a 
million  acres  of  the  public  lands.  He  spoke  about  two  hours,  but  the 
subject  was  one  of  little  interest,  embracing  no  general  principles,  and  af- 
fording no  opportunity  for  display.  Early  in  his  senatorial  career  he 
united  with  ColoneiJohnson  in  his  labors  for  the  abolition  of  imprisonment 
for  debt.  Another  of  his  favorite  topics  was  a  proposition  to  amend  the 
Constitution,  to  keep  the  choice  of  President  and  Vice-President  from  de- 
volving on  the  House  of  Representatives.  He  proposed  also  amendments 
of  the  judiciary  system  of  the  United  States  ;  and  advocated  the  establish- 
ment of  a  uniform  system  of  bankruptcy.  In  reference  to  the  public  lands, 
he  was  in  favor  of  a  proposition  to  vest  the   lands  in  the   States  in  which 


VAN    BUREN.  33.'i 

'hey  were  situated,  ou  "some  just  and  equitable  terms."  In  the  winter 
of  18:27,  lie  took  an  active  part  in  the  discussion  relative  to  our  intercourse 
with  the  British  West  India  Colonies;  but  his  opinions  on  thissubjecl  nuiy 
be  more  properly  considered  at  another  point  of  his  life. 

In  February,  1S24,  the  congressional  caucus  at  Washington  nominated 
Mr.  Crawford  for  the  presidency,  and  Mr.  Van  Buren  was  zealous  in  his 
support.  At  this  election  the  aggregate  vote  of  the  colleges  was  261 ;  of 
which  Mr.  Crawford  received  41,  Mr.  Clay  37,  Mr.  Adams  84,  General 
Jackson  9d.  The  number  of  primary  voies  in  favor  of  the  Adams  elec- 
toral tickets  was  166,112;  in  favor  of  the  Jackson  electoral  tickets, 
153,733;  making  a  majority  in  favor  of  the  former  of  12,739  votes.  The 
election  devolved  on  the  House  of  Kepresentatives,  and  Mr.  Adams  vv^as 
jelected  on  the  first  ballot  In  the  Slate  of  New  York,  the  influence  of 
Mr.  Van  Buren  had  given  five  of  her  electoral  votes  to  Mr.  Crawford. 
In  the  ultimate  decision  between  Mr.  Adams  and  General  Jackson,  Mr. 
Van  Buren  took  no  active  part.  He  reserved  himself  for  ulterior  exitren- 
cies.  It  was  not  anticipated  that  Mr.  Adams  would  be  elected  on  the 
first  ballot.  The  unexpected  result  prevented  Mr.  Van  Buren  from  sig- 
nalizing himself  ia  his  service. 

In  the  active  and  ardent  opposition  that  was  immediately  organized 
against  the  administration  of  Mr.  Adams,  Mr.  Van  Buren  soon  became 
noted  for  his  zeal  and  activity.  He  opposed  the  mission  to  Panama.  He 
opposed  the  appropriation  of  money  by  the  General  Government  for  in- 
ternal improvements,  on  the  grounds  both  of  unconstitutionality  and  inex- 
pediency. He  had  expressed  himself  in  opposition  to  a  high  tariff  policy  ; 
but  voted  in  favor  of  the  tariffs  of  1824  and  1823,  in  the  latter  instance  in 
compliance  with  express  instructions  from  the  New  York  Legislature.  He 
also  took  an  Active  part  in  the  reform  of  ihe  press,  by  advocating  the  ju- 
dicious bestowal  of  the  patronage  of  the  Senate.  "  He  had  long  been  of 
opinion,"  he  said,  "that  the  public  interest  might  be  promoted,  the  condi- 
tion of  the  press,  as  well  here  (at  Washington)  as  throughout  the  country, 
improved,  and  respect  for  the  Senate,  and  economy  in  the  publication  of 
the  proceedings  of  the  Senate,  better  secured,  by  a  judicious  revision  of  the 
laws  relating  to  the  public  printing  at  large.  At  a  more  convenient  season, 
he  hoped  the  subject  would  be  revised  ;  and  he  promised  himself  the  best 
results  from  such  revision  as  the  nature  of  the  subject  was  susceptible  of." 

De  Witt  Clinton  died  in  February,  1828,  and  in  the  November  following 
Mr.  Van  Buren  was  elected  to  succeed  him  in  the  gubernatorial  chair. 
He  was  a  minority  Governor,  however,  as  he  was  subsequently  elected  a 
minority  President.  The  votes  were  for  Van  Buren  136,794;  for 
Thompson,  106,444;  and  for  Southwick,  33,345.  Mr.  Van  Buren's 
good  fortune  here  stood  h.^ii  in  its  usual  stead.  The  division  of  his  oppo- 
nents gained  him  his  election.  He  accordingly  resigned  his  seat  in  the 
Senate,  and  entered  upon  the  office  of  Governor  in  January,  1829. 

His  message  to  the  Legislature  was  remarkable;  in  so  far  as  it  first 
broached  the  scheme  of  the  safety  fund;  and  as  it  gives  Mr.  Van  Buren's 
opinions  at  length  on  the  subject  of  State  banking,  it  deserves  a  particular 
notice.  In  this  message  he  says  the  most  importar.t  business  of  the  ses- 
eion  is  the  question  of  renewing  the  charters  of  the  several  banks  in  the 


331  VAN    BUREN. 

State  ;  thirty-one  charters  would  expire  in  the  course  of  four  years,  with 
a  capital  of  fifteen  millions  of  dollars,  and  debts  amounting  to  thirty  mil- 
lions. He  alludes  to  the  difference  between  their  situation,  at  that  tmie, 
and  the  laying  of  the  foundation  of  the  banking  system  anew;  and  says, 
in  view  of  the  extent  of  these  institutions  and  their  close  connection  with 
the  affairs  of  the  community,  that  "  to  dispense  with  banks,  altogether,  is 
an  idea  which  seems  to  have  no  advocate  ;  to  make  ozirsehes  dependent  on 
those  established  by  federal  authority,  deserves  none.''''  He  says  that  expe- 
rience is  against  banks  owned  wholly  by  the  State,  and  that  to  make 
stockholders  liable,  in  their  private  capacity,  throws  the  stock  into  the 
hands  of  irresponsible  persons ;  he  reprobates  the  practice  of  "  bonusses" 
for  bank  charterts,  and  says  that,  compared  with  the  community,  the  stock- 
holders are  few,  and  hence  that  all  legislative  measures  should  refer  ex- 
clusively to  the  safety  and  stability  of  the  institutions.  He  finally  con- 
cludes that  the  present,  solvent  banks  cannot  be  so  suddenly  closed,  with- 
out a  violent  disturbance  of  the  interests  of  the  public;  and  alludes  to 
"  a  sensible  and  apparently  well-considered  plan''  which  had  been  sub- 
mitted to  him,  and  which  proposed  "  to  make  all  the  banks  responsible 
for  any  loss  the  public  may  sustain  by  the  failure  of  any  one  or  more  of 
them."  He  then  presents  a  brief  epitome  of  the  "  safety  fund  system," 
and  concludes  this  part  of  his  message  with  the  remark,  that  "  the  interest 
which  attaches  itself  to  the  representative  character  can  never  be  greater, 
than  when  the  fulfilment  of  the  trust  committed  to  the  representative, 
may  bring  him  in  conflict  with  the  claims  of  the  great  monied  interest" 
of  the  country." 

On  the  '2()ih  of  January,  1829,  Mr.  Van  Buren,  in  a  brief  message,  in- 
troduced the  safety  fund  to  the  favorable  notice  of  the  Legislature.  This 
plan  originated  with  the  Hon,  Joshua  Forman,  and  was  by  him  submit- 
ted to  the  Governor.  By  his  suggestions  it  was  somewhat  modified,  and 
as  amended  it  was  finally  adopted  by  the  Legislature.  Thus,  though  his 
gubernatorial  career  was  brief,  it  was  signalized  by  the  adoption  of  a  sys- 
tem which  combined  the  monied  interests  of  the  empire  State  in  an  indis- 
soluble league  of  mutual  dependence.  The  system  was  a  shou^  system, 
and  by  Mr.  Van  Buren's  agency  was  afterwards  introduced  into  the  na- 
tional policy.     In  both  instances  it  has  proved  a  stupendous  failure. 

On  the  12th  of  March,  1829,  Mr.  Van  Buren  resigned  the  office  of 
Governor,  in  consequence  of  his  appointment  as  Secretary  of  State  of  the 
United  States.  He  had  thus  reached  an  important  point  in  the  career  of 
his  ambition.  His  eye  immediately  rested  on  the  presidency  as  a  prize 
within  his  grasp.  Mr.  Calhoun,  however,  the  Vice-President,  was  at  that 
time  a  formidable  rival.  It  was  necessary  to  supplant  him  in  his  hold  up- 
on General  Jackson.  Through  the  agency  of  Mr.  James  A.  HamiUon, 
a  verbal  statement  had  been  obtained  from  Mr.  Crawford,  that  at  a  meet- 
ing of  Mr.  Monroe's  cabinet,  to  discuss  the  course  to  be  pursued  towards 
Spain,  in  consequence  of  General  Jackson's  proceedings  in  Florida  during 
the  Seminole  war,  Mr.  Calhoun,  then  secretary  of  the  war  department, 
had  urged  upon  the  President  the  necessity  of  arresting  and  trying  Gene- 
ral Jackson.  This  information  had  been  acquired  in  1S27-2S.  In  the 
winter  of  1S2D-30,  it  was  employed  by  Mr.  Van  Buren's  friends  to  bring 


VAN    BUREN.  335 

About  n  rupture  between  Mr.  Culhoaaaud  GeneralJacksotj.  The  scheme 
was  successful.  In  February,  1831,  the  correspondence  that  had  passed 
on  the  subject  was  published  by  Mr.  Calhoun,  in  consequence  of  a  partial 
'.•onununic-ition  of  ilie  ail'air  to  the  public.  On  the  25th  of  that  month, 
Mr.  Van'Buren  published  a  card,  averring  "  that  every  assertion  or  insin- 
uation which  has  for  its  object  to  impute  to  him  any  participation  in  at- 
tempts supposed  to  have  been  made,  in  the  years  1827  and  1828,  to  preju- 
dice tlie  Vice-President  in  the  good  opinion  of  General  Jackson,  or  at  any 
time,  is  alike  unfounded  and  unjust.  He  had  no  motive  or  desire  to  create 
such  an  impression,  and  neither  took,  advised,  nor  countenanced,  directly 
or  indirectly,  any  steps  to  effect  that  object."  Mr.  Van  Buren  is  entitled 
to  the  benelitof  this  statement.  He  has  always  been  fortunate  in  compass- 
iiig  his  eiuls  through  the  convenient  instrumentality  of  others. 

Soon  after  the  rupture  witJi  Mr.  Calhoun,  the  public  mind  was  disturbed 
by  the  explosion  of  the  cabinet.  This  body  was,  composed  of  one  Van 
Buren  man,  one  Calhoun  man,  and  four  Jackson  men.  Mr.  Van  Buren, 
in  April,  1831,  addressed  a  letter  to  the  President,  declaring  that  he  felt  it 
to  be  a  duly  to  retire  from  the  office  to  which  his  confidence  and  partiality 
jiad  called  him.  The  reasons  assigned  were  that  his  name  had  been  men- 
tioned as  a  candidate  for  the  presidency;  that  as  opinions  were  abroad 
unfavorable  to  the  order  of  succession  by  the  office  of  Secretary  of  State, 
he  was  not  disposed  to  disfranchise  himself  by  continuing  in  office ;  that 
different  views  as  to  the  succession  were  unavoidable  among  the  friends 
of  an  administration ;  and  that  where  a  member  of  the  cabinet  looked  to 
the  succession,  an  injurious  effect  must  result  to  public  affairs.  To  this  he 
added,  that  as  the  President  would  be  re-elected,  and  as  he  had  been 
among  the  most  urgent  of  his  advisers  to  stand  a  second  poll,  he  could  not 
consent,  by  continuance  in  office,  to  embarrass  the  future  measures  of  the 
administration.  This  step  was  followed  by  the  immediate  dissolution  of 
the  cabinet.  The  General  declared  that  its  membess  had  come  togethei 
as  an  unit,  and  he  was  determined  to  reconstruct  it  of  entirely  new  mate- 
rials. 

General  Jackson's  confidence  in  Mr.  Van  Buren  remained  unimpaired, 
and  in  the  summer  of  1831  he  was  despatched  as  minister  to  St.  James's, 
to  succeed  Mr.  McLane.  On  the  meeting  of  Congress  in  December,  he 
was  nominated  to  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  for  their  approbation. 
He  was  rejected  by  that  body,  in  consequence  of  their  disapproval  of  the 
instructions  which  he  issued,  while  Secretary  of  State,  to  our  minister  in 
England,  in  reference  to  our  West  India  trade.  As  this  question  is  one 
of  very  considerable  historical  interest,  we  copy  from  the  instructions  in 
question  the  offensive  passages  : 

"  If,"'  says  the  secretary,  "  the  omission  of  this  Government  to  accept 
of  the  terms  proposed,  when,  heretofore,  offered,  be  urged  as  an  objection 
to  their  adoption  now,  it  will  be  your  duty  to  make  the  British  Govern- 
ment sensible  of  the  injustice  and  inexpediency  of  such  a  course. 

"  The  opportunities  which  you  have  derived  from  a  participation  in  our 
councils,  as  well  as  other  sources  of  information,  will  enable  you  to  speak 
with  confidence  (as  far  as  you  may  deem  it  proper  and  useful  so  to  do)  of 
the  respective  parts  taken  by  those  to  whom  the  administration  of  this  Gov- 


336  VANBUREN. 

ernment  is  nojo  committed,  in  relation  to  the  course  heretofore  yarsued  up- 
on the  subject  of  the  colonial  trade.  Their  views  of  the  point  have  been 
submitted  to  the  people  of  the  United  States  ;  and  the  councils  by  lohich 
your  conduct  is  noiv  directed,  are  the  reszilt  of  the  J7tdgment  expressed  by 
the  only  earthly  tribunal  to  which  the  late  administration  xoas  amenable  for 
its  acts.  It  should  be  sufficient,  that  the  claims  set  up  by  them,  and  which 
caused  the  interruption  of  the  trade  in  question,  have  been  explicitly  aban- 
doned by  those  ivho  first  asserted  them,  and  are  not  revived  by  their  succes- 
sors.^ If  Great  Britain  deems  it  adverse  to  her  interests  to  allow  us  to 
participate  in  the  trade  with  her  colonies,  and  finds  nothing  in  the  exten- 
sion of  it  to  others  to  induce  her  to  apply  the  same  rule  to  us,  she  will, 
we  hope,  be  sensible  of  the  propriety  of  placing  her  refusal  on  these 
grounds.  To  set  up  the  acts  of  the  late  administration,  as  the  cause  of 
forfeititre  of  privileges  which  loould  otherwise^be  extended  to  the  people  of 
the  United  States,  would,  under  existing  circumstances,  be  unjust  in  itself, 
and  could  not  fail  to  excite  their  deepest  sensibility.  The  tone  of  feeling, 
which  a  course  so  unwise  and  untenable  is  calculated  to  produce,  would, 
doubtless,  be  greatly  aggravated  by  the  consciousness,  that  Great  Britain 
has,  by  order  in  council,  opened  her  colonial  ports  to  Russia  and  France, 
notwithstanding  a  similar  omission,  on  their  part,  to  accept  the  terms 
offered  by  the  act  of  July,  1825." 

"  You  cannot  press  this  view  of  the  subject  too  earnestly  upon  the  con- 
sideration of  the  British  ministry.  It  has  bearings  and  relations  that 
reach  beyond  the  immediate  question  under  discussion." 

In  his  letter  to  Mr.  McLane  of  the  fifth  of  October,  ISoO,  he  assured 
the  minister,  that  the  construction  of  Lord  Aberdeen  and  himself,  by  which 
the  reciprocity  in  the  export  of  foreign  goods  required  by  our  act  of  1S30 
wa.«  abandoned,  "  was  adopted  without  reserve  ;"  and  adds,  "  The  Presi- 
dent has  derived  great  satisfaction  from  the  candor  and  liberality  which 
has  characterized  his  majesty's  ministers  throughout  the  negotiation,  and 
particularly  in  not  suffering  the  inadvertencies  of  our  legislation,  attrib- 
utable to  the  haste  and  confusion  of  the  closing  scenes  of  the  session,  to  de- 
feat or  delay  the  adjustment." 

On  the  character  of  these  instructions  we  do  not  propose  to  comnient. 
It  was  upon  this  point  that  his  rejection  by  the  Senate  rested.  His  friends 
however  condemned  the  rejection,  and  vindicated  the  propriety  of  Mr.  Van 
Buren's  course.  The  Republican  members  of  the  New  York  Legislature 
addressed  a  letter  to  the  President,  expressing  in  strong  language  their 
indignation  at  what  they  termed  a  "  proscriptive  act"  of  the  Senate,  and 
their  high  respect  for  the  public  and  private  character  of  Mr.  Van  Buren. 
The  President  in  reply  assumed  the  entire  responsibility  of  the  instruc- 
tions condemned  by  the  Senate  ;  declaring  that  they  were  the  result  of  his 
own  deliberate  investigation  and  reflection,  and  still  appearing  to  him  alto- 
gether proper,  and  consonant  to  his  public  duty. 

On  the  22d  of  May,  1832,  Mr.  Van  Buren  was  nominated  as  a  candi- 
date for  the  vice-presidency,  by  a  convention  of  the  Jackson  party  holden 
at  B.iltimore.  He  received  one  hundred  and  eight}  nine  of  two  hundred 
and  (?ighty-six  electoral  votes,  and  was  accordingly  elected.  On  the  fourth 
*  This  was  a  mistake. 


VAN    BUREN.  337 

of  Marcli,  1S33,  he  was  inaugurated  as  Vice-President.  In  thi5<  position 
of  course  he  seldom  obtained  the  opportunity  of  taking  an  active  part  in 
public  allairs.  The  most  remarkable  instance  that  occurred  durinf  his 
four  years  was  in  reference  to  the  incendiary  publication  bill  of  Mr.  Cal- 
houn. This  bill  contemplated  the  suppression  of  incendiary  doctrine  on 
the  subject  of  slavery,  through  the  agency  of  the  postofRce.  It  was  sus- 
tained by  many  Senators  from  the  south  and  south-west.  On  its  passage 
to  a  second  reading  there  was  a  tie.  The  casting  vote  of  the  Vice-Presi- 
dent was  called  for,  and  was  given  in  favor  of  the  bill.  At  its  next  stage 
it  was  defeated  by  the  votes  of  Senators  from  the  slave-holding  States. 

Daring  his  occupancy  of  the  office,  however,  Mr.  Van  Buren  was  fre- 
quently called  upon  for  his  opinion  on  public  affairs.  To  all  such  ques- 
tions he  replied  without  hesitation  or  reserve,  declaring  his  hostility  to  the 
United  States  Bank,  to  a  system  of  internal  improvements  ;  and  a  com- 
plete acquiescence  in  all  the  views,  feelings,  and  opinions  of  General 
Jackson.  On  the  right  of  interference  by  tbe  General  Government,  or 
the  people  of  the  non-slave-holding  Slates,  in  the  subject  of  slavery,  he  has 
expressed  himself  in  the  very  strongest  language.  The  following  letter, 
addressed  to  a  gentleman  of  Augusta,  Georgia,  at  a  time  when  great  ex- 
citement prevailed  in  the  Southern  States,  in  consequence  of  the  proceed- 
ings of  the  anti-slavery  association  at  the  North,  exhibits  Mr.  Van  Buren's 
sentiments  on  this  very  interesting  question  : 

"  OwAsco,  Sept.  10.  1S35. 
"  My  Dkar  Sir  :     Your  letter  of  the  22d  ult.  met  me  at  this  place,  on 
my  return  from  the  Falls ;  and  I  lose  no  time  in  replying  to  that  part  of  it 
which  r,elates  to  the  continued  attempts  to  prejudice  iny  friends,  as  well  as 
myself,  in  the  estimation  of  the  South  in  respect  to  the  slave  question. 

"  It  is  deeply  to  be  regretted  that  there  should  be  found,  on  the  part  of 
any,  inducements  sufficiently  strong  to  increase  an  excitement,  already  so 
alarming,  by  a  resort  to  imputations,  in  the  truth  of  which  no  ingenuous 
mind  can  place  the  slightest  confidence.  The  allegations  which  attribute 
to  me  views  and  opinions  that  are  so  justly  obnoxious  to  t^e  slave-holding 
States,' are  made  in  the  face  of  the  most  explicit  declarations  on  my  part, 
denying  all  authority  on  the  part  of  the  Federal  Government  to  interfere 
in  the  matter — against  the  propriety  of  agitating  the  question  in  the  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia,  and  in  the  absence  of  a  single  fact,  giving  the  least 
countenance  to  the  unfounded  imputations.  I  should  poorly  requite  the 
candor  with  which  I  have  hitherto  been  treated  by  the  great  mass  of  my 
fellow-citizens  at  the  South,  were  I  to  allow  myself  to  apprehend  that 
those  who  would  otherwise  be  disposed  to  give  me  their  confidence,  could, 
under  such  circumstances,  suffer  me  to  be  prejudiced  in  their  opinion,  by 
the  unsupported  assertions  of  my  enemies,  however  reckless  or  vehemently 
persisted  in.  Were  these  fabrications,  therefore,  designed  to  affect  me 
only,  I  should  not  hesitate  to  leave  the  matter  as  it  stands,  to  the  sponta- 
neous  action  of  my  countrymen.  But  when  it  is  mtended  to  reach,  in 
this  way,  those  who  honor  me  with  their  friendship,  I  do  not  feel  myself 
at  liberty  to  withhold  any  correction  that  may,  by  possibility,  be  useful  to 
them.  With  this  view  I  send  you  the  enclosed  proceedings  of  the  citizens 
of  Albany  upon  the  subject,  and  authorize  you  to  say,  that  I  concur  fully 
44 


33S  VANBUREN. 

in  the  sentiments  they  advance.  I  was  absent  from  the  city  at  the  time 
the  meeting  was  held,  but  took  an  early  occasion  to  advise  its  call,  and  to 
encourage  the  attempt  to  make  it,  what  it  has  been,  a  meeting  of  the  peo- 
ple, without  reference  to  their  sentiments  on  any  other  subject  than  that 
which  was  discussed  before  it.  Connected  with  its  proceedings  are  to  be 
found  the  names  of  our  principal  State  officers,  executive  and  judicial,  in- 
cluding the  Governor  of  our  State,  with  an  array  of  private  citizens  which, 
for  personal  worth  and  weight  of  character,  has  never,  to  my  knowledge, 
been  excelled  at  any  previous  meeting. 

"  It  would  be  presumption  in  me  to  add  any  assurances  of  my  own,  as  to 
the  sincerity  with  which  the  sentiments  they  express  are  entertained,  or 
of  their  disposition  to  make  them  effectual  upon  the  important  subject  to 
which  they  relate. 

"  May  we  not,  then,  hope  that  the  proofs  of  an  affectionate  and  just  spirit 
towards  the  rights  and  interests  of  the  South,  which  have  been  brought 
out  by  this  hitherto  threatening  excitement,  will  have  the  effect,  in  future, 
to  remove  all  unfounded  impressions,  and  to  put  an  end  to  every  feeling 
and  prejudice  inconsistent  with  the  principles  upon  which  the  Union  was 
founded  ? 

"  Earnestly  cherishing  this  pleasing  anticipation, 

"  I  am,  dear  sir,  very  truly,  your  friend  and  ob't  serv't, 

M.  VAN   BUREN." 

The  leading  resolutions  adopted  by  the  meeting  alluded  to  in  the  above 
letter  are  as  follows  : 

"  Therefore,  Resolved,  That  we  regard  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  as  carrying  with  it  an  adjustment  of  all  questions  involved  in  the 
deliberations  which  led  to  its  adoption  :  and  that  the  compromise  of  inte- 
rests in  which  it  was  founded,  is,  in  our  opinion,  binding  in  honor  and 
good  faith,  independently  of  the  force  of  agreement,  on  all  who  live  under 
its  protection,  and  participate  in  the  benefits  of  which  it  is  the  source. 

"  Resolved,  That  under  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  the  rela- 
tion of  master  a'nd  slave  is  a  matter  belonging  exclusively  to  the  people 
of  each  State  within  its  own  boundary  ;  that  the  General  Government  has 
no  control  over  it ;  that  it  is  subject  only  to  the  respective  arrangements 
of  the  several  States  within  which  it  exists ;  and  that  any  attempt  by  the 
government  or  people  of  any  other  State,  or  by  the  General  Government, 
to  interfere  with  or  disturb  it,  would  violate  the  spirit  of  that  compromise 
which  lies  at  the  basis  of  the  federal  compact." 

On  the  20th  of  May,  1S35,  the  Jackson  convention  for  the  nomination 
of  a  candidate  for  the  presidency  was  holden  at  Baltimore.  About  six 
hundred  delegates  were  in  attendance.  On  the  first  ballot,  Mr.  Van  Buren 
received  the  unanimous  vote  of  the  convention  for  the  candidacy ; 
and  Richard  M.  Johnson,  of  Kentucky,  was  subsequently  nominated  for 
the  office  of  Vice-President.  These  nominations,  it  was  well  understood, 
received  the  express  approbation  of  General  Jackson.  So  ardent,  indeed, 
was  his  approval,  that,  to  carry  out  the  principles  of  his  administration  in 
a  successor  on  whom  he  could  p'ace  the  most  implicit  reliance,  he  openly 
and  warmly  advocated  Mr.  Van  Buren's  election.     To  the  letter  of  the 


VAN    BUREN. 

nominating  committee,  Mr.  Van  Buren  replied  at  some  length.  We  ex- 
tnict  the  most  pregnant  and  important  paragraph  : 

"  I  content  myself,  on  this  occasion,  with  saying,  that  I  consider  myself 
ihe  honored  instrument,  selected  by  the  friends  of  the  present  administra- 
tion, to  carry  out  its  principles  and  policy ;  and  that,  as  well  from  inclina- 
tion as  from  duty,  I  shall,  if  honored  with  the  choice  of  the  American 
people,  endeavor  to  tread  generally  in  the  footsteps  of  President  Jackson — 
happy,  if  I  shall  be  able  to  perfect  the  work  which  he  has  so  gloriously 
begun." 

We  have  alluded  to  the  calls  that  had  been  made  at  various  periods  upon 
Mr.  Van  Buren  for  his  opinions  on  important  political  subjects.  His  let- 
ters in  reply  have  been  frequently  reprinted.  One  of  the  most  remarkable 
of  these  was  his  letter  to  Sherrod  Williams,  an  opposition  member  of 
Congress,  who  desired  an  exposition  of  his  views  on  several  agitating 
topics.  Mr.  Van  Buren  replied  with  his  usual  prudence  and  adroitness, 
expressing  a  perfect  coincidence  on  all  points  with  the  opinions  of  General 
Jackson.  This  document  is  too  long  to  copy  entire,  but  it  has  been  so 
frequently  published  in  our  public  journals  as  to  be  accessible  to  all  our 
readers. 

On  canvassing  the  returns  of  electoral  votes  for  President,  it  was  ascer- 
tained that  Martin  Van  Buren  had  received  167,  Daniel  Webster  14, 
General  William  H.  Harrison  93,  Hugh  L.  White  26,  and  Willie  P. 
Mangum  11  votes.  The  vote  of  Michigan,  if  counted,  would  make  Mr. 
Van  Buren's  elective  number  170.  A  careful  canvass  of  the  primary 
votes  shows  that  a  small  majority  of  the  people  cast  their  votes  for  the 
opposition  tickets ;  but  the  fortunate  location  of  his  forces  gave  Mr.  Van 
Buren  a  handsome  triumph  in  the  electoral  colleges.  There  was  no 
choice  of  Vice-President  by  the  people.  The  two  highest  candidates  that 
went  before  the  Senate  were  Colonel  Johnson  of  Kentucky,  and  Francis 
Granger  of  New  York.  Forty-nine  Senators  were  present  at  the  time  of 
balloting ;  16  ballots  were  thrown  for  Mr.  Granger,  and  33  for  Cglonel 
Johnson,  who  was  accordingly  declared  to  be  elected. 

Mr.  Van  Buren  was  inaugurated  on  Saturday,  the  fourth  of  March. 
Before  proceeding  to  take  the  oath  of  office,  the  President  elect  delivered 
the  following  address  : 

Fellow-C  itizens  : 

The  pnictice  of  all  my  predecessors  imposes  on  me  an  ohligation  I  cheerfully  fulfil,  to 
accompany  the  first  ami  solemn  act  of  my  public  trust  with  an  avowal  of  the  principles  that 
will  s^uide  me  in  performing  it,  and  an  expression  of  my  feelings  on  assuming  a  cnarge  so 
respoiisil)le  and  vast.  In  imitating  their  example  I  tread  in  the  footsteps  of  illustrious  men, 
whose  superiors,  it  is  our  happiness  to  helieve,  are  not  found  on  the  executive  calendar  of 
any  country.  Among  them  we  recognise  the  earliest  and  firmest  pillars  of  the  Republic; 
those  by  whom  our  national  independence  was  first  declared  ;  him  who,  above  all  others, 
contributed  to  establish  it  on  the  field  of  battle ;  and  those  whose  expanded  intellect  and 
patriotism  constructed,  improved,  anrl  perfected  the  inestimable  institutions  under  which  we 
live.  If  such  men,  iu  Ihc  position  I  now  occupy,  felt  themselves  overwhelmed  by  a  sense 
of  gratitude  for  this,  the  highest  of  all  marks  of  their  country's  confidence,  and'  by  a  con- 
sciousness of  their  inability  adequately  to  discharge  the  duties  of  an  office  so  difficult  and 
exalted,  how  niui'h  more  nnist  these  considerations  affect  one  who  can  rely  on  no  such  claims 
for  favor  or  forbearance.  Unlike  all  who  have  preceded  me,  the  Revolution,  that  gave  us 
existence  as  one  people,  was  achieved  at  the  period  of  my  birth;  and,  whilst  I  contemplate 
with  grateful  reverence  liut  memorable  event,  I  feel  that  I  belong  to  a  later  age,  and  that  I 
may  not  expect  my  countrymen  to  weigh  my  actions  with  the  same  kind  and  partial  hand. 


340  VANBUREN. 

So  sensihly,  fellow-citizens,  do  these  circumstances  press  themselves  upon  me,  that  1 
should  not  dare  to  enter  upon  my  path  of  duty,  did  I  not  look  for  the  generous  aid  of  those 
who  will  be  associau  d  with  me  in  tlie  various  and  co-ordinate  branches  of  the  Government ; 
did  1  not  repose,  with  unwavering  reliance,  on  the  patriotism,  the  intelligence,  and  the  kind- 
ness of  a  people' who  never  yel  deserted  a  public  servant  honestly  labormg  in  their  cause  ; 
and,  above  all,  did  I  not  permit  myself  humbly  to  hope  for  the  sustaining  support  of  an  ever- 
watchful  and  beneficent  Providence. 

To  the  confidence  and  consolation  derived  from  these  sources,  it  would  be  nngrnteliil  not 
to  add  those  which  spring  from  » ur  present  fortunate  condition.  Though  not  altogether 
exempt  from  embarrassments  that  disturb  our  tranquillity  at  home  and  threaten  it  abroad, 
yet,  in  all  the  attributes  of  a  great,  happy,  and  flourishing  people,  we  stand  without  a  parallel 
in  the  world.  Abroad,  we  enjoy  the  respect,  and,  with  scarcely  an  exception,  tiie  frienoship 
of  every  nation.  At  home,  while  our  Government  quietly,  but  efficiently,  performs  the  sole 
le"-itimale  end  of  political  institutions,  in  doing  the  greatest  good  to  the  greatest  number, 
we  present  an  aggregate  of  human  prosperity  surely  not  elsewhere  to  be  found. 

How  imperious,  then,  is  the  obligation  imposed  upon  every  citizen,  in  his  own  sphere  o{ 
action,  whether  limited  or  extended,  to  exert  himself  in  perpetuating  a  condition  of  things 
so  singularly  happy.  All  the  lessons  of  history  and  experience  must  be  lost  upon  us,  if  we 
are  co^iteni  to  trust  alone  to  the  peculiar  advantages  we  happen  to  possess.  Position  and 
climate,  and  the  bounteous  resources  that  Nature  has  scattered  with  so  liberal  a  hand,  even 
the  ditiused  intelligence  and  elevated  character  of  our  people,  will  avail  us  nothing,  if  we 
fail  sacredly  to  uphold  those  political  institutions  that  were  wisely  and  deliberately  formed 
with  reference  to  every  circumstance  that  could  preserve,  or  might  endanger,  the  blessings 
we  enjoy.  The  thoughtful  framers  of  our  Constitution  legislated  for  our  country  as  they 
found  it.  Looking  upon  it  with  the  eyes  of  statesmen  and  of  patriots,  they  saw  all  the 
sources  of  rapid  and  wonderful  prosperity;  but  they  saw  also  that  various  habits,  opinions, 
and  institutions,  peculiar  to  the  various  portions  of  so  vast  a  region,  were  deeply  fixed. 
Distinct  sovereignties  were  in  actual  existence,  whose  cordial  union  was  essential  to  the 
welfare  and  happiness  of  all.  Between  many  of  them  there  was,  at  least  to  some  extent,  a 
real  diversity  of  interests,  liable  to  be  exaggerated  through  sinister  designs  ;  they  riifie.-ed 
in  size,  in  population,  in  wealth,  and  in  actual  and  prospective  resources  and  power;  they 
varied  in  the  character  of  their  industry  and  staple  productions ;  and  in  some  existed  do- 
mestic institutions  which,  unwisely  disturbed,  might  endanger  the  harmony  of  the  whole. 
Most  carefully  were  all  these  civciamstances  weighed,  and  the  foundations  of  the  new  Gov- 
ernment laid  upon  principles  of  reciprocal  concession  and  equitable  compromise.  The 
jealousies  which  the  smaller  States  might  entertain  of  the  power  of  the  rest  were  allayed 
by  a  rule  of  representation,  confessedly  unequal  at  the  time,  and  designed  forever  to  remain 
so.  A  natural  fear  that  the  broad  scope  of  general  legislation  might  bear  upon,  and  un- 
wisely control,  particular  interests,  was  counteracted  by  limits  strictly  drawn  around  the 
action  of  the  federal  authority  ;  and  to  the  people  and  the  States  was  left  unimpaired  their 
sovereign  power  over  the  innumerable  subjects  embraced  in  the  internal  government  of  a 
just  Republic,  excepting  such  only  as  necessarily  appertain  to  the  concerns  of  the  whole 
confederacy,  or  its  intercourse,  as  a  united  community,  with  the  other  nations  of  the  world. 
Thi?  provident  forecast  has  been  verified  liy  time.  Haifa  century,  teeming  with  extra- 
ordinary events,  and  elsewhere  producing  astonishing  results,  has  passed  along ;  but  on  our 
institutions  it  has  left  no  injurious  mark.  From  a  small  community  we  have  risen  to  a 
people  powerful  in  numbers  and  in  strength  ;  but  with  our  increase  has  gone,  hand  iii  hand, 
the  progress  of  just  principles;  the  privileges,  civil  and  religious,  of  the  humblest  individual 
are  stilf  sacredly  protected  at  home  ;  and^  while  the  valor  and  fortitude  of  our  people  have 
removed  far  from  us  the  slightest  apprehension  of  foreign  power,  they  have  not  yet  induced 
us,  in  a  single  instance,  to  lorget  what  is  right.  Our  conmierce  has'  been  extended  to  the 
remotest  nations;  the  value,  and  even  nature,  of  our  productions  has  been  greatly  changed  ; 
a  wide  difference  has  arisen  in  the  relative  wealth  and  resources  of  every  portion  of  our 
coun'ry  ;  yet  the  spirit  of  mutual  regard  and  of  faithful  adherence  to  existing  compacts  has 
continued  to  prevail  in  our  councils,  and  never  long  lieen  absent  from  our  conduct.  We 
have  learned  by  experience  a  fruitful  lesson  :  that  an  implicit  and  undeviating  adherence  to 
liie  principles  on  which  we  set  out  can  carry  us  prosperously  onward,  through  all  the  con- 
flicts of  circumstances  and  the  vicissitudes  inseparable  from  the  lapse  of  years. 

The  success  that  has  thus  attended  our  great  experiment  is,  in  itself,  a  siifficient  cause  for 
yralitude,  on  account  of  the  happiness  it  has  actually  conferred,  and  the  example  it  has  un- 
answerably given.  I'ui  lo  me,  my  fellow-citizens,  looking  forward  to  the  far-distant  future, 
with  ardent  prayers  and  confiding  hopes,  this  retrospect  ))resents  a  ground  for  still  deeper 
aelighl.  It  impresses  on  my  mind  a  firm  belief  that  the  perpetuity  of  our  institutions  de- 
penas  upon  ourselves;  that,  if  we  maintain  the  ])rinciples  on  which  they  were  establiihed, 
they  are  destined  to  confer  their  benefits  on  countless  generations  yet  to  come;  and  that 
America  will  present  to  every  friend  of  mankind  the  cheering  proof  that  a  popular  Govern- 
ment, wisely  tbrmed,  is  wanting  in  no  element  of  endurance  or  strength.  Fifty  years  ago, 
its  rapid  failure  was  boldly  predicted.     J.atenl  and  uncontrollable  causes  of  dissolution  were 


VAN    BUR  EN.  34-1 

Fupposed  to  existj  even  by  the  wise  and  afood ;  ami  not  only  did  unfriendly  or  spprnlntivfi 
theorists  anli(;ij)ate  for  lis  the  fate  of  past  repuhlics,  imt  the  fears  of  many  an  honest  ))atriot 
overlialanced  his  sanguine  hopes.  Look  l)ack  on  tliese  forebodings,  not  hastily,  but  reluc- 
tantly made,  and  seehow,  in  every  instance,  they  have  completely  failed. 

Am  imperfect  experience,  during  the  strugifies  of  the  Revolution,  was  supposed  to  war- 
rant the  belief  that  the  people  would  not  bear  the  taxation  requisite  to  dischartje  an  immense 
public  debt  already  incurred,  and  to  dei'ray  the  necessary  expenses  of  the  Government. 
Tiie  cost  of  two  wars  has  been  paid,  not  only  without  a  murmur,  but  with  unequalled  alac- 
rity. IVo  one  is  now  left  to  doubt  that  every  burden  will  be  cheerfully  borne  that  may  l)e 
necessary  to  sustain  our  civil  institutions,  or  guard  our  honor  or  our  welfare.  Indeed,  all 
experience  has  shown  that  the  willingness  of  the  ])eople  to  contribute  to  these  ends,  in  cases 
of  emergency,  has  uniformly  outrun  the  conliilence  of  their  representatives. 

In  the  early  stages  of  the  new  Government,  when  all  felt  the  imposing  influence  as  they 
recognised  the  unequalled  services  of  the  lirst  President,  it  was  a  common  sentiment,  that 
the  great  weight  of  his  character  could  alone  bind  the  discordant  materials  of  our  Govern- 
inenl  together,  and  save  us  from  the  violence  of  contending  factions.  Since  his  death  nearly 
forty  years  are  gone.  Party  exasperation  has  been  often  carried  to  its  highest  ])oint ;  the 
virtue  and  the  fortitude  of  the  people  have  sometimes  been  greatly  tried ;  yet  our  system, 
purified  and  enhanced  in  value  hy  all  it  has  encountered,  still  preserves  its  spirit  of  free  and 
fearless  discussion,  blended  with  unimpaired  fraternal  feeling. 

The  capacity  of  the  people  for  self-government,  and  their  willingness,  from  a  high  sense 
of  iluiv,  and  without  those  exhibitions  of  coercive  power  so  generally  emyjloyed  in  other 
countries,  to  submit  to  all  needful  restraints  and  exactions  of  tlie  municipal  law,  have  also 
been  favorably  exemplihcd  in  the  history  of  the  American  States.  Occasionally,  it  is  irue, 
the  ardor  of  public  sentiment,  outrunning  the  regular  progress  of  the  judicial  tribunals,  or 
seeUing  to  reach  cases  nut  denounced  as  criminal  by  the  existing  law,  has  displayed  itself  in 
a  manner  calculaied  to  give  pain  to  the  friends  of  free  government,  and  to  encourage  the 
hopes  of  those  who  wish  for  its  overthrow.  These  occurrences,  however,  have  lieen  far  less 
frequent  in  our  country  than  in  any  other  of  equal  population  on  the  globe;  and  with  the 
diffusion  of  intelligence,  it  may  well  be  hoped  that  they  will  constantly  diminish  in  fre- 
quency and  violence.  The  generous  patriotism  and  sound  common  sense  of  the  great  mass 
of  our  fellow-citizens  will  assuredly,  in  time,  produce  this  result ;  for  as  every  assumption 
of  illegal  power  not  only  wounds  the  majesty  of  the  law,  but  furnishes  a  pretext  for  abridg- 
ing the  liberties  of  the  people,  the  latter  have  the  most  direct  and  permanent  interest  m 
preserving  the  landmarks  of  social  order,  and  maintaining,  on  all  occasions,  the  inviolability 
of  those  constitutional  and  legal  provisions  which  they  themselves  have  made. 

In  a  supposed  unfitness  of  our  institutions  for  those  hostile  emergencies  which  no  country 
can  always  avoid,  their  friends  found  a  fruitful  source  of  apprehension,  their  enemies  of  hope. 
While  they  foresaw  less  promptness  of  action  than  in  Governments  differently  formed,  they 
overlooked  the  far  more  important  consideration,  that,  with  us,  war  could  never  be  the  result 
of  individual  or  irresponsible  will,  but  must  be  a  measure  of  redress  for  injuries  sustained, 
voluntarily  resorted  to  by  those  who  were  to  bear  the  necessary  sacrifice,  who  would  conse- 
quently feel  an  individual  interest  in  the  contest,  and  whose  ejiergy  would  be  commensurate 
with  the  difficulties  to  be  encountered.  Actual  events  have  proved  their  error ;  the  last  war, 
far  from  impairing,  gave  new  confidence  to  our  Government;  and  amid  recent  apprehensions 
of  a  similar  conflict,  we  saw  that  the  energies  of  our  country  would  not  be  wanting  in  ample 
season  to  vindicate  its  rights.  We  may  not  possess,  as  we  should  not  desire  to  possess,  the 
extended  and  ever-ready  mil.itary  organization  of  other  nations  ;  we  may  occasionaJly  suffer 
in  the  outset  for  the  want  of'  it;  but,  among  ourselves,  all  doubt  upon  this  great  point  has 
ceased,  while  a  salutary  experience  will  prevent  a  contrary  opinion  from  inviting  aggression 
from  abroad. 

Certain  danger  was  foretold  from  the  extension  of  our  territory,  the  multiplication  of  States, 
and  the  increase  of  population.  Our  system  was  supposed  to  be  adapted  only  to  boundaries 
comparatively  narrow.  These  have  been  widene''  beyond  conjecture  ;  the  members  of  our 
confederacy  are  already  doubled  ;  and  the  numbers  of  our  people  are  incredibly  augmented. 
The  alleged  causes  of  danger  have  long  surpassed  anticipation,  but  none  of  the  consequences 
have  followed.  The  power  and  influence  of  the  Republic  have  risen  to  a  height  obvious  to 
all  mankind  ;  respect  for  its  authority  was  not  more  apparent  at  its  ancient  tlian  it  is  at  its 
present  limits  ;  new  and  inexhaustilile  sources  of  general  prosperity  have  been  opened  ;  the 
effects  of  distance  have  been  averted  by  the  inventive  genius  of  our  people,  developed  and 
fostered  by  the  spirit  of  our  instiluiious,  and  the  enlarged  variety  and  amount  of  interests, 
productions,  and  pursuits  have  strengthened  the  chain  of  mutual  dependence,  and  formed  a 
circle  of  mutual  benefits  too  ai)parent  ever  to  be  overlooked. 

In  justly  balancing  the  powers  of  the  Federal  and  State  authorities,  difficulties  nearly  in- 
surmountable arose  at  the  outset,  and  subsequent  collisions  were  deemed  inevitalile.  Amid 
these,  it  was  scarcely  believed  possible  that  a  scheme  of  government,  so  complex  in  con- 
siructio.i,  could  remain  uninjured.  From  time  to  time  embarrassments  have  certainly  oc- 
curred;  but  how  just  s  the  confidence  of  future  safety  imparted  by  the  knowledge  that  each 


342  VAN    BUREN. 

in  succession  has  been  happily  removed  Overlooking  partial  and  temporary  evils,  as  in- 
separable from  the  practical  operation  of  all  human  institutions,  and  looking  only  to  the 
general  result,  everv  patriot  has  reason  to  be  satisfied.  While  the  Federal  Government  has 
successfully  performed  its  appropriate  functions  in  relation  to  foreign  affairs  and  concerns 
evidently  national,  that  of  every  State  has  remarkably  improved  in  protecting  and  develop- 
ing local  interests  and  individual  welfare;  and  if  the  vibrations  of  authority  have  occasion- 
ally tended  too  much  towards  one  or  the  other,  it  is  unquestionably  certain  that  the  ultimate 
operation  of  the  entire  system  has  been  to  strengthen  all  the  existing  institutions,  and  to 
cfevate  our  whole  country  in  prosperity  and  renown. 

The  last,  perhaps  the  greatest,  of  the  prominent  sources  of  discord  and  disaster  supposed 
to  lurk  in  our  political  condition,  was  the  institution  of  domestic  slavery.  Our  forefathers 
were  deeply  impressed  with  the  delicacy  of  this  subject,  and  they  treated  it  with  a  forbear- 
ance so  evidently  wise,  that,  in  spite  of  every  sinister  loreboding,  it  never,  until  the  present 
period,  disturbed  the  tranquillity  of  our  common  country.  Such  a  result  is  s\ifliciint  evidence 
of  the  justice  and  the  patriotism  of  their  course  ;  it  is  evidence  not  to  be  iiiislnken,  that  an 
adherence  to  it  can  prevent  all  embarrassment  from  this,  as  well  as  from  every  other  antici- 
pated cause  of  difficulty  or  danger.  Have  not  recent  events  made  it  obvious  to  the  slightest 
reflection,  that  the  least  deviation  from  this  spirit  of  forbearance  is  injurious  to  every  inte- 
rest, that  of  humanity  included  ?  Amidst  the  violence  of  excited  passions,  this  generous 
and  fraternal  feeling  has  lieen  sometimes  disregarded;  and,  standing  as  I  now  do  before  my 
countrvmen  in  this  high  place  of  honor  and  of  trust,  1  cannot  refrain  from  anxiously  invoking 
my  fellow-citizens  never  to  be  deaf  to  its  dictates.  Perceiving,  before  my  election,  the  deep 
interest  this  subject  was  beginning  to  excite,  I  believed  it  a  solemn  duty  fully  to  make 
known  my  sentiments  in  regard  to  it ;  and  now,  when  every  motive  for  misrepresentation 
has  passed  away,  I  trust  that  they  will  be  candidly  weighed  and  understood.  At  least,  they 
will  be  my  standard  of  conduct  in  the  path  before  me.  I  then  declared  that,  if  the  desire 
of  those  of  my  countrymen  who  were  favorable  to  my  election  was  gratified,  "  I  must  go 
into  the  presidential  chair  the  inflexible  and  uucompromisiug  opponent  of  every  attempt, 
on  the  part  of  Congress,  to  abolish  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  against  the  wishes 
of  the  slave-holding  States  ;  and  also  with  a  determination  equally  decided  to  resist  the 
slightest  interference  with  it  in  the  States  where  it  exists."  1  submitted  also  to  my  fellow- 
citizens,  with  fulness  and  frankness,  the  reasons  which  led  me  to  this  determination.  The 
result  authorizes  me  to  believe  that  they  have  been  approved,  and  are  confided  in,  by  a 
majority  of  the  people  of  the  United  States,  incliiding  those  whom  they  most  immediately 
affect.  It  now  only  remains  to  add,  that  no  bill  conflicting  with  these  views  can  ever  receive 
my  constitutional  sanction.  These  opinions  have  been  adopted  in  the  firm  belief  that  they 
are  in  accordance  with  the  spirit  that  actuated  the  venerated  fathers  of  the  Republic,  and 
that  succeeding  experience  has  proved  them  to  be  humane,  patriotic,  expedient,  honorable, 
and  just.  If  the  agitation  of  this  subject  was  intended  to  reach  the  stability  of  our  institu- 
tions, enough  has  occurred  to  show  that  it  has  signally  failed  ;  and  that  in  this,  as  in  every 
other  instance,  the  apprehensions  of  the  timid  and  the  hopes  of  the  wicked  for  the  destruc- 
tion of  our  Government,  are  again  destined  to  be  disappointed.  Here  and  there,  indeed, 
sceues  of  dangerous  excitement  have  occurred  ;  terrifying  instances  of  local  violence  have 
been  witnessed  ;  and  a  reckless  disregard  of  the  consequences  of  their  conduct  has  exposed 
individuals  to  popular  indignation ;  but  neither  masses  of  the  people,  nor  sections  of  the 
country,  have  been  swerved  from  their  devotion  to  the  bond  of  union,  and  the  principles  it 
has  made  sacred.  It  will  bp  ever  thus.  Such  attempts  at  dangerous  agitation  may  period- 
ically return,  but  with  each  the  object  will  be  belter  understood.  That  predominating  affec- 
tion "for  our  political  system  which  prevails  throughout  our  territorial  limits  ;  that  calm  and 
enlightened  judgment  which  ultimately  governs  our  people  as  one  vast  body ;  will  always 
be  at  hand  to  resist  and  control  every  eiTort,  foreign  or  domestic,  which  aims,  or  would  lead, 
to  overthrow  our  institutions. 

What  can  be  more  gratifying  than  such  a  retrospect  as  this?  We  look  Vnck  on  obstacles 
avoided,  and  dangers  overcorne ;  on  expectations  more  than  realized,  and  prosperity  per- 
fectly secured.  To  the  hopes  of  the  hostile,  the  fears  of  the  timid,  and  the  doubts  of  the 
anxious,  actual  experience  has  given  the  conclusive  reply.  We  have  seen  time  gradually 
dispel  every  unfavorable  foreboding,  and  our  Constitution  surmount  every  adverse  circum- 
stance, dreaded  at  the  outset  as  beyond  control.  Present  excitement  will,  at  all  times,  mag- 
nify present  dangers  ;  but  true  philosophy  must  teach  us  that  none  more  threatening  than 
the  past  can  remain  to  be  overcome;  and  we  ousht,  for  we  have  just  reason,  to  entertain  an 
abiding  confidence  in  the  stability  of  our  institutions,  and  an  entire  conviction  tliat,  if  ad- 
ministered in  the  true  form,  character,  and  spirit  in  which  they  were  established,  they  are 
abundantly  adequate  to  preserve  to  us  and  our  children  the  rich  blessings  already  derived 
from  them;  to  make  our  l)eloved  land,  for  a  thousand  generations,  that  chosen  spot  where 
happiness  springs  from  a  perfect  equality  of  political  rignts. 

For  myself,  therefore,  I  desire  to  declare,  that  the  principle  that  will  govern  me  in  the 
high  duty  to  which  my  country  calls  me,  is  a  strict  adherence  to  the  letter  and  spirit  of  the 
Constitution,  an  it  was  designed  by  those  who  framed  it.     Looking  fack  to  it  as  9  sacred 


VANBUREN.  343 

mstrumptit  caipfuUy  nnd  not  ra'iily  framed  ;  rememl)cring  that  it  was  throughout  n  work  cf 
concession  and  romproinisi' ;  vitnvin^  it  as  limited  to  national  objects;  regarding  it  as 
ieavni!^  to  the  people  and  the  States  all  power  not  explicitly  parted  with  ;  I  sliall  ciidtaror 
to  preserve,  protect,  an<l  defend  it,  by  anxiously  referring  to  its  provision  for  direction  in 
every  action.  To  matters  of  donieslic  concernment  which  it  has  intrusted  to  the  Federal 
Government,  and  to  such  as  relate  to  our  intercourse  with  foreign  nations,  I  shall  zealously 
devote  myself;  beyond  those  limits  I  shall  never  pass. 

To  enter,  on  this  occasion,  into  a  further  or  more  minute  exposition  of  my  views  on  the 
various  questions  of  domestic  policy,  would  be  as  obtrusive  as  it  is  probably  unexpected. 
Hefore  the  suffrages  of  my  countrymen  were  conferred  upon  me,  I  sulimilted  to  them,  wiili 
great  precision,  my  opinions  on  all  the  most  prominent  o{  these  subjects.  Those  opinions  I 
shall  endeavor  to  carry  out  with  my  utmost  ability. 

Our  course  of  foreign  policy  has  Iieen  so  uniform  and  intelligible,  as  to  constitute  a  rule 
ol  executive  conduct  which  leaves  little  to  my  discretion,  unless,  indeed,  I  were  willing  to 
run  counter  to  the  lights  of  experience,  and  the  known  opinions  of  my  constituents.  We 
sedulously  cultivate  the  friendship  of  all  nations,  as  the  condition  most  compatible  without 
welfare  and  the  principles  of  our  Government.  We  decline  alliances,  as  adverse  to  our 
peace.  We  desire  commercial  relations  on  equal  terms,  being  ever  willing  to  give  a  fair 
equivalent  for  advantages  received.  We  endeavor  to  conduct  our  intercourse  with  opennes? 
and  sincerity  ;  promptly  avowing  our  objects,  and  seeking  to  establish  that  mutual  frankness 
which  is  as  beneficial  in  the  dealings  of  nations  as  of  men.  We  have  no  disposition,  and 
we  disclaim  all  right,  to  meddle  in  disputes,  whether  internal  or  foreign,  that  may  molest 
other  countries  ;  regarding  them,  in  their  actual  state,  as  social  communities,  and  preserving 
a  strict  neutrality  in  all  their  controversies.  Well  knowing  the  tried  valor  of  our  people, 
and  our  cxhaustless  resources,  we  neither  anticipate  nor  fear  any  designed  aggression  ;  and, 
in  the  consciousness  of  our  own  just  conduct,  we  feel  a  security  that  we  shall  never  be  called 
upon  to  exert  our  determination,  never  to  permit  an  invasion  of  our  rights  without  punish- 
ment or  redress. 

In  approaching,  then,  in  the  presence  of  my  assembled  countrymen,  to  make  the  solemn 
promise  that  yet  remains,  and  to  pledge  inyself  that  I  will  faithfully  execute  the  otfice  I  am 
about  to  fill,  i  bring  with  me  a  settled  purpose  to  maintain  the  institutions  of  my  country, 
whicii,  I  trust,  will  atone  for  the  errors  I  eommit. 

In  receiving  from  the  people  the  sacred  trust  twice  confided  to  my  illustrious  predecessor, 
and  which  he  has  discharged  so  faithfully  and  so  well,  I  know  that  I  cannot  expect  to  per- 
form the  arduous  task  with  equal  ability  and  success.  But,  united  as  I  have  been  in  his 
counsels,  a  daily  witness  of  his  exclusive  and  unsurpassed  devotion  to  his  country's  welfare, 
agreeing  with  him  in  sentiments  which  his  countrymen  have  warmly  supported,  and  per- 
mitted to  partake  largely  of  his  confidence,  I  may  hope  that  somewhat  of  the  same  cheering 
approbation  will  \te  found  to  attend  upon  my  path.  For  him,  I  but  express,  with  my  own, 
the  wishes  of  al-1 — that  he  may  yet  long  live  to  enjoy  the  brilliant  evening  of  his  well-spent 
life;  and,  for  myself,  conscious  of  but  one  desire,  faithfully  to  serve  my  country,  I  throw 
inyself,  without  tear,  on  its  justice  and  its  kindness.  Beyond  that,  I  only  look  to  the  gra- 
cious protection  of  the  Divine  Being,  whose  strengthening  support  I  linmhly  solicit,  and 
whom  I  fervently  pray  to  look  down  upon  us  all.  May  it  be  among  the  dispensations  of 
His  providence  to  bless  our  beloved  country  with  honors  and  with  length  of  days;  may  her 
ways  be  ways  of  pleasantness,  and  all  her  paths  be  peace. 

Tlie  delivery  of  the  address  being  completed,  and  the  oath  prescribed  by 
the  Constitution  having  been  administered  to  the  President  by  the  Chief 
Justice  of  the  United  States,  national  salutes  from  the  military  and  naval 
stations  within  the  city  were  fired  in  honor  of  the  occasion ;  after  which, 
the  President  and  Ex-Prssident  returned  to  the  executive  mansion,  at- 
tended by  the  cortege  which  accompanied  them  to  the  capitol,  and  whither 
an  immense  concourse  of  citizens  repaired  to  offer  their  salutations  to  the 
new  President,  and  take  leave  of  his  predecessor.  The  representatives  of 
foreign  Governments  also  attended,  and  through  Mr.  Calderon,  the  minis- 
ter of  her  Catholic  majesty,  offered  their  congratulations  to  the  President 
in  an  appropriate  and  impressive  address. 

The  day  was  uncommonly  brilliant  for  the  season,  and  the  fineness  of 
the  weather  permitted  great  numbers  of  citizens  to  come  in  from  the  coun- 
try, who,  with  the  multitude  of  strangers  who  had  been  flocking  into  the 
city  for  many  days  from  a  distance,  and  the  thousands  of  resident  citizens, 


344  VAN    BUREN. 

lined  the  avenue,  ouring  the  forenoon,  and  formed  a  larger  3oncGursG  of 
both  sexes  at  the  capitol  during  the  ceremonies  than  was  ever  witnessed 
on  any  former  occasion.  Thronged,  however,  as  the  streets  and  public 
places  were  during  the  day,  not  an  instance  of  disorder  took  place  ;  every 
thing  wore  a  inarked  appearance  of  calmness,  and  the  absence  of  excite- 
ment. 

In  the  evening  there  was  a  splendid  ball  at  Carusi's,  at  which  the  Pres- 
ident  and  Vice-President  of  the  United  States  attended,  with  a  number 
of  Senators  and  Representatives,  all  the  heads  of  departments,  many  mil- 
itary and  naval  officers,  all  the  members  of  foreign  legations,  in  the  official 
costume  of  their  several  functions  and  countries. 

Mr.  Van  Buren  succeeded  to  the  arduous  post  of  the  chief-magistracy 
at  a  period  of  almost  unexampled  prosperity.  He  found  the  treasury  full 
to  repletion ;  the  credit  of  the  federal  government  and  its  finances  in  the 
most  flourishing  condition ;  and  the  states,  and  commercial  cities  of  the 
Union,  going  on  in  a  career  of  enterprise  and  improvement  scarcely  par- 
alleled. So  striking  appeared  this  view  of  things  to  General  Jackson,  on 
retiring  from  office,  that,  in  his  address  to  the  country,  he  congratulated 
the  nation  that  he  left  this  great  people  prosperous  and  happy.  The  meas- 
ures of  tlie  prior  administration  havincr  determined  the  line  of  policy  to  be 
pursued  by  the  party  in  power,  Mr.  Van  Buren  had  the  responsibility  of 
no  new  acts  with  which  to  signalize  or  endanger  the  success  of  his  admin- 
istration.    Apparently  he  had  a  smooth  sea  before  him. 

A  few  months  changed  this  apparent  prosperity  into  a  wide-spread  and 
universal  gloom.  The  credit  system,  of  such  vital  importance,  under  a 
healthy  control,  to  the  welfare  of  the  country,  had  been  expanded  in  an- 
licipation  of,  and  immediately  following,  the  expiration  of  the  charter  of 
the  United  States  Bank,  to  an  extent  beyond  the  power  of  the  resources  of 
the  country  to  sustain.  The  business  of  the  treasury  had  been  transferred 
from  the  agency  of  the  National  Bank  to  the  banks  of  the  States,  and 
transacted  by  them,  at  first,  under  the  general  authority  of  the  act  estab- 
lishing the  Treasury  Department,  and  afterwards  according  to  the  more 
specific  provisions  of  the  act  of  Congress,  passed  the  23d  June,  1836,  to 
regulate  the  deposites  of  the  public  money. 

Under  the  system  thus  organized,  the  public  revenue  on  hand  was  de- 
posited in  selected  banks,  to  be  discounted  on  by  them,  with  various  reg- 
ulations of  security;  the  public  funds  were  transferred  by  their  agency  ; 
iheir  notes  were  received  and  paid  out  in  the  dealings  of  the  Treasury  ; 
and  they  were  relied  on  to  conduct  the  exchanges  of  the  country,  and 
furnish  its  paper  currency. 

At  this  period,  (1836,)  the  number  of  banks  chartered  by  the  several 
States  had  greatly  increased,  many  being  created  for  the  alleged  purpose 
of  supplying  the  anticipated  vacuum  in  business  by  reason  of  the  refusal 
of  a  new  charter  to  the  United  States  Bank  ;  the  total  number  of  banks  in 
operation  in  the  United  States  being  six  hundi'ed  and  seventy-six,  with  a 
capital  of  upwards  of  three  hundred  and  twenty-four  millions  of  dollars. 
This  amount  of  capital  was  greatly  beyond  the  true  wants  of  the  country  ; 
much  of  it  was  fictitious  ;  the  business  was  altogether  overdone  ;  excessive 
bank  issues  and  overtrading  followed   hand  in  hand  ;  and  at  length,  Cin 


VAN   BUREN.  a<i5 

1837,)  the  whole  macliinery  fell  into  pieces,  and  a  general  suspension  of 
cash  payments  by  all  the  banks  in  the  United  States  occurred. 

Thereupon,  the  President,  (Mr.  Van  Buren,)  considcuMng  tlic  incorpoi-a- 
tion  of  a  national  bank  unconstitutional,  and  if  constitutional,  yet  unwise 
and  deeming  the  continued  use  of  the  State  banks  either  impracticable  o' 
inexpedient,  reconnnendcnl  a  radical  change  in  the  fiscal  operations  of  the 
Federal  Government,  which  (with  some  modifications  of  the  original  plan"* 
became  the  law  of  the  land  on  the  4th  of  July,  1840,  by  the  "passage  o'f 
the  act  to  provide  for  the  collection,  safe-keeping,  transfer,  and  disburse, 
ment  of  the  public  money. 

The  principle  of  tliis  plan  was  the  ultimate  total  separation  of  the  Fed- 
eral  Government  from  all  dependence  on  banks  and  bank  paper  in  the 
business  of  the  Treasury.  The  Treasurer  of  the  United  States,  and  va- 
rious  officers  of  the  Government  under  him,  were  required  to  keep  the 
public  moneys  in  the  vaults  of  the  Government,  and  perform  all  the  duties 
of  transfer  as  well  as  deposite,  and  provision  was  made  for  exacting  imme- 
diately one-fourth  of  all  public  dues  to  be  paid  in  gold  and  silver,  and  for 
the  addition  of  one-fourth  to  that  requisition  yearly  ;  so  that,  on  and  after 
the  expiration  of  three  years,  all  payments  to  the  Government  should  he 
made  in  gold  and  silver  only,  as  the  sole  and  exclusive  legal  currency  of 
the  United  States. 

The  system  was  immediately  put  in  operation,  and  the  Receivers  Gen- 
eral  appointed  for  the  different  sections  of  the  Union  were  placed  in  charge 
of  the  accruing  public  revenues.  Able  and  responsible  agents  were  se- 
lected, and  the  measure,  which  was  at  the  outset  objected  to  by  many  of 
the  friends  of  the  President,  now  became  the  favorite  object  of  the  party 
at  the  head  of  affairs.  They  had  become  hostile,  as  a  political  party,  to 
all  banks  ;  and  the  mass  of  the  whole  people  were  daily  becoming  more 
and  more  dissatisfied  with  the  conduct  of  these  institutions.  As  a  remedy 
for  the  existing  evils,  slow,  perhaps,  but  ultimately  secure,  Mr.  Van  Buren 
looked  forward  with  confidence  to  the  success  of  the  Independent  Treasury 
system,  because  of  its  entii'e  independence  of  all  agency  not  the  Govern, 
ment's,  and  especially  because  independent  of  banks  ;  because  it  would  hold 
the  public  funds  for  public  use  only  ;  and  because,  by  the  use  of  coin 
alone  in  the  dealings  of  the  Treasury,  it  would  tend  in  the  result  to  bring 
back  the  business  of  the  country  from  the  delusive  excesses  and  expansions 
of  the  paper  system,  to  the  money  standard  of  the  Constitution. 

The  Independent,  or  Sub-Treasury  system,  was  the  great  measure  of 
Mr.  Van  Buren's  administration,  which,  had  he  been  re-elected,  would 
have  been  carried  out  to  its  consummation,  cither  of  good  or  evil.  Its 
adoption  was  carried  during  a  highly  exasperated  political  contest  through- 
out the  country,  and  it  formed  one  of  the  rallying  points  of  both  the  great 
contending  parties;  and  the  general  distrust  with  which  it  was  viewed  by 
the  people,  contributed  not  a  little  to  the  signal  overthrow  which  soon  after 
visited  the  administration  of  Mr.  Van  Buren. 

President  Van  Buren  was  nominated  for  re-election  in  May,  1840,  bv  a 
very  numerous  and  intelligent  convention  of  delegates  from  the  different 
States,  assembled  at  Baltimore.     From  the  address  of  that  convention  to 
the  people,  drawn  up  by  Ex-Governor  Hill,  of  New-Hampshire,  the  fol 
45 


346  VAN   BUR  EN. 

lowing  extracts  are  taken,  as  embodying  the  argument  in  favor  of  Mr.  Van 
Buren,  on  the  other  branches  of  his  administrative  policy,  in  the  languagv' 
of  one  of  his  admirers  : 

"  Notwithstanding  the  eminent  skill  with  whicli  our  foreign  affairs  were 
managed  by  General  Jackson  throughout  his  administration,  great  embar- 
rassments remained  to  be  encountered  by  his  successor.  Having  succeeded 
in  obtaining  indemnity  from  European  powers  for  the  long  arrearages  of 
injuries  we  had  suffered  during  the  sanguinary  conflicts  that  succeeded  the 
American  Revolution,  he  turned,  towards  the  close  of  his  second  term,  his 
attention  to  the  just  demands  of  our  citizens  against  the  Republics  of  this 
continent.  Beginning  with  Mexico,  he  pressed  upon  her,  with  his  wonted 
energy  and  firmness,  the  prompt  arrangement  of  our  claims,  daily  increas- 
ing in  numbers,  and  some  of  them  having  their  origin  in  those  first  and 
early  movements  in  the  Spanish  American  States,  which  resulted  in  their 
complete  emancipation  and  independence.  Although  partially  supported 
by  Congress,  they  did  not  see  fit  to  sustain  him- in  the  recommendation 
made,  at  a  critical  moment,  to  enforce,  by  competent  means,  an  immediate 
adjustment  upon  the  dilatory  rulers  who  governed  Mexico  in  rapid  succes- 
sion. The  discussions  between  the  two  countries  became  more  recrimina- 
tory and  acrimonious  ;  and  at  last,  at  the  moment  of  his  departure  from  the 
head  of  the  Government,  the  recognition  of  the  independence  of  Texas, 
added  to  the  previous  interruption  of  diplomatic  intercourse,  had  produced 
a  feeling  on  the  part  of  the  Government  and  people  of  Mexico  so  embitter- 
ed, as  seemingly  to  render  hostilities  almost  inevitable.  In  the  midst,  of 
these  difficulties,  attended,  as  they  were,  by  the  wide-spread  domestic  em- 
barrassments which  a  disordered  currency  had  produced,  the  disturbances 
in  Canada  occurred,  to  awaken  the  attention  of  our  people,  and  try  the 
firmness  of  the  Executive.  A  civil  war  raged  in  a  neighboring  country  ; 
the  population  on  each  side  of  the  boundary  was  dangerously  excited  ; 
angry  collisions,  constantly  anticipated,  and  more  Chan  once  occurring, 
were  readily  imputed  to  a  want  of  good  faith,  or  settled  purposes  of  hos- 
tility ;  and  a  rare  union  of  prudence  and  firmness,  forbearance  and  reso- 
lution, was  required  to  prevent  those  consequences  which,  in  every  aspect, 
threatened  a  fierce  and  prolonged  war.  While  yet  this  storm  of  passions 
on  the  Northern  frontier  remained  unsubdued,  the  occurrences  on  the  boun- 
dary of  Maine  suddenly  arose,  and  seemed  to  render  the  policy  of  the 
administration  still  more  difficult,  and  to  destroy  every  hope  of  preserving 
unbroken  tranquillity.  Let  the  history  of  tlie  dangers  thus  springing  up 
from  the  moment  Mr.  Van  Buren  entered  upon  the  Executive  office — the 
measures  which,  for  three  years,  he  has  adopted  in  regard  to  them — the 
able  correspondence  in  which  he  has  maintained,  with  unflinching  firm- 
ness, the  rights  and  honor  of  the  United  States — let  these  speak  the  merit 
of  his  administration  of  our  foreign  affairs.  The  wearied  patience  of  the 
honest  claimants  against  Mexico  is  at  length  rewarded,  by  the  appointment 
of  a  just  tribunal  fir  the  settlement  of  their  claims,  and  a  stipulated  mode 
sf  paying  them.  The  Canadian  border  is  once  more  the  scene  of  active 
and  peaceful  industry  ;  passion  has  been  subdued  by  reason  and  reflection ; 
and  every  thing  assures  us,  that  however  strong  our  sympathies  may  be 
with  the  progress  of  'jocial  and  political  improvement,  they  will  not  be  in- 


VAN  BUR  EN.  347 

dulirf'n  at  the  expense  of  international  rights.     Maine,  whnso  lonT-suflerinff 
patience  properly  demanded  the  prompt  decision  of  the  pfnding  question, 
reposes  with  confidence  in  the   General  Administration  to  ohtain  that  end 
and  feels  satisfied  that  it  will  su.stain,  with  unchanging  resolution,  Lcr  ter- 
ritorial  claims. 

"  Nor  let  us  forget  that  while  these  great  and  ahsorhing  questions  of  for- 
eign policy  were  depending,  all  the  other  duties  connected  with  our  foreijrn 
intercourse  were  successfully  performed.  Indemnities  have  heen  ohtained 
hy  Mr.  Van  Buren  from  Mexico,  Texas,  Great  Britain,  and  Holland  ;  ad- 
vantageous commercial  treaties  have  heen  completed  with  the  Peru-Boliv- 
ian Confederation,  and  with  Holland,  Greece,  and  Sardinia  ;  and  have  been 
agreed  upon  with  Ecuador  and  Belgium ;  and  ou,r  national  character,  and 
(he  principles  of  maritime  law,  which  we  have  always  maintained,  have 
Deen  recognized  and  respected  in  the  most  distant  quarters  of  the  globe." 

Such  is  the  estimatiyilaced  upon  the  public  merits  and  policy  of  Mr. 
Van  Buren,  by  the  grMt  political  party  which  sustained  him.  It  is  not 
our  purpose  to  '^xamine  or  controvert  the  accuracy  of  the  estimate,  or  the 
wisdom  of  his  policy.  Those  are  matters  left  to  the  judgment  of  the  can- 
did reader,  and  for  the  sentence  of  posterity.  A  few  extracts  from  a  public 
letter  of  Mr.  Van  Buren,  written  in  July,  1840,  in  answer  to  inquiries 
from  the  citizens  of  Elizabeth-City  county,  in  Virginia,  are  added,  as  giv- 
ing a  clear  definition  of  the  views  entertained  by  him,  on  some  of  the  great 
questions  which  have  hitherto,  and  still  continue  to  interest  his  countrymen. 
Mr.  Van  Buren  says — "  The  authority  of  the  elector  to  call  in  good 
faith  on  the  candidate  for  his  favor,  for  an  unreserved  avowal  of  his  opin- 
ions in  regard  to  all  matters  of  public  concern  that  it  may  become  his 
official  duty  to  act  upon,  is  not  only  of  inestimable  value  to  the  success  of 
political  institutions  like  ours,  but  may,  I  think,  without  exaggeration,  be 
regarded  as  indispensable  to  the  maintenance  of  Republican  Government. 
Viewing  the  subject  in  this  light,  and  having  satisfied  myself  that  in  pro- 
pounding questions  to  me,  you  have,  as  you  assure  me,  been  actuated  by 
an  unfeigned  desire  to  be  able  to  bestow  your  suffrages  understandinijlv, 
and  to  possess  yourself  of  information  which  you  deem  material  to  that 
end,  I  cheerfully  comply  with  your  request. 

You  ask  me,  first,  '  whether,  if  elected  President,  I  will  veto  any  bill 
having  for  its  object  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia  : 
or  v/hether  I  will  sanction  any  bill  granting  appropriations  of  the  public 
money  to  any  State,  soliciting  aid  for  the  emancipation  of  their  slaves  ?'" 
My  attention  has  been  frequently  heretofore  called  to  the  first  branch  of 
your  inquiry;  and  my  views  in  respect  to  it  given.  The  substance  of 
them  was  repeated,  with  additional  explanations,  in  a  letter  recently  ad- 
dressed by  me  to  a  committee  composed  of  citizens  of  Louisville,  Kentucky, 
in  reply  to  a  question  embracing,  among  other  things,  the  particular  point 
now  referred  to.  As  my  reply  to  your  several  questions  will,  unavoida- 
bly, be  of  considerable  length,  I  have  not  deemed  it  advisable  to  repeat 
that  answer  here — but  will  cause  each  of  you  to  be  supplied  with  a  copy 
thereof,  and  cannot  doubt  your  being  satisfied  that  I  have  at  least  fairly 
met  the  subject.  The  second  branch  of  your  inquiry,  though  scarcely  of 
less  importance,  was  not  brought  into  view  on  that  occasion.     Nearly  all 


348  YAN    BUREN 

now  agree  that  the  Federal  Government  possesses  no  power  to  interfere 
with  the  institution  of  slavery  in  the  States  ;  and  the  general  and  undoubt- 
edly the  correct  principle  is,  that  the  Federal  Government  cannot  app^y 
the  national  funds  to  objects  upon  which  they  are  either  expressly  prohi"b. 
ited  from  acting,  or  in  respect  to  which  there  is  an  acknowledged  absence 
of  delegated  authority.  Usage,  supposed  necessity,  and  apparently  un- 
controllable considerations  of  expediency,  have,  from  time  to  time,  led  to 
limited  expenditures,  for  which  it  was  not  easy  to  find  a  warrant  in  the 
Constitution.  But  these  hare  always  been  regarded  by  the  sincere  friends 
of  a  strict  construction  of  that  instrument  as  matters  to  be  regretted,  and 
as  far  as  possible  to  be  prevented.  The  form  of  your  question  presents  for 
consideration  the  points  whether  the  consent  of  the  slave  States  could 
confer  on  the  Federal  Government  the  constitutional  power  to  apply  the 
public  funds  to  the  eiTiancipation  of  their  slaves.  I  unhesitatingly  say  it 
could  not,  and  that  I  never  could  give  my  sanctioi^o  such  a  measure.  If 
State  consent  could  confer  power  where  the  want  of  ir  would  otherwise  be 
so  manifest,  I  find  it  difficult  to  conceive  of  any  case  in  which  the  ssurx 
result  could  not,  with  at  least  equal  propriety,  be  claimed  to  follow  from 
the  same  cause.  The  establishment  of  such  a  principle  must,  in  my  best 
judgment,  inevitably  lead  to  the  prostration  of  that  partition  of  powers  be- 
tween the  General  and  the  State  Governments,  v/hich  the  framers  of  the 
Constitution  intended  to  erect,  and  might  weW  be  dreaded  as  an  opening 
wedge  to  an  early  and  more  extended  action  by  Congress  upon  the  partic- 
ular subject  under  consideration.  We  have  seen  too  much  of  the  progres- 
sive character  of  constitutional  encroae^hments  in  the  early  stages  of  thp 
Government,  to  feel  assured  that  a  continued  practice  of  contribating  to  the 
emancipation  of  slaves  by  the  appropriation  of  money,  roight  not,  in  course 
of  time,  lead  to  attempts  by  the  Federal  Government  to  accomplish  the 
same  object,  without  either  the  consent  of  the  slave-holder,  or  indemnity  for 
his  loss. 

"  You  next  ask  me,  gentlemen,  whether  I  think  that,  at  this  time,  the 
safety  of  the  public  money  requires  a  rechartering  of  the  United  States 
Bank,  or  whether  I  would  sign  a  bill  chartering  such  an  institution.  My 
opinions  upon  the  subject  of  a  United  States  Bank  were  asked  when  I  was 
first  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency  in  1836,  and  were  so  fully  given,  as  to 
meet  not  only  your  question,  but  also,  I  think,  every  aspect  which  the  snb- 
ject  can  be  made  to  assume.  They  will  be  found  in  my  letter  to  the  Hon. 
Sherrod  Williams,  of  Kentucky,  which  has  been  extensively  published,  and 
are  therein  thus  expressed  : 

'  You  next  ask  whether  I  will  sign  and  approve  (if  it  becomes  necessary 
to  secure  and  save  from  depreciation  the  revenue  and  finances  of  the  na- 
tion, and  to  aflbrd  a  sound  unifonn  currency  to  the  people  of  the  United 
States,)  a  bill  (with  proper  modifications  and  restrictions)  chartering  a 
Bank  of  the  United  States. 

'  In  the  published  letter  of  Mr.  Butler  to  Mr.  Garland,  which  has  al- 
ready been  referred  to,  he  thus  states  my  opinions  upon  the  subject  of  the 
bank  :  "  Mr.  Van  Buren's  opinions  in  I'egard  to  the  Bank  of  the  United 
States  were  expressed  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  in  1828  ;  repeated 
in  his  letter  to  the  Shocco  Springs  Committee,  whilst  a  candidate  for  the 


VAN    BUR  EN.  849 

Vice  Prosidency,  and  have  been  so  freely  uttered  by  him,  that  there  can- 
not, I  think,  he  occasion  to  say  much  upon  that  subject.  But  to  close  the 
door  to  cavil,  I  state,  1st.  That  he  holds  that  Congress  does  not  possess  the 
power  to  establish  a  National  Bank  in  any  of  the  States  of  the  Union,  nor 
to  establish  in  such  States  the  branch  of  any  bank  located  in  the  District 
of  Columbia  ;  and  2d.  That  he  is,  therefore,  decidedly  opposed  to  the  es- 
tablishment  of  a  National  Bank  in  any  of  the  States  ;  and  is  also  opposed  to 
the  establishment  of  any  such  bank  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  as  unne- 
cessary and  inexpedient,  and  as  liable  to  a  great  proportion  of  the  abuses 
which  have,  in  his  opinion,  been  practised  by  the  existing  bank." 

'This  declaration,  with  other  uniform,  repeated  and  published  avowals 
of  my  sentiments  in  regard  to  a  United  States  Bank,  would,  I  had  sup- 
posed, be  sufficient  to  save  me  from  further  interrogation  on  that  subject ; 
but  as  you  have  thought  proper  to  push  the  inquiry  further,  and,  to  thai 
end,  to  place  the  matter  before  me  in  a  form  studiously  adapted  to  present 
thp  question  in  its  most  favorable  contingent  aspect,  you  will,  I  am  sure, 
be  neither  surprised  nor  dissatisfied,  if  I  deem  it  due  to  myself  as  well  as 
to  the  subject,  to  give  it  more  particular  and  enlarged  consideration  than  1 
liave  heretofore  felt  it  necessary  or  proper  to  do. 

*  I  am  induced  to  embrace  for  this  purpose  the  opportunity  you  have 
presented  to  me  the  more  readily,  from  a  deep  conviction  of  the  incalcula- 
ble importance  to  the  people  of  the  United  States,  that  this  long  agitated 
and  distracting  subject  should  be  finally  settled,  and  from  a  hope  that  what 
I  have  to  say  upon  it  may,  from  the  situation  in  which  the  partiality  of  my 
fellow-citizens  has  placed  me,  contribute  in  some  degree  to  so  desirable  a 
result. 

'  I  greatly  lear  that  whilst  there  is  in  any  quarter  reason  to  hope  that  a 
charter  for  a  new  bank  can,  in  any  condition  of  the  country,  be  obtained 
from  the  Federal  Government,  there  will  be  neither  order  nor  stability  in 
the  pecuniary  operations  of  the  country.  If  it  can  be  ascertained  that  a 
discredited  currency  and  pecuniary  embarrassments  will  bring  a  charter, 
what  security  have  we  that  such  a  state  of  things  will  not  be  produced  ? 
Is  it  doing  violence  to  truth  and  justice,  to  attribute  to  expectations  of  this 
character,  the  crusade  which  we  have  witnessed  for  the  last  two  years 
against  the  deposite  banks,  against  the  efforts  of  the  administration  to  restore 
a  specie  currency,  and  against  all  the  fiscal  arrangements  of  the  Treasury? 
Will  any  candid  and  well-informed  man  pretend  that  such  things  would 
have  been,  if  it  had  been  considered  as  settled  that  the  Bank  of  the  United 
States  is  not  to  be  revived  ?  I  think  not.  The  settlement  of  the  deposite 
question,  by  the  bill  of  the  last  session,  will  doubtless  cause  a  suspension 
of  this  destructive  career  ;  but  is  there  not  reason  to  apprehend  that  it  will 
recommence  with  the  first  appearance  of  any  thing  like  a  reasonable  chance 
for  the  re-establishment  of  a  National  Bank  ?  Every  thing,  therefore, 
which  may  serve  "o  arrest  or  prevent  the  agitation  of  this  subject,  if  only 
for  a  season,  is  of  great  value.  In  the  published  opinions  to  which  I  have 
already  referred,  my  opposition  to  the  establishment  of  the  United  States 
Bank,  in  any  of  the  Slates,  is  placed  on  the  want  of  constitutional  power 
in  Congress  to  establish  one.  Those  who  concur  in  denying  this  power, 
nevertheless  differ  among  themselves  in  regard  to  the  particular  views  by 


350  VAN    BUREN, 

wnich  their  respective  opinions  are  sustained.  Some  admit  that  Congress 
has  a  right  to  create  such  an  institution,  whenever  its  establishment  be- 
comes  necessary  to  the  collection,  disbursement,  and  preservation  of  the 
revenue ;  but  insist  that  no  such  necessity  existed  when  the  charter  of  the 
old  bank  expired,  or  has  arisen  since.  With  this  class,  the  considerations 
to  which  you  allude  would  be  essential,  and  might  have  a  controlling  ef- 
fect— for  such  persons  make  the  power  to  establish  a  bank  dependent  upon 
them.  My  objection,  on  the  contrary,  is,  that  the  Constitution  does  not 
give  Congress  power  to  erect  corporations  within  the  States.  This  was 
the  main  point  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  celebrated  opinion  against  the  establish- 
ment of  the  first  National  Bank.  It  is  an  objection  which  nothing  short 
of  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution  can  remove.  We  kiww  it  to  be  an 
historical  fact  that  the  convention  refused  to  confer  that  power  on  Con- 
o-ress,  and  I  am  opposed  to  its  assumption  by  it  upon  any  pretence  what- 
ever. If  its  possession  shall  at  any  time  become  necessary,  the  only  just 
way  to  obtain  it  is  to  ask  it  at  the  hands  of  the  people,  in  the  form  prescri- 
bed by  the  Constitution.  Holding  this  opinion,  and  sworn  to  support  that 
instrument  as  it  is,  I  could  not  find  in  the  circumstances  to  which  you  refer, 
either  warrant  or  excuse  for  the  exercise  of  the  authority  in  question  ;  and 
I  am  not  only  willing  but  desirous  that  the  people  of  the  United  States 
should  be  fully  informed  of  the  precise  ground  I  occupy  on  this  subject. 
I  desire  more  especially  that  they  should  know  it  now,  when  an  opportu- 
nity, the  best  our  form  of  Government  affords,  will  soon  be  presented,  to 
express  their  opinion  of  its  propriety.  If  they  are  in  favor  of  a  National 
Bank,  as  a  permanent  branch  of  their  institutions,  or  if  they  desire  a  Chief 
Masristrate  who  will  consider  it  his  duty  to  watch  the  course  of  events, 
and  give  or  withhold  his  assent  to  such  an  institution  according  to  the  de- 
gree of  necessity  for  it  that  may  in  his  opinion  arise  from  the  considerations 
to  which  your  question  refers,  they  will  see  that  my  co-operation  in  the 
promotion  of  either  of  these  views  cannot  be  expected.  If,  on  the  other 
hand,  with  this  seasonable,  explicit,  and  published  avowal  before  them,  a 
majority  of  the  people  of  the  United  States  shall  nevertheless  bestow  upon 
me  their  suflrages  for  the  office  of  President,  skepticism  itself  must  cease 
to  doubt,  and  admit  their  will  to  be  that  there  shall  not  be  any  Bank  of  the 
United  States,  until  the  people,  in  the  exercise  of  their  sovereign  authority, 
see  fit  to  give  to  Congress  the  right  to  establish  one. 

'  It  is  because  I  cannot  doubt  that  the  expression  of  the  popular  will, 
made  under  such  circumstances,  must  have  a  tendency  to  arrest  further 
agitation  of  this  disturbing  subject,  for  four  years  at  least,  and  most  prob- 
ably, from  the  great  moral  influence  which  the  often  expressed  opinion  of 
the  majority  of  the  people  in  a  Republican  Government  is  entitled  to,  for  a 
much  longer  period,  that  I  am  thus  full  and  explicit  upon  the  point  to 
which  you  have  called  my  attention.  However  much  we  may  differ  upon 
the  abstract  question  involved  in  this  controversy,  no  reflecting  man  can 
doubt  ttie  healthful  and  invijjo ratine  effects  which  any  thing  that  looks  likp- 
a  settlement  of  this  question  must  have  upon  all  the  business,  as  well  as 
political  relations  of  the  country.  The  public  mind  has  been  long  and 
painfully  agitated  by  it,  and  needs  repose.  The  fruits  of  this  agitation 
have  been  bi'.ter  and  abundant.     Men  of  business  require  to  be  put  in  a 


VAN    BUR  EN.  351 

situation  that  they  may  adapt  their  affairs  to  a  state  of  things  which  prom- 
ises pennaiiency.  That  cliaracter  is  alon(!  necessary  to  give  success  to 
the  present  system.  No  rational  plan  for  the  regulation  of  the  fiscal  affairs 
of  the  country  can  fail  to  succeed,  if  the  mass  of  our  industrious  and  en- 
terprising population,  without  regard  to  local,  sectional  or  political  distinc- 
tions, are  only  sincerely  desirous  for  its  success.  Once  satisfy  them  that 
tlnngs  are  in  this  respect  to  remain  stable,  and  it  is  not  in  the  nature  of 
things  possible  that  they  can  refuse  tlu^ir  aid  and  support  to  that  which  con- 
cerns tliem  so  nearly,  and  upon  which  their  prosperity,  private  as  well  as 
public,  is  so  essentially  dependent.  If  our  correspondence  shall  have  the 
effect  to  contribute  in  any  degree  to  bring  about  a  state  of  things  in  which 
we  all  have  so  deep  an  interest,  and  which  should  be  desired  by  all,  I 
will  rejoice  that  it  has  taken  place.' 

"  My  convictions  of  the  truth  and  justice  of  these  views  upon  this  vitally 
important  question,  have  been  confirmed  by  all  my  subsequent  experience, 
and  will,  I  doubt  not,  from  the  principles  upon  which  they  are  founded, 
endure  to  the  end  of  my  life. 

"  My  opinions  upon  the  tariff,  which  is  the  subject  of  your  third  ques- 
tion, were  asked  when  I  was  a  candidate  for  the  Vice-Presidency,  by  a 
portion  of  my  fellow-citizens  of  North  Carolina,  and  freely  given.  Their 
application  reached  me  but  a  short  period  before  the  then  approaching  elec- 
tion, and  to  secure  in  every  portion  of  the  Union  as  general  and  early  a 
knowledge  of  my  views  as  was  practicable,  I  caused  them  to  be  forthwith 
published  at  Albany.  They  were  reiterated  in  1836,  when  a  candidate 
for  the  Presidency,  and  contain  the  general  principles  by  which  it  is  my 
intention  to  regulate  my  ofTieial  course.  I  was  seriously  friendly  to  the 
passage  of  the  compromise  bill,  and  have  always  been,  and  still  am,  dis- 
posed to  carry  it  into  full  and  fair  effect.  The  opinions  of  which  I  have 
spoken  were  expressed  in  the  following  terms : 

'  Although  my  official  acts  in  relation  to  the  protective  system  might 
well  be  regarded  as  rendering  the  avowal  unnecessary,  I  think  it  never- 
theless proper  to  say,  that  I  believe  the  establishment  of  commercial  regu- 
lations, with  a  view  to  the  encouragementof  domestic  products,  to  be  within 
the  constitutional  power  of  Congress.  Whilst,  however,  I  have  entertain- 
ed this  opinion,  it  has  never  been  my  wish  to  see  the  power  in  question 
exercised  with  an  oppressive  inequality  upon  any  portion  of  our  citizens,  or 
for  the  advantage  of  one  section  of  the  Union  at  the  expense  of  another. 
On  the  contrary,  I  have  at  all  times  believed  it  to  be  the  sacred  duty  of 
those  who  are  intrusted  with  the  administration  of  the  Federal  Government 
to  direct  its  operations  in  the  manner  best  calculated  to  distribute,  as  equally 
as -possible,  its  burdens  and  blessings  amongst  the  several  States  and  the 
people.  My  views  upon  this  subject  were  several  years  ago  spread  before 
the  people  of  the  State,  and  have  since  been  widely  diffused  through  the 
medium  of  the  public  press.  My  object  at  that  time  was  to  invite  "the  at- 
tention of  my  immediate  constituents  to  a  dispassionate  consideration  cf  the 
subject  in  its  various  bearings,  being  well  assured  that  such  an  investiga- 
lion  would  bring  them  to  a  standard,  which,  from  its  moderation  and  jus- 
tice, would  furnish  the  best  guarantee  for  the  true  interests  of  all.  If,  as 
has  been  supposed,  those  views  have  contributed  in  any  degree  to  product; 


SSSi  VAN    BUR  EN. 

a  state  of  feeling  so  much  to  be  desired,  I  have  reason  to  be  gratified  with 
the  result. 

'  The  approaching,  and,  if  the  policy  of  the  present  Executive  is  allowed 
to  prevail,  the  certain  and  speedy  extinguishment  of  the  national  debt,  has 
presented  an  opportunity  for  a  more  equitable  adjustment  of  the  tariff, 
which  has  been  already  embraced  by  the  adoption  of  a  conciliatory  meas- 
ure, the  spirit  of  which  will,  I  doubt  not,  continue  to  be  cherished  by  all 
who  are  not  desirous  of  advancing  their  private  interests  at  the  sacrifice  of 
those  of  the  public,  and  who  place  a  just  value  upon  the  peace  and  har- 
mony  of  the  Union. 

'  The  protective  system,  and  its  proper  adjustment,  became  a  subject  of 
frequent  and  necessary  consideration,  whilst  I  formed  a  part  of  the  Cab- 
inet •  and  the  manner  in  which  the  President  proposed  to  carry  into  effect 
the  policy  in  relation  to  imposts,  recommended  in  his  previous  messages, 
has  since  been  avowed  with  that  frankness  which  belongs  to  his  character. 
To  this  end,  he  recommended  a  modification  of  the  tariff,  which  should 
produce  a  reduction  of  the  revenue  to  the  wants  of  the  Government,  and 
an  adjustment  of  the  duty  upon  imports,  with  a  view  to  equal  justice  in 
relation  to  all  our  national  interests,  and  to  the  counteraction  of  foreign 
policy,  so  far  as  it  may  be  injurious  to  those  interests.' 

"In  these  sentiments  I  fully  concur;  and  I  have  been  thus  explicit  in 
the  statement  of  them,  that  there  may  be  no  room  for  misapprehension  as 
to  my  own  views  upon  the  subject.  A  sincere  and  faithful  application  of 
these  principles  to  our  legislation,  unwarped  by  private  interest  or  political 
desio-n — a  restriction  of  the  wants  of  the  Government  to  a  simple  and  eco- 
nomical administration  of  its  affairs — the  only  administration  which  is 
consistent  with  the  purity  and  stability  of  the  Republican  system — a  pre- 
ference in  encouragement  given  to  such  manufactures  as  are  essential  to 
the  national  defence,  and  its  exten!?ion  to  others  in  proportion  as  they  are 
adapted  to  our  country,  and  of  which  the  raw  material  is  produced  by  our- 
selves, with  a  proper  respect  for  the  rule  which  demands  that  all  taxes 
should  be  imposed  in  proportion  to  the  ability  and  condition  of  the  contrib- 
utors, would,  I  am  convinced,  give  ultimate  satisfaction  to  a  vast  majority 
of  the  people  of  the  United  States,  and  arrest  that  spirit  of  discontent  which 
is  now  unhappily  so  prevalent,  and  which  threatens  such  extensive  injury 
to  the  insthutions  of  our  country. 

"  You  next  ask  me  whether  1  would  sanction  any  bill  granting  appropri- 
ations of  the  public  money,  for  the  purposes  of  internal  improvement,  by 
means  of  canals,  railroads,  (fee. 

"  My  views  upon  the  subject  of  internal  improvement  by  the  Federal 
Government  were  given  at  the  same  time,  and  upon  the  same  application. 
They  are  as  follows  : 

'  Internal  improvements  are  so  diversified  in  their  nature,  and  the  possi- 
ble agency  of  the  Federal  Government  in  their  construction  so  variable  in 
its  character  and  degree,  as  to  render  it  not  a  little  difficult  to  lay  down 
any  precise  rule  that  will  embrace  the  whole  subject.  The  broadest  and 
best  defined  division  is  that  which  distinguishes  between  the  direct  construc- 
tion of  works  of  internal  improvement  by  the  General  Government,  and 
pecuniary  assistance  given  by  it  to  such  as  are  undertaken  by  others.     In 


VAN    BUREN. 


35;i 


the  former  are  included  the  riirht  to  make  and  establish  roads  and  canals 
within  the  States,  and  the  assumption  of  as  iinich  jurisdiction  over  the  ter- 
ritory they  may  occupy,  as  is  necessary  to  their  preservation  and  use.  The 
latter  is  restricted  to  simple  grants  of  money,  in  aid  of  such  works,  when 
made  under  State  authority. 

'  The  Federal  Government  does  not,  in  my  opinion,  possess  the  power 
first  specified ;  nor  can  it  derive  it  from  the  assent  of  the  State  in  which 
such  works  are  to  be  constructed.  The  money  power,  as  it  is  called,  is 
not  so  free  from  difficulty.  Various  rules  have  from  time  to  time  been 
suggested  by  those  who  properly  appreciate  the  importance  of  precision 
and  certainty  in  the  operations  of  the  Federal  power ;  but  they  have  been 
so  frequently  infringed  upon  by  the  apparently  unavoidable  action  of  the 
Government,  that  a  final  and  satisfactory  settlement  of  the  question  has 
been  prevented.  The  wide  difference  between  a  definition  of  the  power  in 
question  upon  paper,  and  its  practical  application  to  the  operations  of  Gov- 
ernment, has  been  sensibly  felt  by  all  who  have  been  intrusted  with  the 
management  of  public  affairs.  The  whole  subject  was  reviewed  in  the 
President's  Maysville  message.  Sincerely  believing  that  the  best  interests 
of  the  whole  country,  the  quiet,  not  to  say  the  stability,  of  the  Union,  and 
the  preservation  of  that  moral  force  which  perhaps,  as  much  as  any  other, 
holds  it  together,  imperiously  required  that  the  destructive  course  of  legis- 
lation upon  that  subject  then  prevalent,  should,  in  some  proper  and  consti- 
tutional way,  be  arrested,  I  throughout  gave  to  the  measure,  of  which  that 
document  was  an  exposition,  my  active,  zealous,  and  anxious  support. 

'  The  opinions  declared  by  the  President  in  the  Maysville,  and  his  succeed- 
ing annual  message,  as  I  understand  them,  are  as  follows  :  1st.  That  Con- 
gress does  not  possess  the  power  to  make  and  establish  a  road  or  canal 
within  a  State,  with  a  right  of  jurisdiction  to  the  extent  I  have  stated ;  and 
that  if  it  IS  the  wish  of  the  people  that  the  construction  of  such  works 
should  be  undertaken  by  the  Federal  Government,  a  previous  amendment 
of  the  Constitution  conferring  that  power,  and  defining  and  restricting  its 
exercise,  with  reference  to  the  sovereignty  of  the  States,  is  indispensable. 
2d.  An  intimation  of  his  belief  that  the  right  to  make  appropriations  in  aid 
of  such  internal  improvements  as  are  of  a  national  character,  has  been  so 
generally  acted  upon,  and  so  long  acquiesced  in  by  the  Federal  and  State 
Governments,  and  the  constituents  of  each,  as  to  justify  its  exercise  ;  but 
that  it  is  nevertheless  highly  expedient  that  even  such  appropriations 
should,  with  the  exception  of  such  as  relate  to  light-houses,  beacons,  buoys, 
public  piers,  and  other  improvements  in  the  harbors  and  navigable  rivers 
of  the  United  States,  for  the  security  and  facility  of  our  foreign  commerce, 
bo  deferred  at  least  until  our  national  debt  is  paid.  3d.  That  if  it  is  the 
wish  of  the  people  that  the  agency  of  the  Federal  Government  should  be 
restricted  to  the  appropriation  of  money,  and  extended  in  that  form  in  aid 
of  such  undertakings,  when  carried  on  by  State  authority,  then  the  occa- 
sion, the  manner,  and  the  extent  of  the  appropriation,  should  be  made  the 
subject  of  constitutional  regulation. 

'  In  these  views  I  concurred  ;  and  I  likewise  participated  in  the  difficul- 
ties which  were  encountered,  and  expressed  by  the  President,  m  adopting 
the  principle  which  concedes  to  the  Federal  Government  the  right  to  make 

4  6 


354  VAN    BUREN. 

appropriations  in  aid  of  works  which  might  be  regarded  as  of  a  national 
character — difficulties  which  arose  as  well  from  the  danger  of  considering 
mere  usage  the  foundation  of  the  right,  as  from  the  extreme  uncertainty 
and  consequent  insecurity  of  the  best  rule  that  had  ever  been  adopted,  or 
that  could,  in  the  absence  of  positive  constitutional  provision,  be  establish- 
ed. The  reasons  on  which  these  objections  were  founded,  are  so  fully 
stated  in  the  document  referred  to,  and  have  been  so  extensively  promul- 
gated, that  it  is  unnecessary  for  me  to  repeat  them  here.  Subsequent  re- 
flection and  experience  have  confirmed  my  apprehension  of  the  injurious 
consequences  which  would  probably  flow  from  the  continuation  of  appro- 
priations for  internal  improvements,  with  no  better  rule  for  the  government 
of  Congress  than  that  of  which  I  have  spoken  ;  and  I  do  not  hesitate  to 
express  it  as  my  opinion,  that  the  general  and  true  interests  of  the  country 
would  be  best  consulted  by  withholding  them,  with  the  exceptions  which  I 
have  already  referred  to,  until  some  constitutional  regulation  upon  the 
subject  has  been  made. 

'In  this  avowal  I  am  certainly  not  influenced  by  feelings  of  indifference, 
much  less  of  hostility  to  internal  improvements.  As  such,  they  can  have 
no  enemies.  I  have  never  omitted  to  give  them  all  the  proper  aid  in  my 
power,  for  which,  by  the  way,  I  claim  no  particular  merit,  as  I  do  not  be- 
lieve there  is  an  honest  and  sane  man  in  the  country  who  does  not  wish  to 
see  them  prosper  ;  but  their  construction,  and  the  manner  in  which,  and 
the  means  by  which  they  are  to  be  effected,  are  quite  different  questions. 
Rather  than  again  expose  our  legislation  to  all  the  corrupting  influences 
of  those  scrambles  and  combinations  in  Congress  which  have  been  here- 
tofore witnessed,  and  the  other  affairs  of  the  country  to  the  injurious  effects 
unavoidably  resulting  from  them,  it  would,  in  my  opinion,  be  infinitely 
preferable  to  leave  works  of  the  character  spoken  of,  and  not  embraced  in 
the  exception  which  has  been  pointed  out,  for  the  present,  to  the  supports 
upon  which  they  have  reposed  with  so  much  success  for  the  last  two  years, 
viz :  State  efforts  and  private  enterprise.  If  the  great  body  of  the  people 
become  convinced  that  the  progress  of  these  works  should  be  accelerated 
by  the  Federal  arm,  they  will  not  refuse  to  come  to  some  proper  constitu- 
tional arrangement  upon  the  subject.  The  supposition  that  an  equitable 
rule,  which  pays  a  proper  respect  to  the  interests  and  condition  of  the  dif- 
ferent States,  could  fail  to  receive  ultimately  the  constitutional  sanction, 
would  be  doing  injustice  to  the  intelligence  of  the  country.  By  such  a 
settlement  of  the  question,  our  political  system,  in  addition  to  the  other  ad- 
vantages derived  from  it,  would,  in  relation  to  this  subject  at  least,  be 
relieved  from  those  dangerous  shocks  which  spring  from  diversities  of  opin- 
ion upon  constitutional  points  of  deep  interest ;  and,  in  the  mean  time,  the 
resources  of  the  country  would  be  best  husbanded  by  being  left  in  the 
hands  of  those  by  whose  labor  they  are  produced.' 

"  To  this  exposition  of  my  opinions  upon  the  general  subject,  were  added 
some  additional  observations,  in  my  letter  to  Mr.  Williams,  already  refer- 
red to.  They  were  chiefly  applicable  to  '  the  improvements  of  our  liarbors, 
and  the  removal  of  partial  and  temporary  obstructions  in  our  navigable 
rivers,  for  the  facility  of  our  foreign  commerce,'  and  the  best  means  of 
checking  the  tendency  to  abuses  which  such  appropriations  often  produced. 


VAN   BUREN.  355 

To  the  principles  laid  down  in  the  two  publications  referred  to,  I  still 
adhere  ;  and  it  lias  been  my  endeavor  to  carry  them  into  full  and  fair  efTect 
in  the  administration  of  the  Government,  since  I  have  been  at  its  head. 
If  they  have  been  departed  from,  in  respect  to  any  works  commenced  under 
my  administration,  I  am  not  advised  of  it." 

General  Harrison  succeeded  Mr.  Van  Buren  on  the  4th  of  March,  1841. 
The  Ex-President  soon  after  left  the  seat  of  the  General  Government  for 
his  fine  estate  at  Kinderhook,  on  the  Hudson,  where  he  now  resides,  in  the 
enjoyment  of  a  competence,  and  in  the  exercise  of  his  many  attractive 
sociiil  qualities. 

On  the  9tli  of  August,  1848,  a  convention  of  the  "Free-Soil  Party," 

composed  of  such  as  demanded  a  more  uncompromising  opposition  to 
slavery  than  they  believed  either  of  the  existing  parties  would  manifest, — 
assembled  at  Butialo,  New  York,  and  nominated  Mr.  Van  Buren  as  their 
candiJate  for  President,  and  Charles  Francis  Adams,  of  Massachusetts, 
(a  son  of  John  Quincy  Adams,)  for  Vice  President. 

Mr.  Van  Buren  published  one  or  two  letters  declaratory  of  his  opinions 
upon  the  question  with  reference  to  which  his  nomination  had  been  made. 
But  though,  in  these  documents,  he  took  an  attitude  of  greater  hostility  to 
the  "  peculiar  institution  "  of  the  South,  than  the  nation  had  been  led  to 
expect  from  the  acts  of  his  previous  public  life,  there  resulted  no  very 
serious  diversion  from  the  ranks  of  the  two  dominant  parties.  The  popu- 
lar vote  was  as  follows:  —  Taylor,  1,360,752;  Cass,  1,219,962;  Van 
Buren,  291,342.  The  vote  of  the  college  of  electors  was,  Taylor,  163 ; 
Cass,  127;  Van  Buren,  none.  So  Mr.  Van  Buren  still  enjoys  his  dignified 
retirement  at  Lindenwold. 

In  person,  Mr.  Van  Buren  is  of  medium  size,  erect,  and  somewhat  cor- 
pulent. His  hair  is  white,  his  eye  bright  and  piercing,  and  his  forehead 
high  and  broad,  indicative  of  unusual  intellectual  power.  His  private 
character  is  above  reproach. 


WILLIAM    HENRY   HARRISON. 

William  Henry  Harrison,  ninth  President  of  the  United  States,  was  a 
native  of  Virginia,  a  son  of  the  incorruptible  old  patriot  whose  name  is 
attached  to  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  and  a  lineal  descendant  of 
that  General  Harrison,  who  bore  a  distinguished  part  during  the  English 
civil  wars,  in  the  armies  of  the  Commonwealth.  The  family  of  Harrison 
were  among  the  earliest  settlers  of  the  colony  of  Virginia,  and  the  name 
appears  among  the  most  prominent  mentioned  in  the  annals  of  that  province. 

Benjamin  Harrison,  the  father  of  the  President,  was  one  of  the  most  dis- 
tinguished patriots  of  our  country.  Before  he  was  twenty-one  years  of 
age,  he  was  elected  a  member  of  the  House  of  Burgesses  in  Virginia,  in 
which  he  represented  his  native  district  for  many  years.  Here  he  early 
displayed  his  love  of  freedom,  and  united  with  that  patriotic  band  of  mem- 
bers who  resolved  on  resisting  the  oppressions  of  the  mother  country.  In 
November,  1764,  he  was  placed  on  a  committee  to  prepare  an  address  to 
the  King,  a  memorial  to  the  House  of  Lords,  and  a  remonstrance  to  the 
Commons,  in  opposition  to  the  odious  stamp  act.  In  August,  1774,  he  was 
elected  a  delegate  from  Virginia  to  the  first  Continental  Congress,  which 
assembled  at  Philadelphia,  on  the  first  of  September  following ;  and  on 
that  day,  he  had  the  gratification  of  seeing  his  colleague  and  brother-in- 
law,  Peyton  Randolph,  placed  in  the  presidential  chair,  by  the  unanimous 
voice  of  the  Convention. 

After  the  death  of  Mr.  Randolph,  Congress,  on  assembling,  in  177.5, 
were  called  upon  to  choose  a  new  president.  The  southern  members  al- 
most  unanimously  agreed  upon  the  selection  of  Mr.  Harrison  for  the  chair 
vacated  by  the  death  of  his  relative.  But  as  the  name  of  John  Hancock 
had  also  been  proposed,  Mr.  Harrison,  justly  considering  the  importance 
of  conciliating  the  northern  feeling,  at  so  momentous  a  crisis,  with  a  gen- 
erous  self-denial,  waived  his  claims,  and  urged  with  great  zeal  the  appoint- 
ment of  Hancock,  who  was  consequently  unanimously  chosen  to  that  hio-h 
station. 

Wain,  in  his  Biography  of  the  Signers  of  the  Declaration  of  Indepen- 
dence, says  of  Mr.  Hancock  : — 

"  With  a  modesty  not  unnatural  for  his  years,  and  a  consciousness  of 
the  difficulty  he  might  experience  in  filling  a  station  of  such  high  impor- 
tance and  responsibility,  he  hesitated  to  take  the  seat.  Mr.  Harrison  was 
standing  beside  him,  and  with  the  ready  good  humor  that  loved  a  joke, 
even  in  the  Senate-House,  he  seized  the  modest  candidate  in  his  athletic 
arms,  and  placed  him  in  the  presidential  chair  ;  then  turning  to  some  of 
the  members  around,  he  exclaimed,  '  We  will  show  mother  Britain  how 
little  we  care  for  her,  by  making  a  Massachusetts  man  our  president,  whom 
she  has  excluded  from  pardon  by  public  proclamation.'  " 


358  HARRISON.  , 

Mr.  Harrison  continued  to  be  an  active  and   influential   member  of  the 

Continental  Congress,  to  which  he  was  returned  four  times  as  a  delegate. 
On  the  tenth  of  June,  1776,  as  chairman  of  the  committee  of  the  whole 
House,  he  introduced  the  resolution  which  declared  the  independence  of 
the  colonies  ;  and  on  the  following  ever-memorable  fourth  of  July,  he 
reported  the  more  formal  Declaration  of  Independence,  to  which  celebrated 
document  his  signature  is  annexed. 

On  the  expiration  of  his  last  term  of  service  in  Congress,  Mr.  Harrison 
was  elected  to  the  House  of  Burgesses  from  his  own  county,  and  was  at 
once  chosen  shaker  of  that  body  ;  an  office  which  he  held  uninterruptedly 
until  the  year  1782,  when  he  was  elected  Governor  of  Virginia,  and  be- 
came one  of  the  most  popular  officers  that  ever  filled  the  executive  chair. 
This  eminent  patriot  died  in  the  year  1791. 

William  Henry  Harrison  was  born  on  the  ninth  of  February,  1773, 
at  Berkeley,  on  the  James  river,  in  Charles-City  county.  He  was  the 
third  and  younger  son  ;  and  although  the  father  was  not  wealthy,  the  son 
inherited  a  rich  legacy  in  a  name  rendered  honorable  as  connected  with  the 
first  struggles  of  the  country  for  freedom.  On  the  death  of  his  father, 
William  Henry  Harrison  was  placed  under  the  guardianship  of  his  inti- 
mate friend,  Robert  Morris,  tlie  great  financier  of  the  revolution.  He  was 
educated  at  Hampden  Sidney  College,  and  afterwards  applied  himself  to 
the  study  of  medicine  as  a  pi'ofession.  But  before  he  had  completed  his 
course  of  studies,  the  barbarities  of  the  Indians  in  their  incursions  upon  our 
thin  and  scattered  settlements  upon  the  north-western  frontiers,  kindled  a 
feeling  of  indignation  throughout  the  country.  The  service  was  at  that 
time  neither  popular  nor  inviting  ;  but  our  young  student  resolved  to  give 
up  his  profession,  and  join  the  army  destined  to  the  defence  of  the  Ohio 
frontier.  His  guardian,  Mr.  Mori'is,  attempted  to  dissuade  him  from  this 
purpose,  but  his  resolution  had  been  deliberately  taken;  and  on  communi- 
cating it  to  General  Washington,  that  great  man,  beholding  in  the  young 
son  of  his  friend  the  germs  of  future  greatness,  cordially  approved  his 
patriotic  determination.  The  Indian  war  was  at  that  time  assuming  a  veiy 
alarming  aspect.  Few  of  the  Indians  continued  in  peaceful  relations  with 
the  United  States,  while  the  powerful  tribes  of  the  Miamies,  the  Hui-ons,  or 
Wyandots,  the  Delawares,  the  Shawnees,  the  Kickapoos,  the  Potowatomies, 
the  Ottawas,  and  the  Winnebagoes,  who  occupied  all  the  borders  of  our 
northern  lakes,  and  were  scattered  through  the  whole  immense  extent  of 
our  north-western  territory,  were  engaged  in  active  hostility  against  the 
United  States. 

Encouraged  by  the  British  authorities  in  Canada,  who,  in  violation  of 
the  treaty  of  peace,  still  held  forcible  possession  of  Detroit,  Mackinaw,  Ni- 
agara, and  other  points  in  our  acknowledged  territory,  the  Indians  persisted 
in  their  savage  incursions  ;  and  scarce  a  day  passed  without  some  new  tale 
of  violence  and  bloodshed.  From  1783  to  1791,  it  lias  been  estimated  that 
more  than  fifteen  hundred  of  our  hardy  pioneers  of  the  west  had  fallen 
victims  to  the  rifle  and  ^calping-knife  of  their  savage  foes.  Our  north- 
western frontier  prese.ited  an  appalling  scene  of  rapine,  conflagration,  and 
wanton  destruction  of  life  and  property.  Many  of  our  border  settlements 
had   been  crushed   in  tlieir  infancy,  and   all   had   been  retarded  in  their 


HARRISON.  359 

growth.  Expedition  aftor  expedition,  fitted  out  to  oppose  tliem,  had  met 
with  the  most  disheartening  losses  ;  and  finally,  a  i^allant  army,  under 
Brigadier-General  Harmer,  which  had  hecn  sent  expn\ssly  to  ciiastise 
these  savages,  after  destroying  some  of  their  towns,  had  heen  signally  de- 
feated by  them,  and  almost  annihilated.  Of  the  few  experienced  oflicors 
who  escaped  from  Ilarmer's  defeat,  nearly  all,  worn  out  with  the  fatigues 
of  a  service  so  harassing,  and  shrinking  from  a  warfare  of  so  dangerous 
and  barbarous  a  nature,  had  resigned  their  commissions ;  and  a  general 
feeling  of  dismay  began  to  pervade  the  whole  of  our  exposed  frontier. 

After  the  defeat  of  Harmer,  a  new  army  was  raised,  and  placed  under 
the  command  of  the  veteran  General  St.  Clair.  This  brave  but  unfortunate 
commander  moved  his  army  slowly  and  cautiously  to  the  head  waters  of 
the  Wal)asii,  opening  a  road,  and  establishing  forts  at  suitable  distances. 
By  the  1st  of  November,  1791,  he  was  in  the  midst  of  the  Indian  country, 
and  within  fifteen  miles  of  the  Miami  villages.  On  the  4th,  his  camp  was 
suddenly  attacked  about  daylight,  by  an  immense  body  of  savages,  aided 
by  white  auxiliaries  from  Canada.  The  assailants  being  well  protected 
by  the  shelter  of  the  trees  and  mounds  of  earth,  fired  from  the  ground,  and 
were  scarcely  to  be  seen,  except  when  they  rose  to  spring  from  one  shelter 
to  another.  They  advanced  rapidly  in  front,  and  upon  either  flank,  up  to 
the  very  mouths  of  the  American  field-pieces. 

The  militia  occupying  the  front  were  dismayed  by  the  impetuosity  and 
violence  of  this  unexpected  attack,  and  falling  back  upon  the  regulars, 
threw  them  into  confusion.  In  vain  the  officers  endeavored  to  rally  and 
re-form  their  men  ;  their  success  was  only  partial.  Twice  were  the  Indi- 
ans driven  back  by  desperate  charges ;  but  while  they  gave  way  at  one 
point  to  the  bayonets  of  our  soldiers,  from  every  other  quarter  they  poured 
in  a  heavy  and  destructive  fire  upon  the  lines,  until  the  whole  army  was 
thrown  into  the  greatest  confusion,  and  a  most  disorderly  retreat  ensued. 
The  savages  pursued  their  conquered  foe  for  miles,  and  the  woods  were 
strewn  with  the  bodies  of  the  dead  and  dying.  Of  fourteen  hundred  men, 
five  hundred  and  thirty  were  killed,  and  three  hundred  and  sixty  wounded. 

These  sad  reverses  created  an  intense  excitement  throughout  the  coun- 
try, and  rendered  it  imperative  upon  the  govei  nment  to  place  the  army 
under  the  command  of  a  military  chief  of  well-earned  reputation  ;  a  cau- 
tious, discreet,  brave,  and  energetic  soldier.  The  two  most  prominent  at 
that  period,  were  George  Rogers  Clark  and  Anthony  Wayne.  They  had 
both  fought  in  the  revolution,  held  separate  commands,  and  had  planned 
and  executed  the  most  daring  and  successful  enterprises.  The  latter  was 
known  through  the  whole  army,  and  in  every  quarter  of  the  Union,  as  Mad 
Anthony,  from  his  eventful  fortunes  and  daring  adventures.  The  calcula- 
ting mind  of  the  discriminating  Washington  singled  out  Mad  Anthony  to 
command  the  western  army,  and  he  at  once  received  orders  to  that  eflt'ct. 

The  United  States  Legion,  as  Wayne's  army  was  called  under  the  new 
organization,  rendezvoused  at  Pittsburgh,  in  the  summer  of  1792.  In  No- 
vember following,  they  went  into  winter  quarters  at  an  eligible  position  on 
the  Ohio,  22  miles  below,  which  they  called  Legionville.  On  the  30th  April, 
1793,  General  Wayne  broke  up  his  winter  encampment  at  this  place,  and 
conveyed  his  army  in  boats  down  the  Ohio  to  Fort  Washington. 


360  HARRISON. 

Such  was  the  situation  of  the  western  country,  when  young  Harrison, 
then  nineteen  years  of  age,  having  received  from  the  hands  of  Washington 
the  commission  of  an  ensign  in  the  first  regiment  of  artillery,  joined  hia 
corps  at  Fort  Washington,  which  stood  upon  the  site  now  occupied  by  the 
Queen  city  of  the  West. 

Soon  after  his  arrival  at  Fort  Washington,  it  became  necessary  to  despatch 
a  train  of  pack  horses  to  Fort  Hamilton,  about  thirty  miles  distant,  upon  the 
great  Miami.  This  train  was  under  the  charge  of  a  body  of  soldiers  from 
the  fort,  and  the  whole  was  placed  under  the  command  of  young  Harrison. 
This  was  the  first  charge  confided  to  his  care.  Though  the  distance  was 
short,  the  state  of  the  country,  and  the  thousands  of  savages  peopling  the 
whole  forest,  rendered  the  enterprise  extremely  perilous ;  and  constant 
exposure  required  uninterrupted  watchfulness,  and  much  more  thought, 
attention,  and  wisdom  than  can  often  be  found  in  a  lad  not  yet  out  of  his 
teens.  This  service  was  performed  with  great  credit  to  himself,  and  Gen 
eral  St.  Clair  openly  acknowledged  his  pleasure  at  the  success  of  his  young 
officer,  bestowing  upon  him  the  warmest  praise  and  commendation.  He 
rapidly  gained  the  entire  confidence  of  his  officers,  and  in  1792  was  pro- 
moted to  the  rank  of  lieutenant. 

During  the  summer  of  1793,  the  Indians  having  signified  a  desire  for 
peace,  commissioners  were  appointed  to  treat  with  them,  but  Avithout  suc- 
cess. General  Wayne,  during  this  time,  was  busily  employed  in  disciplining 
and  reinforcing  his  troops  ;  and  having  at  length  received  instructions  from 
the  Secretary  of  War  to  commence  active  operations,  he  left  Fort  Wash- 
ington in  October,  and  advanced  with  his  army  about  eighty  miles  along 
the  south-western  branch  of  the  Miami,  where  he  took  up  his  position,  and 
erected  fortifications.  To  this  post  he  gave  the  name  of  Greenville,  and 
here  the  army  went  into  winter  quarters.  The  winter,  however,  was  not 
spent  in  idleness.  On  the  23d  December,  General  Wayne  sent  a  detachment 
of  eight  companies  of  infantry,  and  a  battalion  of  artillery,  to  take  posses- 
sion of  the  groijnd  upon  which  St.  Cl-air  and  his  gallant  army  had  been  so 
terribly  defeated  on  the  4th  of  November,  two  years  before.  Lieutenant 
Harrison  was  not  drafted  for  this  expedition  ;  but,  longing  for  more  active 
employment,  he  volunteered  for  the  service,  and  his  assistance  was  accepted 
by  the  commander. 

The  battle-field  was  soon  in  the  hands  of  the  soldiers,  notwithstanding 
the  inclemency  of  the  season,  and  a  fortification  was  immediately  erected, 
to  which  the  name  of  Fort  Recovery  was  given.  The  bones  of  the  mur- 
dered soldiers  were  carefully  collected,  and  interred  with  military  honors. 
The  same  pieces  of  artillery  lost  on  the  fatal  4th  of  November,  1791,  were 
recoverod  ;  and,  from  their  thunder-belching  mouths,  three  times  three  dis- 
charges were  fired  over  the  remains  of  the  western  heroes. 

Upon  the  return  of  the  expedition.  General  Wayne  issued  a  general  order 
of  thanks  to  the  officers  and  men  for  their  gallant  conduct  on  the  occasion, 
in  which  Lieutenant  Harrison  was  particularly  mentioned  among  other 
officers. 

On  the  30th  of  June,  1794,  Fort  Recovery  was  fiercely  assailed  by  a 
large  body  of  Indians,  aided  by  British  and  Canadian  auxiliaries.  But 
though  their  assaults  were  unusually  bold   and  daring,  and  repeatedly 


HARRISON.  361 

renewed,  they  were  each  time  bravely  repulsed,  and  were  finally  compel- 
led to  retreat  with  great  loss.  About  two  weeks  subsequent  to  this  attack 
on  Fort  Recovery,  General  Wayne  was  reinforced  by  a  body  of  mounted 
volunteers  from  Kentucky,  under  the  command  of  General  Scott.  On  the 
8th  of  the  following  August,  having,  by  a  rapid  movement,  advanced  sev- 
enty miles  beyond  Greenville,  he  encamped  at  Grand  Glaise,  in  the  very 
heart  of  the  Indian  country.  In  his  despatch  to  the  War  Department  on 
this  occasion,  the  commander-in-chief  says — "  We  have  thus  gained  pos- 
session of  the  grand  emporium  of  the  hostile  Indians  in  the  West,  without 
loss  of  blood.  The  very  extensive  and  highly-cultivated  fields  and  gardens 
show  the  work  of  many  hands.  The  margins  of  those  beautiful  rivers, 
the  Miami  of  the  Lake  and  Au  Glaise,  appear/ like  one  continued  village 
for  a  number  of  miles  above  and  below  the  place ;  nor  have  I  ever  before 
beheld  such  immense  fields  of  corn  in  any  part  of  America,  from  Canada 
to  Florida." 

A  strong  work,  called  Fort  Defiance,  was  immediately  erected  by  our 
troops  at  the  confluence  of  the  rivers  mentioned  in  the  above  despatch. 
General  Wayne  now  felt  himself  fully  prepared  for  decisive  operations ; 
but  before  striking  the  final  blow,  he,  in  compliance  with  his  instructions, 
renewed  his  endeavors  to  conciliate  and  effect  some  amicable  negotiation 
with  the  Indians.  "  I  have  thought  proper,"  he  said,  "  to  offer  the  enemy 
a  last  overture  of  peace  ;  and  as  they  have  every  thing  that  is  dear  and 
interesting  at  stake,  I  have  reason  to  expect  they  will  listen  to  the  prop- 
osition mentioned  in  the  enclosed  copy  of  an  address  despatched  yesterday 
by  a  special  flag,  under  circumstances  that  will  insure  his  safe  return,  and 
may  eventually  spare  the  effusion  of  much  human  blood.  But  should  war 
be  their  choice,  that  blood  be  upon  their  own  heads.  America  shall  no 
longer  be  insulted  with  impunity.  To  an  all-powerful  and  just  God,  I 
therefore  commit  myself  and  gallant  army." 

These  proposals  were  rejected  by  the  enemy,  although  the  great  chief 
Little  Turtle,  who  had  planned  and  led  the  attack  in  the  defeat  of  St. 
Clair,  urged  them  to  embrace  the  terms  offered.  "  We  have  beaten  the 
white  men  twice,"  said  he,  "  under  separate  commanders.  We  cannot 
expect  the  same  good  fortune  to  attend  us  always.  The  Americans  are 
now  led  by  a  chief  who  never  sleeps — the  night  and  the  day  are  alike  to 
him  ;  and  during  all  the  time  he  has  been  marching  upon  our  villages, 
notwithstanding  the  watchfulness  of  our  young  men,  we  have  never  been 
able  to  surprise  him.  Think  well  of  it.  There  is  something  whispers  me 
it  would  be  prudent  to  listen  to  his  offers  of  peace." 

The  day  after  this  speech  was  delivered,  was  fought  the  memorable 
battle  of  the  20th  August,  1794,  which  cannot  be  better  described  than  by 
quoting  a  portion  of  the  graphic  account  of  General  Wayne,  in  his  official 
despatch  to  the  Secretary  of  War : 

"  At  8  o'clock  on  the  20th,"  said  General  Wayne,  "  the  army  advanced 
in  columns,  agreeably  to  the  standing  order  of  march  ;  the  legion  on  the 
right  flank,  covered  by  the  Miami — one  brigade  of  mounted  volunteers  on 
the  left,  under  Brigadier-General  Todd,  and  the  other  in  the  rear,  under 
Brigadier-General  Barbee  : — a  select  battalion  of  mounted  volunteers  moved 
in  front  of  the  ^egion,  commanded  by  Major  Price,  who  was  directed  to 
47 


362  HARRISON. 

ke.ep  sufficiently  advanced,  so  as  to  give  timely  notice  for  the  troops  to 
form,  in  case  of  action,  it  being  yet  undetermined  whether  the  Indians 
would  decide  for  peace  or  war.  After  advancing  about  five  miles,  Major 
Price's  corps  received  so  severe  a  fire  from  the  enemy,  who  wexe  secreted 
in  the  woods  and  high  grass,  as  to  compel  them  to  retreat. 

"  The  legion  was  immediately  formed  in  two  lines,  principally  in  a  close, 
thick  wood,  which  extended  for  miles  on  our  left ;  and  for  a  veiy  consider- 
able distance  in  front,  the  ground  being  covered  with  old  fallen  timber, 
probably  occasioned  by  a  tornado,  which  rendered  it  impracticable  for  cav- 
alry to  act  with  effect,  and  afforded  the  enemy  the  most  favorable  covert 
for  their  savage  mode  of  warfare,  they  were  formed  in  tnree  lines,  within 
supporting  distance  of  each  other,  and  extending  nearly  two  miles,  at  right 
angles  with  the  river. 

"  I  soon  discovered,  from  the  weight  of  the  fire,  and  the  extent  of  their 
lines,  that  the  enemy  were  in  full  force  in  front,  in  possession  of  their 
favorite  ground,  and  endeavoring  to  turn  our  left  flank.  I  therefore  gave 
orders  for  the  second  line  to  advance,  to  support  the  first,  and  directed  Ma- 
jor-General  Scott  to  gain  and  turn  the  right  flank  of  the  savages,  with  the 
whole  of  the  mounted  volunteers,  by  a  circuitous  route — at  the  same  time 
I  ordered  the  front  line  to  advance  with  trailed  arms,  and  rouse  the  Indians 
from  their  coverts  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet ;  and  when  up,  to  deliver  a 
close  and  well-directed  fire  on  their  backs,  followed  by  a  brisk  charge,  so 
as  not  to  give  them  time  to  load  again.  I  also  ordered  Captain  Miss.  Camp- 
bell, who  commanded  the  legionary  cavalry,  to  turn  the  left  flank  of  the 
enemy  next  the  river,  which  afforded  a  lavorable  field  for  that  corps  to  act 
in.  All  these  orders  were  obeyed  with  spirit  and  promptitude  ;  but  such 
was  the  impetuosity  of  the  charge  of  the  first  line  of  infantry,  that  the 
Indians  and  Canadian  militia  and  volunteers  were  driven  from  all  their 
coverts  in  so  short  a  time,  that  although  every  exertion  was  used  by  the 
officers  of  the  second  line  of  the  legion,  and  by  Generals  Scott,  Todd,  and 
Barbee,  of  the  mounted  volunteers,  to  gain  their  proper  positions,  yet  but 
a  part  of  each  could  get  up  in  season  to  participate  in  the  action ;  the  en- 
emy being  driven,  in  the  course  of  one  hour,  more  than  two  miles,  through 
the  thick  woods  already  mentioned,  by  less  than  one-half  their  numbers. 

"  From  every  account,  the  enemy  amounted  to  two  thousand  combat- 
ants ;  the  troops  actually  engaged  against  them  were  short  of  nine  hundred. 
This  horde  of  savages,  with  their  allies,  abandoned  themselves  to  flight, 
and  dispersed  with  terror  and  dismay,  leaving  our  victorious  army  in  full 
and  quiet  possession  of  the  field  of  battle,  which  terminated  under  the  in- 
fluence of  the  guns  of  the  British  garrison. 

"  Enclosed  is  a  particular  return  of  the  killed  and  wounded — the  loss 
of  the  enemy  was  more  than  double  that  of  the  federal  army.  The  woods 
were  strewed  for  a  considerable  distance  with  the  dead  bodies  of  the  Indi- 
ans and  their  white  auxiliaries  ;  the  latter  armed  with  British  muskets  and 
bayonets. 

"  We  remained  three  days  and  nights  on  the  banks  of  the  Miami,  in  front 
of  the  field  of  battle,  during  which  all  the  houses  and  corn-fields  were  con- 
sumed and  destroyed  for  a  considerable  distance,  both  above  and  below 
Fort  Miami,  as  well  as  within  pistol-shot  of  that  garrison,  who  were  com- 


HARRISON.  3G3 

pollcil  to  remain  tacit  spectators  of  this  general  devastation  and  conflagra- 
tion  among  which  were  the  houses,  stores,  and  property  of  Colonel  M'Keo, 

the  British  Indian  ac^nt,  and  principal  stinnihitor  of  the  war  now  existing 
between  the  United  States  and  the  savages." 

The  success  of  this  hrilliant  action  was  owing  not  only  to  the  admirable 
discipline  which  General  Wayne  had  introduced,  but  to  his  method  of  ex- 
tending his  line,  and  forming  his  troops  in  open  order,  and  charging  rapidly 
upon  the  Indians,  rousing  them  from  their  coverts  at  the  point  of  the  bayo- 
net,  and  pouring  in  upon  them  a  deadly  fire  before  they  could  again  find 
shelter.  This  system  has  been  more  or  less  practised  upon  in  all  our  sub- 
sequent Indian  wars. 

The  gallant  bearing  of  Lieutenant  Harrison  in  this  action,  was  thus 
noticed  by  General  Wayne,  in  his  despatch  to  the  Secretary  of  War  :  "  My 
faithful  and  gallant  aid-de-camp,  Lieutenant  Harrison,  rendered  the  most 
essential  serv'ice  by  communicating  my  orders  in  every  direction,  and  by 
his  conduct  and  bravery  exciting  the  troops  to  press  for  victory." 

The  result  of  the  battle  of  the  Maumee  Rapids  greatly  disheartened  the 
Indians  ;  and  their  discontent  became  very  soon  apparent  at  the  vacillating 
conduct  of  the  commander  of  the  British  fort,  who,  after  their  disastrous 
defeat,  refused  to  take  part  in  their  behalf.  Two  of  the  most  powerful 
chiefs,  Little  Turtle  and  Buckongelas,  beginning  to  doubt  the  power  of  the 
English  to  protect  them,  and  learning  to  respect  our  strength,  openly  decla- 
red in  favor  of  the  United  States ;  and,  through  their  influence,  negotia- 
tions for  peace  were  opened  on  the  first  of  January,  1795.  This  led  to  the 
treaty  of  Greenville,  by  which  the  Indians  relinquished  an  immense  terri- 
tory  to  the  United  States.  The  news  of  Wayne's  victory  had  a  favorable 
effect  upon  our  pending  negotiations  in  London,  and  is  supposed  to  have 
enabled  our  minister,  Mr.  Jay,  to  secure  the  assent  of  Lord  Grenville  to 
the  surrender  to  the  United  States  of  all  the  forts  held  and  occupied  by  the 
British  in  the  north-west,  within  the  jurisdiction  of  our  government.  The 
settlers  had  now  uninterrupted  possession  of  the  disputed  territory,  and  em- 
igration rapidly  progressed. 

Soon  after  the  close  of  this  campaign.  Lieutenant  Harrison  received  the 
commission  of  a  captain,  and  was  placed  in  command  of  Fort  Washington, 
under  circumstances  which  evinced  the  high  estimation  in  which  his  talents 
and  discretion  were  held  by  General  Wayne.  At  this  period  France  was 
at  war  with  Spain  ;  and  certain  agents  of  the  French  government  had  been 
sent  to  Kentucky  by  Genet,  the  French  minister,  and  were  then  diligently 
employed  in  exciting  the  gallant  people  of  that  state  to  an  invasion  of  Lou- 
isiana, by  which  means  they  hoped  to  embroil  our  country  in  a  war  with 
Spain.  General  Wayne  received  instructions  to  adopt  every  precaution  to 
prevent  the  occurrence  of  such  a  result ;  and  in  giving  the  command  of 
Fort  Washington  to  Captain  Harrison,  he  left  with  him  extensive  discre- 
tionary powers  in  relation  to  the  management  of  this  delicate  responsibility. 
About  this  time,  too,  in  compliance  with  the  terms  of  Jay's  treaty,  the  mil- 
itary posts,  which,  in  defiance  of  good  faith,  had  been  established  by  the 
British  on  our  north-western  frontier,  were  given  up  to  the  United  States ; 
and  Captain  Harrison  was  charged  with  the  important  duty  of  despatching 
from  Fort  Washington  the  troops  destined  to  take  possession  of  the  surren 


364  HARRISON. 

dered  forts,  and  of  forwarding  through  the  wilderness  the  stores  and  mu- 
nitions  of  war  necessary  for  these  remote  posts. 

"  It  is  no  slight  evidence,"  says  Hall,  in  his  memoir  of  Harrison,  "  of 
the  prudence,  ability,  and  intelligence  of  Harrison,  that,  at  an  early  age, 
and  with  the  rank  only  of  captain,  he  was  selected  by  the  discriminating 
Wayne  to  discharge  duties  so  important,  and  to  exercise  a  responsibility  so 
delicate.  It  is  enough  to  say  that  in  this,  as  well  as  on  various  subsequent 
trusts  reposed  in  him  throughout  a  long  career,  he  honorably  vindicated, 
by  his  fidelity  and  zeal,  the  choice  of  the  appointing  power." 

Captain  Harrison  remained  at  Fort  Washington,  discharging  liis  arduous 
and  complicated  duties  with  boldness  and  punctuality.  While  there,  he 
married  the  daughter  of  John  Cleves  Symmes,  the  founder  of  the  Miami 
settlements.  "  She  has  been,"  says  Hall,  "  the  faithful  companion  of 
this  distinguished  patriot,  during  the  various  perils  and  vicissitudes  of  his 
eventful  life,  and  still  lives  to  witness  the  maturity  of  his  fame^  and  the 
honors  paid  him  by  a  grateful  country." 

On  the  death  of  General  Wayne,  in  1797,  Captain  Harrison  left  the 
army,  and  received  his  first  civil  appointment,  as  Secretary  and  ex-officio 
Lieutenant-Governor  of  the  North- Western  Territory.  While  in  this  sta- 
tion, he  entered  so  warmly  into  the  interests  of  the  people,  that  when,  in 
the  following  year,  the  North- Western  Territory  was  declared  to  be  enti- 
tled to  a  representation  in  Congress,  Mr.  Harrison  was  almost  unanimously 
elected  their  first  delegate  to  Congress.  He  was  at  this  time  about  twenty- 
six  years  of  age.  He  took  his  seat  in  the  House  of  Representatives  at 
the  first  session  of  the  sixth  Congress,  in  December,  1799.  At  this  period, 
the  all-engrossing  subject  in  the  west,  and  one  in  which  the  whole  country 
had  a  deep  interest,  was  the  disposition  of  the  public  lands.  The  manner 
in  which  these  lands  had  been  hitherto  disposed  of,  had  created  great  dis- 
satisfaction among  the  people.  These  lands  had  been  sold  only  in  large 
tracts,  the  smallest  of  which  included,  at  least,  four  thousand  acres  ;  and 
as  the  minimum  price  was  at  that  time  two  dollars  per  acre,  a  great  ma- 
jority of  the  new  settlers  were  utterly  precluded  from  becoming  possessors 
of  land  by  an  original  purchase  from  the  government.  Our  hardy  yeo- 
manry, with  limited  pecuniary  means,  were  tlms  entirely  shut  out  from 
all  chance  of  competition  with  wealthy  speculators  and  grasping  monop- 
olists— the  poorer  emigrants  were  becoming  disheartened  at  the  chilling 
prospects  before  them,  and  the  settlement  of  the  new  country  was  greatly 
retarded.  Fully  aware  of  the  impolicy  and  injustice  of  this  state  of  things, 
and  true  to  the  trust  confided  to  him,  Mr.  Harrison's  earliest  legislative 
efforts  were  made  to  overthrow  this  exclusive  and  pernicious  system.  He 
aroused  the  attention  of  Congress  to  the  consideration  of  this  important  sub- 
ject,  and  evinced  so  intimate  an  acquaintance  with  the  facts  and  business 
details  connected  with  it,  that  he  was  appointed  chairman  of  a  committee 
raised  to  examine  into  and  report  on  the  existing  mode  of  disposing  of  the 
public  lands;  the  only  instance,  it  is  believed,  in  which -that  honor  has 
been  conferred  on  a  territorial  delegate.  After  a  proper  investigation,  he 
presented  a  report,  accompanied  by  a  bill,  the  principal  object  of  which  was 
to  reduce  the  size  of  the  tracts  of  public  land  offered  for  sale,  to  such  a 
smaller  number  of  acres  as  would  place  them  within  the  reacn  of  actual 


HARRISON.  365 

snttlors.  This  mastorly  report,  which  was  the  joint  production  of  him- 
self and  Mr.  Galhitin,  tnrr,>ther  with  the  great  ability  and  eloriuonce 
with  which  he*  defended  his  hill  from  the  powerful  opposition  it  encountered 
in  tlie  House,  gained  Mr.  Harrison  a  reputation  rarely  attained  hy  .so  young 
a  statesman.  "The  hill  was  carried  triumphantly  in  the  House,  and  fuialiy, 
after  some  amendments,  passed  the  Senate.  The  result  was,  that  the  pulj- 
lic  lands,  instead  of  being  offered  only  in  large  tracts,  of  which  four  thou- 
sand acres  was  the  smallest  size,  were  now  to  be  sold  in  alternate  sections 
and  half  sections — the  former  containing  six  hundred  and  forty,  and  the 
latter  three  hundred  and  twenty  acres  each- 

In  the  year  1800,  the  North-Western  Territory  was  divided.  That  part 
of  the  old  territory  included  within  the  present  boundaries  of  Ohio  and 
Michigan,  retained  its  former  name  ;  and  the  immense  extent  of  country 
north-west  of  this,  was  erected  into  a  separate  government,  and  received 
the  name  of  Indiana.  Soon  after  this  division  had  taken  place,  31r.  Har- 
rison resigned  his  seat  in  Congress,  and  was  appointed  governor  of  the  new 
territory.  This  appointment  gave  great  satisfaction  to  the  peoph  of  Indi- 
ana, with  whom  the  patriotic  exertions  of  Mr.  Harrison  had  rcnc'ered  him 
deservedly  popular. 

As  governor  of  this  territory,  Mr.  Harrison  was  invested  w'll h  extraor- 
dinary civil  power,  as  well  as  with  military  authority.  Besides  the  ordi- 
nary powers  which  he  held,  ex-ojflcio,  as  governor,  he  had  the  sole  power 
of  dividing  the  district  into  counties  and  townships  ;  and,  with  the  aid  of 
the  judges,  had  full  authority  to  adopt  and  publish  such  laws,  both  civil 
and  criminal,  of  the  original  states,  as  might  be  necessary  and  best  adapt- 
ed to  the  wants  and  situation  of  the  district;  and  he  had  the  appointment 
of  all  the  magistrates  and  other  civil  ofBcers.  He  was  made  commander- 
in-chief  of  the  militia,  and  all  the  officers  below  the  rank  of  general  received 
their  commissions  from  him.  He  was  likewise  appointed  superintendent 
of  Indian  affairs,  and  agent  and  representative  of  the  general  government; 
in  performance  of  the  duties  of  which  office,  he  was  required  to  keep  up  a 
constant  and  voluminous  correspondence  with  the  Cabinet  at  Washington. 
He  had  also  the  unusual  power  of  conferring  on  a  numerous  class  of  indi- 
viduals a  legal  title  to  large  grants  of  land,  on  which  they  before  held 
merely  an  equitable  claim.  His  sole  signature  was  sufficient,  without  any 
other  formality,  to  give  a  valid  title  to  these  extensive  and  valuable  tracts 
of  land.  No  other  formality  or  publicity  was  required.  Possessed  of  this 
immense  power,  with  opportunities  to  have  amassed  wealth  by  millions,  he 
never  availed  himself  of  the  opportunity  to  enhance  his  own  private  in- 
terests, directly  or  indirectly ;  and  not  a  breath  of  suspicion  ever  clouded 
his  honor  or  honesty. 

In  180^,  Governor  Harrison  was  appointed  by  President  .Teffeison  sole 
"commissioner  to  enter  into  any  treaties  which  might  be  necessary  with 
any  Indian  tribes  north-west  of  the  Ohio,  and  within  the  territory  of  the 
United  States,  on  the  subject  of  their  boundaries  or  lands."  By  virtue  of 
this  authorhy,  in  the  following  year,  Harrison  succeeded  in  negotiating  a 
treaty  with  the  Sacs  and  Foxes ;  and  besides  the  amicable  relations  estab- 
lished with  those  tribes,  he  obtained  the  cession  of  an  extensive  tract  of 
country,  including  the  whole  of  the  valuable   region  between  the   river 


366  HARRISON. 

Illinois  and  the  Mississippi,  with  a  northern  boundary,  stretching  from  the 
head  of  Fox  river  to  a  point  on  the  Wisconsin,  thirty-six  miles  above  its 
mouth.  This  was  the  largest  cession  of  lands  that  had  ever  y*et  been  made 
by  the  Indians  at  any  one  time.  Considerable  tracts  of  land  between  the 
Ohio  and  the  Wabash,  and  extending  from  Vincennes  westward  to  the 
Mississippi,  were  lilvcwise  purchased  by  annuities  from  the  Delawares  and 
the  Miamies. 

For  thirteen  years,  Mr.  Harrison  filled  the  office  of  governor  of  this  ter- 
ritory, the  people  of  which  were  almost  universally  attached  to  him.  A 
strong  instance  of  this  attachment  is  found  in  the  following  extract  from  a 
resolution  unanimously  adopted  by  the  House  of  Representatives  of  Indi- 
ana, in  1809 :  "  They  (the  House  of  Representatives)  cannot  forbear 
recommend  in  o-  to,  and  requesting  of,  the  President  and  Senate,  most  ear- 
nestly in  their  own  names,  and  in  the  names  of  their  constituents,  the  re- 
appointment of  the  present  governor,  William  Henry  Harrison  ;  because 
he  possesses  the  good  wishes  and  affection  of  a  great  majority  of  his  fellow- 
citizens  ;  because  they  believe  him  sincerely  attached  to  the  Union,  the 
prosperity  of  the  United  States,  and  the  administration  of  its  government ; 
because  they  believe  him  in  a  superior  degree  capable  of  promoting  the 
interest  of  our  territory,  from  long  experience  and  laborious  attention  to  its 
concerns,  from  his  influence  over  the  Indians,  and  wise  and  disinterested 
manao-ement  of  that  department ;  and  because  they  have  confidence  in  his 
virtues,  talents,,  and  republicanism." 

In  1805,  the  territory  having  entered  upon  the  second  grade  of  govern- 
ment, the  people  were  allowed  a  legislature.  They  elected  members  of 
the  lower  House,  and  this  body  nominated  ten  persons,  out  of  whom  five 
were  selected  by  Congress  to  form  the  Territorial  Council.  Governor  Har- 
rison warmly  urged  this  change,  although  it  deprived  him  personally  of 
much  power  and  patronage. 

In  the  year  1806,  the  friendly  relations  which  had  for  some  time  existed 
with  the  Indians,  were  broken  by  the  intrigues  of  the  two  celebrated  chiefs 
of  the  Shawnee  tribe,  Tecumseh  and  the  Prophet.  The  design  of  these 
arch-intriguers  was  to  form  a  confederacy  of  all  the  nortli  and  south-western 
tribes,  for  the  purpose  of  preventing  the  whites  from  extending  their  new 
settlements  further  west,  and  by  striking  a  deadly  blow  simultaneously 
along  our  ill-defended  and  extensive  frontier,  to  expel  the  whites  from  the 
valleys  of  the  west.  It  is  now  a  matter  of  history  that  British  emissaries 
from  Canada  were  employed  in  forming  alliances  with  the  most  powerful 
chiefs,  and  fomenting  their  hostility  against  the  Americans.  These  move- 
ments amongst  the  tribes  did  not  escape  the  vigilance  of  Governor  Harrison, 
who,  by  a  prudent  course  of  policy,  for  several  years  kept  the  savages  in 
check.  In  the  summer  of  1808,  the  Prophet  encamped  with  his  followers 
on  the  banks  of  the  Tippecanoe.  Conscious  that  Governor  Harrison  sus- 
pected the  hostile  designs  of  the  chiefs,  this  cunning  impostor  formed  the 
audacious  resolve  to  visit  the  governor,  and  lull  his  suspicions  by  tne 
warmest  protestations  of  friendship.  He  visited  Vincennes,  proclaimed 
himself  amicably  disposed  to  the  Americans,  returned  to  Tippecanoe,  and 
renewed  his  intrigues,  intelligence  of  which  was  immediately  conveyed  to 
the  governor. 

* 


HARRISON  367 

In  1809,  Governor  Harrison  held  a  council  at  Fort  Wayne,  wi.h  the  chiefa 
of  the  Miamies,  Delawarcs,  Potawatoniies,  and  Kickapoos,  which  resulted  in 
the  cession  of  an  extensive  tract  of  country  on  both  sides  the  Wabash,  and  up 
that  river  for  more  than  sixty  miles  above  Vincennes.  Tecumsch  and  the 
Prophet  aOectcd  groat  dissatisfiiction  at  this  treaty  ;  upon  which  Governor 
Harrison  sent  word  to  the  Prophet,  that  ho  might  come  forward  and  exhibit 
any  title  he  had  to  any  portion  of  the  lands  transferred  by  the  treaty,  and 
if  it  was  fovmd  just  and  equitable,  the  lands  would  be  restored,  or  an  ample 
e^quivalent  given  for  them. 

On  the  12th  August,  1810,  Tccumseh  visited  Governor  Harrison  at  Vin- 
cennes. The  governor  had  sent  him  word  not  to  bring  more  than  thirty 
warriors  with  him,  but  he  appeared  with  over  three  hundred,  all  completely 
armed.  His  excuse  for  this  conduct  was  the  pretended  belief  of  intended 
treachery  on  the  part  of  the  whites.  Tecumseh  addressed  this  council  in 
an  animated  speech,  openly  avowing  the  designs  of  himself  and  his  brother, 
which  were,  to  form  a  coalition  of  all  the  red  men,  to  prevent  the  whites 
from  extending  their  settlements  farther  west,  and  to  establish  the  principle 
that  the  Indian  lands  belonged  in  common  to  all  the  tribes,  and  could  not 
be  sold  without  their  united  consent. 

In  reply,  Governor  Harrison  said  that,  "  when  the  white  people  arrived 
on  this  continent,  they  found  the  Miamies  in  the  occupation  of  all  the  coun- 
try on  the  Wabash,  and  at  that  time  the  Shawnees  were  residents  of 
Georgia,  from  which  they  were  driven  by  the  Creeks.  The  lands  have 
been  purchased  from  the  Miamies,  who  were  the  true  and  original  owners 
of  it.  It  is  ridiculous  to  assert  that  all  the  Indians  are  one  nation  ;  for  if 
such  had  been  the  intention  of  the  Great  Spirit,  he  would  not  have  put  six 
different  tongues  into  their  heads,  but  would  have  taught  them  all  to  speak 
one  language. 

"  The  Miamies  have  found  it  to  their  interest  to  sell  a  part  of  their  lands, 
and  to  receive  for  them  a  further  annuity,  in  addition  to  what  they  have 
long  enjoyed,  and  the  benefit  of  which  they  have  experienced  from  the 
punctuality  with  which  the  seventeen  fires*  comply  with  their  engage- 
ments ;  and  the  Shawnees  have  no  right  to  come  from  a  distant  country  to 
control  the  Miamies  in  the  disposal  of  their  own  property."  ■ 

The  interpreter  delivered  this  reply ;  and  the  moment  he  finished,  Te- 
cumseh bounded  from  the  earth,  and,  with  the  most  furious  gesticulations, 
cried  out,  "It  is  false  !"  As  he  uttered  this,  his  band  of  forty  warriors, 
who  were  present,  sprung  to  their  feet,  and  began  to  brandish  their  toma- 
hawks and  war-clubs.  The  governor  was  attended  by  only  a  few  unarmed 
citizens,  his  honorary  guard  of  twelve  soldiers  having  been  directed  to 
occupy  a  shady  place  at  a  distance.  His  situation  was  perilous.  Every 
one  expected  to  hear  the  yell  of  the  savages,  and  to  encounter  their  fierce 
attack.  Governor  Harrison  immediately  rose,  and  drew  his  sword — a 
friendly  chief  cocked  a  pistol  with  which  he  was  armed,  and  some  of  the 
persons  in  attendance  seized  such  weapons  as  were  within  their  reuch,  and 
stood  on  the  defensive.  Not  a  word  was  spoken  until  the  guard  hastily 
approached,  and  were  about  to  fire  on  the  Indians,  when  the  governor,  with 


368  HARRISON. 

singular  coolness  and  presence  of  mind,  restrained  them.  He  then  tuniea 
to  Tecumseh,  and  calmly  but  authoritatively  told  him  that  "  he  was  a  bad 
man — that  he  would  hold  no  further  communication  with  him — and  that  he 
must  now  return  to  his  camp,  and  take  his  departure  from  the  settlements 
without  delay." 

The  council  immediately  broke  up,  and  Tecumseh  and  his  warriors, 
overawed  by  the  calmness  and  intrepidity  of  the  governor,  withdrew  to  their 
camp.  The  next  morning,  the  haughty  chief,  apologizing  for  his  conduct, 
desired  a  renewal  of  the  council.  Governor  Harrison  consented,  taking 
the  precaution  to  have  two  companies  of  militia  under  arms,  to  protect  Vin- 
cennes.  The  chief,  at  the  succeeding  interviews,  treated  the  governor  with 
perfect  respect,  but  insisted  on  the  grounds  he  had  before  taken — adding 
that  he  was  then  on  his  way  to  the  Creek  nation,  for  the  purpose  of  bring- 
ing them  over  to  his  measures ;  and  he  actually  did,  two  days  afterwards, 
set  out  on  this  journey  with  twelve  or  fifteen  warriors. 

Anxious  if  possible  to  win  over  the  chief  to  a  desire  for  peace.  Governor 
Harrison  visited  him  in  his  wigwam,  but  Tecumseh  would  not  abate  in  his 
demands,  and  the  governor  indignantly  rejected  his  offers  of  wampum  in 
atonement  for  murders  committed  by  his  tribe.  The  governor  again  re- 
minded him  that  the  President  would  never  accede  to  his  claims  upon  the 
territory  purchased  at  the  treaty  of  Wayne  ;  to  which  the  haughty  chief 
replied,  "  Well,  as  the  great  chief  is  to  determine  the  matter,  I  liope  the 
Great  Spirit  will  put  sense  enough  in  his  head  to  induce  him  to  direct  you 
to  give  up  this  land.  It  is  true,  he  is  so  far  off  that  he  will  not  be  injured 
by  the  war.  He  may  sit  still  in  his  town,  and  drink  his  wine,  while  you 
and  I  have  to  fight  it  out." 

At  the  winter  session  of  the  legislature  of  Indiana,  in  1810,  Governor  Har- 
rison  in  his  message  recapitulates  the  transactions  connected  with  the  treaty 
of  Wayne,  and  alludes  to  the'clamors  of  foreign  agents  and  disaffeeted  per- 
sons, who  had  charged  that  the  Indians  had  been  defrauded  by  that  treaty. 
An  obscure  man,  of  the  name  of  M'Intosh,  openly  asserted  that  the  gover- 
nor had  cheated  the  Indians  ;  and  the  calumny  having  been  industriously 
circulated.  Governor  Harrison  thought  it  due  to  himself  and  the  character 
of  the  government,  that  the  charge  should  be  fully  investigated.  An  action 
for  slander  was  therefore  brought  against  M'Intosh,  in  the  Supreme  Court . 
of  the  territory.  All  the  facts  connected  with  the  negotiation  of  the  treaty 
of  Fort  Wayne  were  critically  inquired  into,  and  the  defendant  was  allow- 
ed every  opportunity  to  examine  all  the  persons  engaged  in  the  Indian  de- 
partment, or  who  were  acquainted  with  the  circumstances  attendant  upon 
the  making  of  this  treaty.  But  the  more  the  subject  was  inquired  into, 
the  more  clearly  did  it  manifest  the  strict  honor  and  integrity  of  Governor 
Harrison;  until,  at  length,  convinced  of  this,  the  counsel  of  M'Intosh  aban- 
doned all  plea  of  justification,  and  asked  only  for  a  mitigation  of  damages. 
The  jury  returned  a  verdict  of  four  thousand  dollars  against  the  defendant 
— a  heavy  verdict  in  a  new  country,  where  money  is  always  scarce,  and 
damages  given  by  juries  in  such  cases  are  generally  very  small.  A  large 
amount  of  the  defendant's  property  was  sold  the  following  year  to  satisfy 
this  judgment,  and  was  bought  in  by  the  agent  of  the  governor,  while  he 
himself  was  absent  in  command  of  the  army.      Two-thirds  of  this  property 


HARRISON.  369 

Governor  Harrison  afterioards  returned  to  MTiifosh,  and  the  remainder  he 
distributed  among  the  orphan  children  of  some,  of  his  gallant  fellow-citizens 
wliofcll  in  battle  during  the  last  war  ! 

In  the  year  1811,  the  Indians  proceeded  to  open  violence.  The  whole 
frontier  was  in  a  state  of  alarm,  and  loudly  called  for  the  protection  of  the 
government.  President  Madison  directed  the  fourth- regiment,  commanded 
hy  Colonel  Boyd,  then  stationed  at  Pittsburgh,  to  repair  without  delay  to 
Vincennes.  Instructions  were  also  sent  to  Governor  Harrison  to  march 
with  an  armed  force  upon  the  Prophet's  town,  but  to  avoid  hostilities  "  of 
any  kind,  or  to  any  degree  not  absolutely  necessary."  The  governor  im- 
mediately assembled  five  hundred  of  the  militia  and  volunteers  of  Indiana, 
which,  with  the  fourth  regiment,  consisting  of  about  three  hundred  and  fifty 
men,  and  a  small  but  gallant  body  of  volunteers  from  Kentucky,  constitu 
ted  his  whole  available  force,  amounting  to  about  nine  hundred  men. 
These  troops  were  collected  at  Fort  Harrison,  about  sixty  miles  above 
Vincennes,  from  which,  as  soon  as  the  troops  were  properly  disciplined,  he 
took  up  his  line  of  march  for  the  Prophet's  town.  He  left  Fort  Harrison 
on  the  28th  October,  1811,  and  on  the  evening  of  the  5th  November  en- 
camped his  army  at  the  distance  of  nine  or  ten  miles  from  the  Prophet's 
town.  On  the  following  day,  the  march  was  conducted  with  the  greatest 
caution,  to  prevent  surprise.  About  mid-day,  scouts  of  the  Indians  were 
discovered,  and  the  interpreters  called  to  them,  but  they  answered  only 
with  menacing  gestures.  Arriving  at  a  favorable  spot,  within  a  mile  and 
a  half  from  the  town,  the  governor  determined  to  encamp,  and  fortify  his 
position,  until  he  could  hear  from  the  friendly  Indians  whom  he  had  de- 
spatched to  the  Prophet  on  the  day  he  left  Fort  Harrison.  Afterwards 
Captain  Dubois,  of  Vincennes,  was  despatched  with  an  interpreter  to  the 
Prophet,  to  ascertain  whether  he  intended  to  comply  with  the  terms  propo- 
sed. The  army  moved  slowly  onward,  in  order  of  battle.  The  Indians 
attempted  to  cut  off  Captain  Dubois.  The  governor  now  determined  to 
treat  them  as  open  enemies,  and  moved  on  with  a  determination  to  attack 
them.  He  had  not  proceeded  far,  however,  before  a  deputation  from  the 
Prophet  came  in,  who  declared  that  he  wished  if  possible  to  avoid  hostil- 
ities, and  had  sent  a  pacific  message  in  answer  to  that  of  the  governor,  but 
that  the  messengers  had  unfortunately  missed  the  army  by  returning  down 
the  south  side  of  the  Wabash.  A  suspension  of  hostilities  was  agreed 
upon ;  but  Harrison  knew  too  well  the  artful  treachery  of  his  antagonist 
to  be  deceived.  He  posted  his  troops  on  a  carefully  chosen  position,  about 
three-fourths  of  a  mile  from  Tippecanoe.  The  place  selected  was  a  dry 
piece  of  ground,  which  rose  some  ten  feet  above  the  level  of  a  marshy 
prairie  in  front  towards  the  town,  and  about  twice  as  high  above  a  similar 
prairie  in  the  rear  ;  through  which,  near  the  bank,  ran  a  small  stream, 
clothed  with  willows  and  brushwood.  On  the  left  of  the  encampment, 
this  bench  of  land  became  wider ;  on  the  right  it  gradually  narrowed, 
and  terminated  in  an  abrupt  point,  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  yards 
from  the  right  flank.  The  two  columns  of  infantry  occupied  the  front 
and  rear.  The  right  flank,  being  about  eight  yards  wide,  was  filled 
with  Captain  Spencer's  company  of  eighty  men.  The  left  flank,  about 
one    hundred    and    fifty    yards   in   extent,  was  composed  of  three  com- 

48 


370  HARRISON. 

panies   of    naounted   riflemen,    under    General    Wells,    commanding   as 
Major. 

On  the  night  of  the  6th  of  November,  (says  M'Afee,  the  historian  of  this 
battle,)  the  troops  went  to  rest,  as  usual,  with  their  clothes  and  accoutre- 
ments on,  and  their  arms  by  their  sides.  The  officers  were  ordered  to 
sleep  in  the  same  manner,  and  it  was  the  governor's  invariable  practice  to 
be  ready  to  mount  his  horse  at  a  moment's  warning.  On  the  morning  of 
the  7th,  he  arose  at  a  quarter  before  four  o'clock,  and  sat  by  the  fire  con. 
versing  with  the  gentlemen  of  his  family,  who  were  reclining  on  their 
blankets  waiting  for  the  signal,  which  in  a  few  minutes  would  have  been 
given,  for  the  troops  to  turn  out.  The  orderly  drum  had  already  been 
roused  for  the  reveille.  The  moon  had  risen,  but  afforded  little  light,  in 
consequence  of  being  overshadowed  by  clouds,  which  occasionally  dis- 
charged a  drizzling  rain.     At  this  moment  the  attack  commenced.* 

The  treacherous  Indians  had  crept  up  so  near  the  sentries  as  to  hear 
them  challenge  when  relieved.  They  intended  to  rush  upon  the  sentries, 
and  kill  them  before  they  could  fire  ;  but  one  of  them  discovered  an  Indian 
creeping  towards  him  in  the  grass,  and  fired.  This  was  immediately  fol- 
lowed by  the  Indian  yell,  and  a  desperate  charge  upon  the  left  flank.  The 
guard  in  that  quarter  gave  way,  and  abandoned  their  officer  without  making 
any  resistance.  Captain  Barton's  company  of  regulars,  and  Captain 
Guiger's  company  of  mounted  riflemen,  forming  the  left  angle  of  the  rear 
line,  received  the  first  onset.  The  fire  there  was  excessive  ;  but  the  troops, 
who  had  lain  on  their  arms,  were  immediately  prepared  to  receive,  and  had 
gallantry  to  resist,  the  furious  savage  assailants. 

The  manner  of  the  attack  was  calculated  to  discourage  and  terrify  the 
men ;  yet  as  soon  as  they  could  be  formed  and  posted,  they  maintained 
their  ground  with  desperate  valor,  though  but  few  of  them  had  ever  before 
been  in  battle.  The  fires  of  the  camp  were  extinguished  immediately,  as 
the  light  they  afforded  was  more  serviceable  to  the  Indians  than  to  our  men.f 

In  the  mean  time,  the  attacks  on  Spencer's  and  Warwick's  companies, 
on  the  right,  became  very  severe.  Captain  Spencer  and  his  lieutenants 
were  all  killed,  and  Captain  Warwick  was  mortally  wounded.  The  gov- 
ernor, in  passing  towards  that  flank,  found  Captain  Robb's  company  near 
the  centre  of  the  camp.  They  had  been  driven  from  their  post ;  or  rather 
had  fallen  back  without  orders.  He  led  them  to  the  aid  of  Captain  Spen- 
cer, where  they  fought  very  bravely,  having  seventeen  men  killed  during 
the  battle.  While  the  governor  was  leading  this  company  into  action, 
Colonel  Owen,  his  aid,  was  killed  at  his  side.     This  gallant  officer  was 

*  Upon  the  first  alarm,  the  governor  mounted  his  horse,  and  proceeded  towards  the 
point  of  attack  ;  and  finding  the  hne  much  weakened  there,  he  ordered  two  companies 
from  the  centre  of  the  rear  Hne  to  march  up,  and  form  across  the  angle  in  the  rear  of 
Barton's  and  Guiger's  companies.  In  passing  through  the  camp  towards  the  left  of  the 
front  line,  he  met  with  Major  Daviess,  who  informed  him  that  the  Indians,  concealed  be. 
hind  some  trees  near  the  line,  were  annoying  the  troops  very  severely  in  that  quarter, 
and  requested  permission  to  dislodge  them.  In  attempting  this  exploit,  he  fell  mortally 
wounded,  as  did  Colonel  Isaac  White,  of  Indiana,  who  acted  as  a  volunteer  in  his  troop. 
— Judge  Hall. 

t  Except  those  of  Barton's  and  Guiger's  companies,  which  the  suddenness  of  the  at- 
tack lef,  no  time  to  put  out. — lb. 


HARRISON.  371 

mounted  on  a  white  horse;  and  as  the  governor  had  ridden  a  gray  on  tho 
day  before,  it  is  probable  that  Owen  was  mistaken  for  him,  as  it  is  certain 
tliat  he  was  Icilied  by  one  of  the  only  Indians  who  broke  through  the  lines, 
and  who  are  supposed  to  have  resolved  to  sacrifice  themselves  in  an  attempt 
to  insure  victory  by  killing  the  commander-in-chief.  .  The  governor  hap- 
pened not  to  be  mounted  on  his  own  gray ;  his  servai^t  had  accidentally 
tied  that  animal  apart  from  the  other  horses  belonging  to  the  general  stafT, 
and  in  the  confusion  occasioned  by  the  attack,  not  being  able  to  find  this 
horse  as  quickly  as  was  desirable,  the  governor  mounted  another. 

Captain  Pvescott's  company  of  U.  S.  infantry  had  filled  up  the  vacancy 
caused  by  the  retreat  of  Robb's  company.  Soon  after  Daviess  was  wound- 
ed. Captain  Snelling,  by  order  of  the  governor,  charged  upon  the  same 
Indians,  and  dislodged  them  with  considerable  loss.  The  battle  was  now 
maintained  on  all  sides  with  desperate  valor.  The  Indians  advanced  and 
retreated  by  a  rattling  noise  made  with  deer  hoofs :  they  fought  with  en- 
thusiasm, and  seemed  determined  on  victory  or  death. 

As  soon  as  it  was  daylight,  the  companies  of  Snelling,  Posey,  Scott,  and 
Wilson,  were  taken  from  the  rear,  and  formed  on  the  left  flank ;  and  those 
of  Cook  and  Baen  were  ordered  to  the  right.  General  Wells  was  directed 
to  command  the  corps  on  the  left,  and  with  the  aid  of  some  dragoons,  who 
were  now  mounted,  to  charge  the  enemy  in  that  direction.  The  service 
was  gallantly  performed,  and  the  Indians  were  driven  into  a  swamp,  where 
the  cavalry  could  not  follow.  At  the  same' time.  Cook's  and  Lieutenant 
Larrabe's  companies,  with  the  aid  of  the  riflemen  and  militia  on  the  right 
flank,  charged  the  Indians,  and  put  them  to  flight  in  that  quarter,  which 
terminated  the  battle. 

The  Prophet  took  no  part  in  this  battle,  but  during  the  whole  of  the  con- 
test remained  secure  upon  a  neighboring  eminence,  chanting  a  war-song. 
He  had  practised  the  arts  of  a  conjurer,  and  promised  his  warriors  that 
"  the  Great  Spirit  would  turn  the  powder  of  the  whites  into  ashes,  and 
charm  their  bullets,  so  that  they  should  drop  harmless,  and  that  the  red 
men  should  have  light,  while  their  enemies  were  involved  in  utter  dark- 
ness!" Soon  after  the  battle  commenced,  he  was  told  that  his  warriors 
were  falling  in  great  numbers,  but  he  bade  them  fight  on,  and  they  would 
soon  see  the  fulfilment  of  all  his  predictions. 

On  the  next  day,  the  Prophet's  town,  which  had  been  hastily  abandoned 
by  the  Indians,  was  occupied  by  our  troops,  who  destroyed  the  fortifica- 
tions, and  burnt  the  town  itself.  After  taking  care  of  the  wounded,  and 
paying  the  last  mournful  rites  to  the  remains  of  those  who  had  fallen,  the 
troops  were  put  in  motion  on  their  homeward  march  to  Vincennes. 

The  importance  of  the  victory  at  Tippecanoe  has  never  been  over-esti- 
mated. It  destroyed  the  potent  influence  of  the  Prophet,  and  defeated  the 
combination  among  the  tribes,  which  would  certainly  have  followed,  had 
our  army  been  overpowered.  All  the  historians  of  this  battle  concur  in 
rendering  to  Governor  Harrison  the  meed  of  praise  for  his  daring  intrepid- 
ity and  gallant  conduct  in  this  hard-fought  action.  President  Madison 
called  to  it  the  special  attention  of  Congress,  and  the  legislatures  of  Indiana 
and  Kentucky  passed  the  most  flattering  enconiums  upon  the  illustrious 
commander. 


372  HARRISON. 

On  the  18th  June,  1812,  war  was  declared  against  Great  Britain  :  and 
the  whole  west,  ready  to  rally  to  the  standard  of  the  country,  were  anxious 
that  Governor  Harrison  should  be  placed  in  command.  He  was  accord- 
ingly appointed  by  the  governor  of  Kentucky  a  brevet  Major-General  of 
militia,  and  placed  in  command  of  the  gallant  volunteers  raised  for  the 
succor  of  Detroit,  and  other  posts  on  the  frontier.  The  ignoble  surrender 
of  Hull  defeated  the  plans  of  the  campaign.  Soon  after,  General  Win- 
chester was  appointed  a  Major-General  in  the  army,  and  Governor  Har- 
rison  received  at  the  same  time  the  commission  of  a  Brigadier-General. 
This  appointment  he  declined,  being  desirous  that  the  war  department 
should  be  first  apprised  of  the  arrangement  by  wliich  he  had  been  placed 
in  command  of  the  Kentucky  troops.  The  appointment  of  Winchester  was 
injudicious,  and  created  great  dissatisfaction  throughout  tlie  west,  where 
the  people,  knowing  the  merits  of  Harrison,  were  desirous  that  he  should 
be  placed  in  command.  Governor  Harrison,  however,  endeavored  to  recon- 
cile the  troops  to  the  change.  Still  their  displeasure  at  having  been  de- 
prived of  their  favorite  commander  was  not  confined  to  lYiurmurs,  but 
created  open  disaffection,  and  almost  mutiny.  The  volunteers,  especially, 
were  loud  in  their  complaints  and  expressions  of  dissatisfaction  at  the  change 
of  commanders ;  and  the  troops  were  at  last  induced  to  continue  their 
march,  solely  by  the  belief  that  as  soon  as  the  case  was  rightly  understood 
at  Washington,  the  command  would  be  restored  to  Governor  Harrison. 

This  expectation  was  speedily  realized  ;  for  no  sooner  was  the  President 
made  aware  of  the  condition  of  the  army,  and  of  the  almost  unanimous 
wishes  of  the  western  people,  than  he  immediately  appointed  Harrison  m 
place  of  Winchester,  commander-in-chief  of  the  north-western  army.  The 
despatch  conveying  this  appointment  overtook  him  on  his  way  to  Indiana ; 
and,  with  a  small  escort,  he  returned,  without  delay,  to  the  army. 

His  arrival  was  at  a  fortunate  juncture.  A  revolt  had  already  taken 
place  in  one  of  the  regiments,  and  others  were  disaffected.  The  appear- 
ance of  their  l^eloved  commander  restored  all  to  order ;  and  when  he  ad- 
dressed them,  the  air  rung  with  their  huzzas.  From  that  time,  says  Judge 
Hall,  no  troops  were  more  faithful,  until  the  fatal  day  when  most  of  them 
gave  their  lives  to  their  country,  on  the  bloody  field  of  Raisin. 

The  objects  of  the  present  campaign  were,  to  retake  Detroit,  and  expel 
the  enemy  from  the  territory  of  the  United  States  ;  to  protect  our  frontiers, 
and  reduce  Maiden,  in  Upper  Canada.  General  Harrison  drew  up  his 
plan  of  operations  at  the  outset.  The  Rapids  of  the  Miami  of  the  Lakes 
was  the  point  of  concentration,  from  which  the  principal  movement  against 
the  enemy  was  to  be  made.  The  military  base  extended  from  Upper  San- 
dusky on  the  right,  to  Fort  Defiance  on  the  left. 

General  Harrison  now  advised  the  building  of  vessels  to  contend  with 
the  English  upon  the  lakes.  This  advice  was  soon  after  followed,  and 
the  wisdom  of  the  suggestion  was  evinced  by  repeated  naval  victories. 

General  Winchester  had  been  ordered  by  the  commander-in-chief  to 
advance  to  the  Rapids.  General  Harrison  reached  Upper  Sandusky  on 
the  18th  December,  and  Winchester  reached  the  Rapids  on  the  16th  Jan- 
uary, where  he  fortified  a  good  position.  While  here.  General  Winchester 
received  intelligence  of  the  advance  of  a  body  of  the  enenty  upon  the  rive/ 


HARRISON.  373 

Raisin  ;  aiul,  without  consulting  General  Harrison,  made  those  imprudent 
advances  which  resulted  in  the  massacre  of  the  river  Raisin,  and  the  de- 
feat at  Frenchtown.  The  instant  General  Harrison  was  apprised  of  the 
meditated  movements  of  Winchester,  he  exerted  hims'elf  to  avert  the  issue 
which  he  dreaded,  and  hastened  to  Winchester's  cam|i ;  but  the  news  of 
tlio  disasters  at  the  Raisin  reached  him  on  his  arrival  at  the  Rapids. 

After  Winchester's  defeat,  the  army  fell  back  upon  the  Portage,  eighteen 
miles,  wiiere  they  remained  till  the  last  of  January,  when  they  marched 
to  the  foot  of  the  Rapids.  Finding  it  impracticable  to  advance  upon  Mai- 
den this  season,  General  Harrison  now  had  iiis  camp  fortified,  and  gave  it 
the  name  of  Camp  Meigs.  He  now  repaired  to  Cincinnati  for  the  purpose 
of  urging  on  vigorous  preparations  for  a  spring  campaign.  He  repeated 
his  earnest  entreaties  to  the  government  to  place  a  fleet  on  the  lakes  ;  and 
to  his  exertions  was  it  principally  owing  that  the  gallant  Perry  was  at 
length  sent  to  Lake  Erie  to  superintend  the  equipment  of  a  fleet.  Hearing 
that  the  enemy  meditated  a  movement  against  Camp  Meigs,  General  Har- 
rison hastened  back  to  the  camp,  where  he  arrived  on  the  12th  of  April.  The 
morning  of  the  28th  brought  intelligence  of  the  advance  of  the  enemy,  and 
soon  after  the  British  troops  were  discovered  from  the  fort,  ascending  the  river 
in  vessels  and  boats,  while  the  Indians,  in  strong  force,  were  seen  approach- 
ing, at  the  same  time,  by  land.  The  British  disembarked  and  encamped 
at  the  old  station  on  the  Maumee,  nearly  two  miles  below  Fort  Meigs ;  and 
on  the  night  after  they  landed,  they  commenced  the  construction  of  three 
powerful  batteries,  on  the  north  side  of  the  river,  directly  opposite  our 
camp.  On  the  morning  of  the  1st  of  May,  the  English  artillerists  were  at 
their  guns.  Orders  were  given  in  the  American  camp  for  the  tents  to  be 
struck.  In  a  few  minutes  the  canvass  was  removed,  and  nothing  was  to 
be  seen  but  a  long  breast-work  of  earth,  behind  which  the  army  was  se- 
curely encamped.  The  Americans  had  erected  a  grand  traverse,  twelve 
feet  high,  running  entirely  across  the  camp,  upon  a  base  twenty  feet  broad, 
and  three  hundred  yards  long.  For  five  days  the  enemy  threw  a  continu- 
ous shower  of  balls,  but  with  very  little  effect.  General  Harrison  kept  up 
a  heavy  fire  in  the  mean  time. 

On  learning  the  approach  of  a  reinforcement  under  General  Clay,  Gen- 
eral Harrison  promptly  decided  upon  making  a  bold  effort  to  raise  the  siege 
by  a  simultaneous  attack  upon  the  enemy's  batteries  on  both  sides  the  river. 
Preparations  were  at  once  made  for  a  sortie  from  the  fort,  against  the  Brit- 
ish works  on  the  right  bank ;  and  an  officer  was  despatched  to  General 
Clay,  directing  him  to  land  six  or  eight  hundred  men  about  a  mile  above 
the  fort,  on  the  left  bank,  with  orders  to  march  with  great  secrecy  and  ra- 
pidity to  the  assault  of  the  batteries  in  that  quarter,  to  carry  them  by  storm, 
spike  the  cannon,  and  let  down  the  carriages,  and  then  hasten  to  their  boats, 
and  cross  over  to  the  camp.  The  sortie  from  the  fort  was  attended  with 
great  success.  The  detachment  ordered  to  this  service  consisted  of  three 
hundred  and  fifty  men,  a  part  of  whom  were  regulars,  and  the  remainder 
volunteers  and  Kentucky  militia,  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Miller,  of 
the  United  States  army.  These  brave  troops  attacked  a  body  of  British 
regulars  and  Indians,  of  more  than  double  their  number ;  but  the  impet- 
uositv  of  their  charge  was  irresistible,  and  after  a  severe  struggle,  they 


374  HARRISON. 

drove  the  enemy  from  the  batteries.  They  spiked  the  cannon,  took  a  large 
number  of  prisoners,  and  having  fully  accomplished  their  object,  returned 
in  triumph  to  the  fort.  This  sortie  was  one  of  the  most  sanguinary  and 
desperate  actions  fought  during  the  whole  war — and  its  brilliant  success 
was  richly  merited  by  the  intrepid  gallantry  of  the  brave  troops  engaged 
in  the  enterprise. 

While  this  was  going  on,  Dudley  had  landed  on  the  opposite  side  of  the 
river,  charged  the  enemy's  batteries  at  full  speed,  and  pulled  down  the 
British  flag  without  loss  of  a  man.  General  Harrison  made  signals  for 
Dudley  and  his  men  to  retire,  but  they  loitered  about,  examining  the  works 
Campbell  was  sent  to  recall  them,  but  the  Indians  gathered  on  their  flank, 
and  attacked  Captain  Comb's  company.  Dudley  again  charged  the  foe, 
and  drove  them  two  miles.  The  enemy  now  rallying,  attacked  Major 
Shelby,  who  had  remained  at  the  batteries.  Some  of  his  men  were  made 
prisoners,  and  others  driven  to  the  boats.  The  major  rallied  the  I'est,  drove 
back  the  foe,  and  hastened  to  assist  Dudley.  A  retreat  was  undertaken  ; 
but  so  great  was  the  disorder,  that  most  of  Dudley's  men  were  taken  pris 
oners,  and  many  of  them  tomahawked  by  the  Indians,  in  presence  of  the 
British  general,  Proctor. 

Foiled  by  the  skilful  dispositions  of  Harrison,  and  by  the  battle,  or  rather 
the  succession  of  battles,  fought  on  the  fifth.  Proctor  was  compelled  to  aban- 
don the  siege  of  Fort  Meigs ;  and  on  the  eighth  of  May  he  broke  up  his 
camp,  and  retreated  in  disappointment  and  disgrace. 

Early  in  July  following  this  memorable  defeat,  the  Indians  again  assem- 
bled in  the  neighborhood  of  Fort  Meigs,  to  the  number  of  five  thousand 
warriors,  under  Tecumseh.  General  Harrison  now  removed  his  head- 
quarters to  Seneca-town,  nine  miles  up  the  Sandusky  river,  where  he  con- 
structed a  fortified  camp.  This  was  a  position  from  which  he  could  fall 
back  for  the  protection  of  Fort  Meigs  ;  and  his  design  was,  when  he  could 
concentrate  his  forces,  to  make  a  descent  upon  the  enemy,  and  raise  the 
siege.  On  the  28th  July,  however,  the  enemy,  again  despairing  of  suc- 
cess, abandoned  the  siege — the  British  troops  embarking,  and  sailing  round 
Sandusky  bay,  while  their  savage  allies  marched  across  the  swamps  of 
Portage  river,  to  co-operate  in  a  meditated  attack  upon  Fort  Stephenson,  a 
temporary  depot,  under  command  of  Major  Croghan.  The  gallant  defence 
of  this  post  by  Croghan  again  taught  the  enemy  the  strength  of  American 
valor.  After  repeated  attempts  to  take  it  by  assault,  the  enemy  was  at 
length  forced  to  abandon  the  attempt,  and  retreat  in  confusion,  having  lost, 
in  killed  and  wounded,  nearly  as  many  as  the  entire  number  of  men  under 
the  heroic  Croghan.  The  British  now  withdrew  entirely  from  our  terri- 
tory, and  concentrated  their  strength  at  Maiden,  their  principal  stronghold 
in  Upper  Canada.  General  Harrison  did  not  suffer  them  long  to  rest  after 
their  retreat,  but  commenced  immediate  preparations  for  carrying  the  war 
into  Canada.  Our  fleet  on  Lake  Erie  had  been  constructed ;  and  the  gal- 
lant Perry,  on  the  10th  September,  captured  the  entire  fleet  of  the  enemy. 
General  Harrison  had  just  at  this  time  concentrated  his  forces ;  and,  on 
the  27th  September,  the  troops  embarked  at  Sandusky  bay,  and  advanced 
towards  Maiden,  expecting  to  find  the  British  and  Indians  encamped  there 
in  fill  force.     But  upon  landing  on  the  Canada  shore,  they  found  that 


HARRISON.  375 

Proctor,  tlishoartcned  by  his  recent  defeats,  had  abandoned  that  stronff- 
hold,  after  haviriff  destroyed  the  fort  and  navy-yard,  and  had  retreated  with 
his  regulars  and  savage  allies  to  Sandwich.  Our  army  advanced  rapidly 
in  pursuit  of  the  enenny,  who  had  retreated  up  the  river  Thames,  to  the 
Moravian  town.     Here  was  fought  the  celebrated  battle  of  the  Thames. 

On  the  5th  October,  the  enemy  was  overtaken.  The  British  general, 
Proctor,  having  had  his  choice  of  the  ground,  had  selected  a  strong  posi. 
tion.  It  was  flanked  on  the  left  by  the  Thames,  and  supported  by  artil- 
lery ;  and  on  the  right  by  two  extensive  swamps,  running  nearly  parallel 
to  the  river,  and  occupied  by  a  strong  body  of  Indians.  The  British  reg- 
ulars were  formed  in  open  order,  in  two  extended  lines.  The  Indians  were 
commanded  by  Tecumseh  in  person.  Their  left  flank  was  posted  on  the 
isthmus  between  the  two  swamps,  and  their  right  extended  a  considerable 
distance  down  the  principal  marsh. 

General  Harrison  drew  up  one  division  of  his  infantry  in  a  double  line 
reaching  from  the  river  to  the  swamp,  opposite  to  Proctor's  troops,  and  the 
other  division  at  right  angles  to  the  first,  with  its  front  extending  along  the 
swamp,  with  a  view  of  preventing  the  Indians  from  turning  his  left  flank, 
and  attacking  him  in  the  rear.  Johnson's  mounted  regiment  was  placed 
in  front  of  the  infantry. 

The  American  army  advanced  in  order  of  battle,  and  the  reconnoitring 
parties  soon  brought  in  exact  intelligence  of  the  dispositions  Proctor  had 
made.  Harrison,  with  the  rapid  decision  of  an  able  general,  saw  at  once 
the  egregious  error  of  his  opponent  in  forming  his  regular  soldiers  in  ex- 
tended line,  and  instantly  took  advantage  of  it.  Aware  that  troops  formed 
in  open  order  could  not  resist  a  vigorous  charge  of  cavalry,  he  immediately 
ordered  Colonel  Johnson  to  form  his  regiment  of  mounted  men,  and  dash 
through  the  enemy's  line,  in  close  column.  This  charge  was  rapidly  made, 
and  with  the  most  brilliant  success.  The  extended  and  weakened  line  of 
the  enemy  could  off'er  but  a  feeble  resistance  to  the  charge  of  these  gallant 
troops,  who  dashed  through  their  ranks  with  overwhelming  impetuosity, 
and  wheeling  to  the  right  and  left,  began  to  pour  in  a  destructive  fire  upon 
their  rear.  Terrified  and  overwhelmed  by  this  onset  of  the  Americans, 
the  British  army  in  a  short  time  threw  down  their  arms,  and  were  all  made 
prisoners,  except  a  few  who,  with  the  cowardly  Proctor,  had  fled  in  the  early 
part  of  the  battle.  Tlie  Indians  fought  with  desperation  until  their  great 
chief  Tecumseh  was  slain  by  the  gallant  band  of  Kentuckians  under 
Colonel  Johnson,  when  they  fled,  leaving  the  field  to  the  conquerors.  This 
brilliant  victory,  following  the  capture  of  the  enemy's  fleet  on  the  lake, 
entirely  destroyed  the  British  force  in  Upper  Canada,  and  put  an  end  to 
the  war  on  the  north-western  frontier. 

The  news  of  this  glorious  victorjr  occasioned  universal  rejoicings  through- 
out the  country.  President  Madison  passed  a  high  eulogium  upon  the 
merits  of  the  commanding  general,  and  the  distinguished  Langdon  Cheves 
remarked  on  the  floor  of  Congress,  that  "the  victory  of  Harrison  was  such 
as  would  have  secured  to  a  Roman  general,  in  the  best  days  of  the  Repub- 
lic, the  honors  of  a  triumph." 

On  the  7th  of  October,  the  different  corps  of  our  army  commenced  their 
return  home,  having  first  embarked  the  greater  part  of  the  property  they 


376  HARRISON. 

had  captured  in  boats  on  the  Thames,  and  set  fire  to  the  Moravian  town, 
a  small  village  occupied  chiefly  by  Delaware  Indians,  who  professed  to  be 
of  the  Moravian  sect  of  religion.  On  the  10th,  all  the  troops  arrived  with 
their  prisoners  at  Sandwich. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  Indians  had  sued  for  peace,  and  General  Harrison 
had  concluded  an  armistice,  until  the  pleasure  of  the  President  could  be 
known. 

General  John  Ai'mstrong  having  been  appointed  Secretary  of  War,  for 
some  cause  never  explained  to  the  country,  and  totally  irreconcilable  with 
his  duty  as  a  patriotic  statesman,  now  changed  the  direction  of  affairs  in 
the  north-west ;  and  on  the  25th  April,  1814,  appointed  a  subordinate  offi- 
cer to  a  separate  command  within  the  district  assigned  by  the  President  to 
Major-General  Harrison.  General  Harrison  soon  after  this  resigned,  and 
retired  from  the  army.  President  Madison,  however,  immediately  appoint- 
ed him  a  commissioner  to  treat  with  the  Indians,  in  which  service  he  con- 
tinued until  1816,  wlien  he  was  chosen  by  a  large  majority  representative 
in  Congress  from  Ohio.  He  continued  to  serve  in  the  House  of  Represent 
tatives  of  the  nation,  much  to  the  satisfaction  of  his  constituents,  and  greatly 
to  his  own  honor,  until  1819,  when  he  was  chosen  a  member  of  the  State 
Senate.  In  1824,  he  was  elected  a  Senator  of  the  United  States,  and  soon 
after  taking  his  seat  was  appointed  chairman  of  the  military  committee,  in 
place  of  General  Jackson,  who  had  resigned.  While  serving  in  this  high 
station,'  he  commanded  universal  respect. 

In  1828,  General  Harrison  was  appointed  minister  plenipotentiary  to  the 
Republic  of  Colombia.  He  lost  no  time  in  embarking,  and  arrived  at 
Maracaybo,  on  the  22d  of  December,  and  thence  proceeded  to  Bogota.  He 
found  every  thing  i-n  confusion,  and  Bolivar  much  inclined  to  favor  the 
military  party,  which  wished  to  confer  upon  him  a  dictatorship.  To  this 
the  more  democratic  of  the  people  were  strongly  opposed,  and  they  even- 
tually succeeded  in  their  views.  The  plain  appearance  and  republican 
manners  of  the  minister  led  to  his  being  suspected,  by  a  people  ever  jeal- 
ous, of  favoring  the  democratic  party,  and  subjected  him  to  many  petty 
persecutions  from  the  aristocracy,  against  which  he  gallantly  sustained 
himself.  He  addressed  to  General  Bolivar  his  celebrated  appeal  in  favor 
of  constitutional  liberty,  which  has  often  been  quoted  in  North  and  South 
America.  General  Jackson  succeeding  to  the  Presidency  in  1829,  Gen- 
eral Harrison  was  immediately  recalled. 

On  returning  from  Colombia,  General  Harrison  retired  to  the  cultivation 
of  his  fine  farm  at  North  Bend,  on  the  banks  of  the  Ohio,  about  fifteen 
miles  below  Cincinnati.  The  frosts  of  age  were  gathering  around  his 
brows ;  but  the  afiectiovi  of  the  people,  whom  he  had  so  long  and  so  gal- 
lantly served,  was  still  surviving  fresh  and  green.  In  1836,  without  any 
general  concert,  and  when  there  were  several  candidates  in  the  field  against 
Mr.  Van  Buren,  he  was  taken  up  by  some  of  the  states  a  short  time  be- 
fore the  election,  and  received  seventy-two  electoral  votes.  This  strong 
evidence  of  an  abiding  popularity  with  the  people,  was  not  forgotten  four 
years  later,  when  another  Presidential  election  was  at  hand. 

At  a  full  national  convention  of  Whig  delegates,  assembled  at  Harris- 
burgh,  in  Pennsylvania,  on  the  4th  of  December,  1839,  General  Harrison 


HARRISON.  nil 

received  the  unanimous  noiv.ination  of  lliat  iiody  as  the  Wliig  candidate  for 
the  Presidency.  The  lVien<ls  of  all  the  other  candidates  opposed  to  the 
existing  order  of  things,  and  desirous  to  efTlct  a  change  'of  measures  in  the 
federal  administration,  cordially  united  in  this  nomination  ;  and  after  a 
contest  more  animated  and  more  general  than  any  which  ever  before  occur- 
red, General  Harrison  was  elected  to  the  Presidency  by  an  overwhelming 
vote.  He  received  the  suffrages  of  nineteen  states,  and  a  greater  majority 
of  electoral  votes  than  was  ever  before  given  for  any  President — receiving 
two  hundred  and  thirty-four  of  the  two  hundred  and  ninety-four  votes  given 
in  the  twenty-six  states. 

General  Harrison  was  now  sixty-eight  yeai-s  of  age  ;  and  his  elevation 
to  the  Presidency  diffused  a  general  joy  througliout  the  nation.  He  arrived 
at  Washington  in  the  month  of  February,  1841,  accompanied  by  some  of 
his  former  companions  in  arms  and  chosen  friends,  who  were  to  compose 
for  the  present  his  household.  His  immediate  family  remained  in  Ohio, 
with  the  pui^jose  of  following  in  the  ensuing  summer.  The  inauguration 
of  President  Harrison,  on  the  4th  March,  1841,  was  attended  by  a  multi- 
tude of  the  people,  greater  than  ever  before  assembled  at  Washington,  and 
he  pronounced  his  address  in  a  clear  and  distinct  voice,  which  was  heard 
by  many  thousands  of  his  countrymen  assembled  in  front  of  the  eastern 
portico  of  the  Capitol.     The  address  follows  : 

Called  from  a  retirement  which  I  had  supposed  was  to  continue  for  the  residue  of  my 
life,  to  fill  the  chief  executive  office  of  this  great  and  free  nation,  I  appear  before  you, 
fellow-citizens,  to  take  the  oaths  which  the  constitution  prescribes  as  a  necessary  qual- 
ification for  the  performance  of  its  duties.  And  in  obedience  to  a  custom  coeval  with 
our  government,  and  what  I  believe  to  be  your  expectations,  I  proceed  to  present  to  you 
a  summary  of  the  principles  which  will  govern  me  in  the  discharge  of  the  duties  which  I 
shall  be  cailed  upon  to  perform. 

It  was  the  remark  of  a  Roman  consul,  in  an  early  period  of  that  celebrated  republic, 
that  a  most  striking  contrast  was  observable  in  the  conduct  of  candidates  for  offices  of 
power  and  trust,  before  and  after  obtaining  them — they  seldom  carrying  out  in  the  latter 
case  the  pledges  and  promises  made  in  the  former.  However  much  the  world  may  have 
improved,  in  many  respects,  in  the  lapse  of  upwards  of  two  thousand  years  since  the 
remark  was  made  by  the  virtuous  and  indignant  Roman,  I  fear  that  a  strict  examination 
of  the  annals  of  some  of  the  modern  elective  governments  would  develops  similar  in- 
stances of  violated  confidence. 

Although  the  fiat  of  the  people  has  gone  forth,  proclaiming  me  the  chief  magistrate  of 
this  glorious  Union,  nothing  upon  their  part  remaining  to  be  done,  it  may  be  thought  that 
a  motive  may  exist  to  keep  up  the  delusion  under  which  they  may  be  supposed  to  hav« 
acted  in  relation  to  my  principles  and  opinions ;  and  perhaps  there  may  be  some  in  this 
assembly  who  have  come  here  either  prepared  to  condemn  (hose  I  shall  now  deliver,  or, 
approving  them,  to  doubt  the  sincerity  with  which  they  are  uttered.  But  the  lapse  of  a 
few  months  will  confirm  or  dispel  their  fears.  The  outline  of  principles  to  govern,,  and 
measures  to  be  adopted  by  an  administration  not  yet  begun,  will  soon  be  exchanged  for 
immutable  history  ;  and  I  shall  stand,  either  exonerated  by  my  countrymen,  or  classed 
with  the  mass  of  those  who  promised  that  thi-y  might  deceive,  and  flattered  with  the  in- 
tention  to  betray. 

However  strong  may  be  my  present  purpose  to  realize  the  expectations  of  a  magnani- 
mous  and  confiding  people,  I  too  well  understand  the  infirmities  of  human  nature,  and 
the  dangerous  temptations  to  which  I  shall  be  exposed,  from  the  magnitude  of  the  power 
which  it  has  been  the  will  of  the  people  to  commit  to  my  hands,  not  to  place  my  chief 
confidence  upon  the  aid  of  that  Almighty  Power  which  has  hitherto  protected  me,  and 
enabled  me  to  bring  to  favorable  issues  other  important  but  still  greatly  inferior  truBts, 
heretofore  confided  to  me  by  my  country. 

49 


378  HARRISON. 

The  broad  foundation  upon  which  our  constitution  rests  being  the  people — a  breath  of 
theirs  having  made,  as  a  breath  can  unmal^e,  change,  or  modify  it — it  can  be  assigned  to 
none  of  the  great  divisions  of  government  but  to  that  of  democracy.  If  such  is  its  theory 
those  who  are  called  upon  to  administer  it  must  recognise,  as  its  lending  principle,  the 
duty  of  shaping  their  measures  so  as  to  produce  the  greatest  good  to  the  greatest  number. 
But,  with  these  broad  admissions,  if  we  could  compare  the  sovereignty  acknowledged  to 
exist  in  the  mass  of  the  people  with  the  power  claimed  by  other  sovereignties,  even  by 
those  which  have  been  considered  most  purely  democratic,  we  shall  find  a  most  essential 
difference.  All  others  lay  claim  to  power  limited  only  by  their  own  will.  The  majority 
of  our  citizens,  on  the  contrary,  possess  a  sovereignty  with  an  amount  of  power  precisely 
equal  to  that  which  has  been  granted  to  them  by  the  parties  to  the  national  compact,  and 
nothing  beyond.  We  admit  of  no  government  by  divine  right ;  believing  that,  so  far  as 
power  is  concerned,  the  beneficent  Creator  has  made  no  distinction  amongst  men — that 
all  are  upon  an  equality,  and  that  the  only  legitimate  right  to  govern  is  an  express  grant 
of  power  from  the  governed.  The  constitution  of  the  United  States  is  the  instrument 
containing  the  grant  of  power  to  the  several  departments  composing  the  government.  On 
an  examination  of  that  instrument,  it  will  be  found  to  contain  declarations  of  power  grant- 
ed, and  of  power  withheld.  The  latter  is  also  susceptible  of  division  into  power  wliich 
the  majority  had  the  right  to  grant,  but  which  they  did  not  think  proper  to  intrust  to  their 
agents,  and  that  which  they  could  not  have  granted,  not  being  possessed  by  themselves. 
In  other  words,  there  are  certain  rights  possessed  by  each  individual  American  citizen, 
which,  in  his  compact  with  the  others,  he  has  never  surrendered.  Some  of  them,  indeed, 
he  is  unable  to  surrender,  being,  in  the  language  of  our  system,  inalienable. 

The  boasted  privilege  of  a  Roman  citizen  was  to  him  a  shield  only  against  a  petty 
provincial  ruler,  whilst  the  proud  democrat  of  Athens  could  console  himself  under  a  sen- 
tence  of  death  for  a  supposed  violation  of  the  national  faith,  which  no  one  understood, 
and  which  at  times  was  the  subject  of  the  mockery  of  all,  or  of  banishment  from  his 
home,  his  family,  and  his  country,  with  or  without  an  alleged  cause,  that  it  was  the  act 
not  of  a  single  tyrant,  or  hated  aristocracy,  but  of  his  assembled  countrymen.  Far  dif. 
ferent  is  the  power  of  our  sovereignty.  It  can  interfere  with  no  one's  faith,  prescribe 
forms  of  worship  for  no  one's  observance, inflict  no  punish.iient  but  after  well-ascertained 
guilt,  the  result  of  investigation  under  forms  prescribed  by  the  constitution  itself  These 
precious  privileges,  and  those  scarcely  less  important  of  giving  expression  to  his  thoughts 
and  opinions,  either  by  writing  or  speaking,  unrestrained  but  by  the  liability  for  injury  to 
others,  and  that  of  a  full  participation  in  all  the  advantages  which  flow  from  the  govern, 
ment,  the  acknowledged  property  of  all,  the  American  citizen  derives  from  no  charter 
granted  from  his  fellow-man.  He  claims  them  because  he  is  himself  a  man,  fashioned  by 
the  same  Almighty  hand  as  the  rest  of  hia  species,  and  entitled  to  a  full  share  of  the 
blessings  with  which  he  has  endowed  them. 

Notwithstanding  the  limited  sovereignty  possessed  by  the  people  of  the  United  States, 
and  the  restricted  grant  of  power  to  the  government  which  they  have  adopted,  enough 
has  been  given  to  accomplish  all  the  objects  for  which  it  was  created.  It  has  been  found 
powerful  in  war,  and  hitherto  justice  has  been  administered,  an  intimate  union  effected, 
domestic  tranquillity  preserved,  and  personal  liberty  secured  to  the  citizen.  As  was  to 
be  expected,  however,  from  the  defect  of  language,  and  the  necessarily  sententious  man- 
ner in  which  the  constitution  is  written,  disputes  have  arisen  as  to  the  amount  of  power 
which  it  has  actually  granted,  or  was  intended  to  grant.  This  is  more  particularly  the  case 
in  relation  to  that  part  of  the  instrument  which  treats  of  the  legislative  branch.  And  not 
only  as  regards  the  exercise  of  powers  claimed  under  a  general  clause,  giving  that  body  the 
authority  to  pass  all  laws  necessary  to  carry  into  effect  the  specified  powers,  but  in  relation 
to  the  latter  also.  It  is,  however,  consolatory  to  reflect  that  most,  of  the  instances  of  alleged 
departure  from  the  letter  or  spirit  of  the  constitution  have  ultimately  received  the  sanction 
of  a  majority  of  the  people.  And  the  fact  that  many  of  our  statesmen,  most  distinguish- 
ed for  talent  and  patriotism,  have  been,  at  one  time  or  other  of  their  political  career,  on 
both  sides  of  each  of  the  most  warmly  disputed  questions,  forces  upon  us  the  inference" 
hat  the  errors,  if  errors  there  were,  are  attributable  to  the  intrinsic  difficulty,  in  many 
instances,  of  ascertaining  the  intentions  of  the  framers  of  the  constitution,  rather  than 
the  influence  of  any  sinister  or  unpatriotic  motive. 

But  the  great  danger  to  our  institutions  does  not  appear  to  me  to  be  in  a  usurpation,  by 
the  government,  of  power  not  granted  by  the  people,  but  by  the  accumulation,  in  one  of 


HARRISON.  379 

the  deparlments.  of  that  which  was  assigned  to  others.  Limited  as  are  the  powers  which 
have  been  granted,  still  enough  have  been  granted  to  constitute  a  despotism,  if  concen- 
trated  in  one  of  the  (Uparinients.  This  danger  is  greatly  heightened,  as  it  li;is  always 
been  observable  that  men  are  less  jealous  of  encroachments  of  one  department  upon  an- 
other,  than  upon  their  own  reserved  rights. 

When  the  constitution  of  the  United  States  first  came  from  the  hands  of  the  conven. 
tion  which  formed  it,  many  of  the  sternest  republicans  of  the  day  were  alarmed  at  the 
extent  of  the  power  which  had  been  granted  to  the  federal  government,  and  more  partic. 
ularly  of  that  portion  which  had  been  assigned  to  (he  executive  branch.  There  were  in 
it  features  which  appeared  not  to  be  in  harmony  with  their  ideas  of  a  simple  represeiita. 
tive  democracy,  or  republic.  And  knowing  the  tendency  of  power  to  increase  itself, 
panicularly  when  executed  by  a  single  individual,  predictions  were  made  that,  at  no  very 
remote  period,  the  government  would  terminate  in  virtual  monarchy.  It  would  not  be- 
come me  to  say  that  the  fears  of  these  patriots  have  been  already  realized.  But,  as  I 
sincerely  believe  that  the  tendency  of  measures,  and  of  men's  opinions,  for  some  years 
past,  has  been  in  that  direction,  it  is,  I  conceive,  strictly  proper  that  I  shoidd  take  this 
occasion  to  repeat  the  assurances  I  have  heretofore  given,  of  m.y  determination  to  arrest 
the  progress  of  that  tendency,  if  it  really  exists,  and  restore  the  government  to  its  pristine 
health  and  vigor,  as  ftir  as  this  can  be  effected  by  any  legitimate  exercise  of  the  power 
placed  in  my  hands. 

I  proceed  to  state,  in  as  summary  a  manner  as  I  can,  my  opinion  of  the  sources  of  the 
evils  which  have  been  so  extensively  complained  of,  and  the  correctives  which  may  be 
applied.  Some  of  the  former  are  unquestionably  to  be  found  in  the  defects  of  the  con- 
stitution ;  others,  in  my  judgment,  are  attributable  to  misconstruction  of  some  of  its  pro- 
visions. Of  the  former  is  the  eligibility  of  the  same  individual  to  a  second  term  of  the 
presidency.  The  sagacious  mind  of  Mr.  Jefferson  early  saw  and  lamented  this  error; 
and  attempts  have  been  made,  hitherto  without  success,  to  apply  the  amendatory  power 
of  the  states  to  its  correction. 

As,  however,  one  mode  of  correction  is  in  the  power  of  every  President,  and  conse- 
quently in  mine,  it  would  be  useless,  and  perhaps  invidious,  to  enumerate  the  evils  of 
which,  in  the  opinion  of  many  of  our  fellow-citizens,  this  error  of  the  sages  who  framed 
the  constitution  may  have  been  the  source,  and  the  bitter  fruits  which  we  are  still  to 
gather  froiTi  it  if  it  continues  to  disfigure  our  system.  It  may  be  observed,  however,  as  a 
general  remark,  that  republics  can  commit  no  greater  error  than  to  adopt  or  continue  any 
feature  in  their  systems  of  government  which  may  be  calculated  to  create  or  increase  the 
love  of  power  in  the  bosoms  of  those  to  whom  necessity  obliges  them  to  commit  the 
management  of  their  affairs.  And  surely  nothing  is  more  likely  to  produce  such  a  state 
of  mind  than  the  long  continuance  of  an  ofiice  of  high  trust.  Nothing  ran  he  more  cor- 
rupting,  notning  more  destructive  of  all  those  noble  feelings  which  belong  to  the  charac. 
ter  of  a  devoted  republican  patriot.  When  this  corrupting  passion  once  lakes  possession 
of  the  human  mind,  like  the  love  of  gold,  it  becomes  insatiable.  It  is  the  never-dying 
worm  in  his  bosom,  grows  with  his  growth,  and  strengthens  with  the  declining  years  of 
its  victim.  If  this  is  true,  it  is  the  part  of  wisdom  for  a  republic  to  limit  the  service  of 
that  officer,  at  least,  to  whom  she  has  intrusted  the  management  of  her  foreign  relations, 
the  execution  of  her  laws,  and  the  command  of  her  armies  and  navies,  to  a  period  so 
short  as  to  prevent  his  forgetting  tnat  he  is  the  accountable  agent,  not  the  principal — the 
servant,  not  the  master.  Until  an  amendment  of  the  constitution  can  be  effected,  pubhc 
opinion  may  secure  the  desired  object.  I  give  my  aid  to  it  by  renewing  the  pledge  here- 
tofore given,  that,  under  no  circumstances,  will  I  consent  to  serve  a  second  term. 

But  if  there  is  danger  to  public  liberty  from  the  acknowledged  defects  of  the  constitu- 
tion, in  the  want  of  limit  to  the  continuance  of  the  executive  power  in  the-  same  hands, 
diere  is,  I  apprehend,  not  much  less  from  a  misconstruction  of  that  instrument,  as  it 
regards  the  powers  actually  given.  I  cannot  conceive  that,  by  a  fair  construction,  any  or 
either  of  its  provisions  would  be  found  to  constitute  the  President  a  part  of  the  legisla- 
tive power.  It  cannot  be  claimed  from  the  power  to  recommend,  sincr',  although  enjoined 
as  a  duty  upon  him,  it  is  a  privilege  which  he  holds  in  common  with  every  other  cit- 
izen. And  although  there  may  be  something  more  of  confidence  in  the  propriety  ot 
the  measures  recommended  in  the  one  case  than  in  the  other,  in  the  obligations  of  ulti. 
mate  decision  there  can  be  no  difference.  In  the  language  of  the  cnnsiitution,  "  all 
the  legislative  powers"  which  it  grants  "  are  vested  Ih  the  Congress  of  the  United  States." 


380  HARRISON. 

It  would  be  1  solecism  in  language  tosay  that  any  portion  of  tlieee  is  not  included  in  the 
whole. 

It  may  be  said,  indeed,  that  the  constitution  has  given  to  the  executive  the  power  to 
annul  the  acts  of  the  legislative  body  by  refusing  to  them  his  assent.  So  a  similar  power 
has  necessarily  resulted  from  tljat  instrument  to  the  judiciary  ;  and  yet  the  judiciary  forms 
no  part  of  the  legisiamre.  There  is,  h  is  true,  this  difference  between  these  grants  of 
power  :  the  executive  can  put  his  negative  upon  the  acts  of  the  legislature,  fjr  )ther 
cause  than  that  of  want  of  conformity  to  the  constitution,  whilst  the  judiciary  can  only 
declare  Toid  those  which  violate  that  instrument.  But  the  decision  of  the  judiciary  is 
final  in  such  a  case  ;  whereas,  in  every  instance  where  the  veto  of  the  executiTe  is  ap. 
plied,  it  may  be  overcome  by  a  vote  of  two-thirds  of  both  Houses  of  Congress.  The 
negative  apon  the  acts  of  the  legislatiYe,  by  the  ex-ecutive  authority,  and  that  in  the  hands 
of  one  individual,  would  seem  to  be  an  incongruity  in  our  system.  Like  some  others  of 
a  similar  character,  hovrever,  it  appears  to  be  highly  expedient ;  and  if  used  only  with  the 
forbearance  and  in  the  spirit  which  was  intended  by  its  authors,  it  n^ay  be  productive  of 
great  good,  and  be  found  one  of  the  best  safeguards  to  the  Union. 

At  the  period  of  the  formation  of  the  constitution,  the  principle  does  not  appear  to 
have  enjoyed  much  favor  in  the  stata  governments.  It  e;iisied  but  in  two,  and  in  one  of 
these  there  was  a  plural  executive.  If  we  would  search  for  the  motives  which  operated 
upon  the  purely  patriotic  and  enlightened  assembly  which  framed  the  constitution,  for  the 
adoption  of  a  provision  so  apparently  repugnant  to  the  leading  democratic  prinsiple,  that 
the  majority  should  govern,  we  must  reject  the  idea  that  they  anticipated  from  it  any  ben. 
efit  to  the  ordinary  course  of  legislation.  They  knew  too  well  the  high  degree  of  intel- 
ligence which  existed  among  the  people,  and  the  enlightened  character  of  the  state 
legislatures,  not  to  have  the  fullest  confidence  that  the  two  bodies  elected  by  them  would 
be  worthy  representatives  of  such  constituents,  and,  of  course,  that  they  would  require  no 
aid  in  conceiving  and  maturing  the  measHies  which  the  circumstances  of  the  country 
might  require.  And  it  is  preposterous  to  suppose  that  a  thought  could  for  a  monTent  have 
been  entertained  that  ihe  President,  placed  at  the  capital,  in  the  centre  of  the  country, 
could  better  understand  the  wants  and  wishes  of  the  people  than  their  own  immedi'ate 
representatives,  who  spend  a  part  of  every  year  among  them,  living  with  them,  often 
laboring  with  them,  and  bound  to  them  by  the  triple  tie  of  interest,  duty,  and  affection. 
To  assist  or  control  Congress,  then,  in  its  ordinary  legislation,  could  not,  I  conceive,  have 
been  the  motive  for  conferring  the  veto  power  on  the  President.  This  argument  acquires 
additional  force  from  the  fact  of  its  never  having  been  thus  used  by  the  first  six  Presi- 
dents,— and  two  of  th'eni  were  members  of  the  convention,  one  presiding  over  its  delib. 
erations,  and  the  other  having  a  larger  share  in  consummating  the  labors  of  that  augast 
body  than  any  other  person.  But  ii'  bills  were  never  returned  to  Congress  by  either  of 
the  Presidents  above  referred  to,  upon  the  ground  of  their  being  inexpedient,  or  not  as 
well  adapted  as  they  might  be  to  the  wants  of  the  people,  the  veto  was  applied  upon  that 
of  want  of  confornnty  to  the  constitntion,  or  because  errors  had  been  committed  from  a 
too  hasty  enactment. 

Iliere  is  another  ground  for  the  adoption  of  the  veto  principle  which  had  probably  more 
influence  in  reconnnending  it  to  the  convention  than  any  other.  I  refer  to  the  security 
which  it  gives  to  the  just  and  equitable  action  of  the  legislature  upon  all  parts  of  the 
Union.  It  could  not  but  have  occurred  to  the  convention  that,  in  a  country  so  extensive, 
embracing  so  great  a  variety  of  soil  and  climate,  and  consequently  of  prodiscts,  and  which, 
from  the  same  causes,  must  ever  exhibit  a  great  difference  in  the  amount  of  the  popula- 
tion  of  its  various  sections,  calling  for  a  great  diversity  in  the  employinentsof  the  people, 
that  the  legislation  of  the  majority  might  not  alwayB  justly  regard  the  rights  and  interests 
ol  the  minority  ;  and  acts  of  this  character  might  be  passed,  under  an  express  grant  by 
the  words  of  the  constitution,  and,  therefure,  not  VTilhin  the  competency  of  the  judiciary 
to  declare  void ;  that  however  enlightened  and  patriotic  they  might  suppose,  from  past 
experience,  the  members  of  Congress  might  be,  and  however  largely  partaking,  in  gem- 
eral,  of  the  liberal  feelings  of  the  people,  it  was  impossible  to  expect  that  bodies  so  con- 
stituted should  not  sometimes  be  controlled  by  local  interests  and  sectional  feelings.  It 
was  proper,  therefore,  to  provide  some  empire,  from  whose  situation  and  mode  of  appoint, 
ment  more  independence  and  freedom  from  such  influences  might  be  expected.  Such  a 
one  was  afforded  by  the  executive  department,  constituted  by  the  constitution.  A  person 
elected  to  that  high  office,  having  his  constituents  in  every  section,  state,  and  subdivision 


HARRISON.  381 

cf  the  Union,  must  considor  himseif  hound,  by  the  most  solemn  sanetions,  to  puard,  pro. 
tcct,  nnd  defend  the  rights  of  all,  and  of  every  portion,  great  or  sma)!,  from  the  injustiee 
and  oppression  of  the  rest.  I  consider  the  veto  power,  therefore,  given  by  the  constiiu. 
tion  to  the  execulive  of  the  United  Stales,  solely  as  a  conservative  power:  to  tie  used 
only,  1st,  to  protect  the  constitution  from  violation;  2(l!y,  the  people  from  the  eirccis  of 
hasiy  Icgishition,  where  their  will  ha«  been  probably  disregarded  or  not  well  understood  ; 
and,  Sdfv,  to  prevent  the  ellects  of  c<nnbinaiions  violaiive  of  the  rights  of  the  minorities. 
In  reference  to  the  second  of  these  objects,  I  may  observe  that  I  consider  it  the  right  and 
privilege  of  ilie  people  to  decide  disputed  points  of  ihe  constitution,  arising  from  the  gen- 
erni  >'rTmt  of  power  to  Congress  to  carry  into  eflect  the  powers  expressly  given.  And  I 
believe,  with  Mr.  Madison,  "  that  repeated  recognitions  under  various  circumstances,  in 
acts  of 'the  hgislalive,  executive,  and  judicial  branchi-s  of  the  government,  accompanied 
by  indicaiions'in  different  modes  of  the  concurrence  of  the  general  will  of  the  natidii, 
afford  to  the  President  suflTicient  authority  for  his  considering  such  disputed  point  as 
settled." 

Upwards  of  half  a  century  has  elapsed  since  the  adoption  of  our  present  form  of  gov. 
ernment.  It  would  be  an  object  more  highly  desirable  than  the  gratification  of  the  ciiri- 
osity  of  speculative  statesmen,  if  its  precise  situation  could  be  ascertained,  a  fair  exhibit 
*Vnade  of  the  operations  of  each  of  its  departments,  of  ihe  powers  which  they  respectively 
claim  and  exercise,  of  the  collisions  which  have  occurred  between  them,  or  between  the 
whole  ffovernment  and  those  of  the  states,  (jr  either  of  them.  We  could  then  compar; 
our  actual  condition,  after  fifty  years'  trial  of  our  system,  with  what  it  was  in  the  com. 
mencement  of  its  operations,  and  ascertarin  whether  the  predictions  of  the  patriots  who 
opposed  its  adoption,  or  the  confident  hopes  of  its  advocates,  have  been  best  realized. 
The  great  dread  of  the  former  seems  to  have  been,  that  the  reserved  powers  of  the  states 
would  be  absorbed  by  those  of  the  federal  government,  and  a  consolidated  power  estab. 
lished,  leaving  to  the  statee  the  shadow  only  of  that  independent  action  for  which  :l;ey 
had  so  zealously  contended,  and  on  the  preservation  of  which  they  relied  as  the  iast  hope 
of  liberty.  Without  denying  that  the  result  to  which  they  looked  with  so  much  appre- 
hension is  in  the  way  of"  being  realized,  it  is  obvious  that  they  did  not  clearly  see  the 
mode  of  its  accomplishment.  The  general  government  has  seized  upon  none  of  the 
reserved  rights  of  the  states.  As  far  as  any  open  warfare  may  have  gone,  the  state 
authorities  have  amply  maintained  iheir  rights.  To  a  casual  observer,  our  system  pre- 
sents no  appearance  of  discord  between  the  different  members  which  compose  it.  Even 
the  addition  of  many  new  ones  has  produced  no  jarring.  They  move  in  their  respective 
orbits  in  perfect  harmony  with  the  central  head,  and  with  each  other.  Bat  there  is  still 
an  under  current  at  work,  by  which,  if  not  seasonably  checked,  the  worst  apprehensions 
of  our  anti-federal  patriots  will  be  realized.  And  not  only  will  the  state  authoriiies  be 
overshadowed  by  the  great  increase  of  power  in  the  executive  department  of  the  general 
government,  but  the  character  of  that  government,  if  not  its  designation,  be  essentially 
and  radically  changed.  This  state  of  things  has  been  in  part  effected  by  causes  inherent 
in  the  constitution,  and  in  part  by  the  never-failing  tendency  of  political  power  to  increase 
itself. 

By  making  the  President  the  sole  distributer  of  all  the  patronage  of  the  government,  the 
framers  of  the  constitution  do  not  appear  to  have  anticipated  at  how  short  a  period  it 
would  become  a  formidable  instrument  to  control  the  free  operations  of  the  state  govern, 
menls.  Of  trifling  imporiance  at  first,  it  had,  early  in  Mr.  .lefierson's  administration,  be. 
come  so  powerful  as  to  create  great  alarm  in  the  mind  of  that  patriot,  from  the  potent 
influence  it  might  exert  in  controlling  the  freedom  of  the  elective  iianchise.  If  such 
could  have  then  been  the  effl'Cts  of  its  influence,  how  much  greater  must  be  the  danger 
at  this  time,  quadrupled  in  amount,  as  it  certainly  is,  and  more  completely  under  the  con- 
trol  of  the  execulive  will,  than  their  construction  of  their  powers  allowed,  or  the  forbear, 
ing  characters  of  all  the  early  Presidents  permitted  them  to  make?  But  it  is  not  by  the 
extent  of  its  patronage  alone  that  the  executive  depariment  has  become  dangerous,  but 
by  the  use  wliich  it  appears  may  be  made  of  the  appointing  power,  to  bring  under  its 
control  the  whole  revenues  of  the  country.  The  constitalion  has  declared  it  to  be  the  duty 
of  the  President  to  see  that  the  laws  are  executed  ;  and  it  makes  him  the  commander-in. 
chief  of  the  armies  and  navy  of  the  United  States.  If  the  opinion  of  the  most  approved 
writers  upon  that  species  of  mixed  government,  which,  in  modern  Europe,  is  termed  moiu 
iir:}.\   in  contradistinction  tu  'lespotism,  is  correct,  there  was  wanting  no  other  addition 


382  HARRISON. 

to  the  powers  of  our  chief  magistrate  to  stamp  a  monarchical  character  on  our  gt>ver7V 
ment,  but  ihe  control  of  the  pubhc  finances.  And  to  me  it  appears  strange  indeed,  thai 
any  one  should  doubt  tJiat  the  entire  control  which  the  President  possesses  over  the 
officers  who  have  the  custody  of  the  public  money,  by  the  power  of  removal  with  or 
without  cause,  does,  fur  all  mischievous  purposes  at  least,  virtually  subject  the  treasure 
also  to  his  dispi>sal. 

The  first  Roman  emperor,  in  his  attempt  to  seize  the  sacred  treasure,  silencefi  the 
opposition  of  the  officer  to  whose  charge  it  had  been  committed,  by  a  significant  allusion 
to  his  sword.  By  a  selection  of  puliiical  instruments  for  thfc  care  of  the  public  money,  a 
reference  to  their  commissions  bya  President  would  be  quite  as  effectual  an  argument  as 
that  of  CcBsar  to  the  Roman  knigln.  I  am  not  insensible  of  the  great  difficulty  that 
exists  in  devising  a  proper  plan  for  the  safe-keeping  and  disbursement  of  the  public  rev- 
enues, and  I  know  the  importance  which  has  been  attached  by  men  of  great  abilities  and 
patriotism  to  the  divorce,  as  it  is  called,  of  the  treasury  from  the  banking  institutions.  It 
is  not  the  divorce  which  is  complained  of,  but  the  unhallowed  union  of  the  treasury  with 
the  executive  department,  which  has  created  such  extensive  alarm.  To  this  danger  to 
our  republican  institutions,  and  that  created  by  the  influence  given  to  the  executive  through 
the  instrumentality  of  the  federal  officers,  I  propose  to  apply  all  the  remedies  which  may  ^ 
be  at  my  command.  It  was  certainly  a  great  error  in  the  franiers  of  the  constitution  not 
to  have  made  the  officer  at  the  head  of  the  treasury  department  entirely  independent  of 
the  executive.  He  should  at  least  have  been  removable  only  upon  the  demand  of  the 
popular  branch  of  the  legislature.  I  have  determined  never  to  remove  a  secretary  of  the 
treasury  without  communicating  all  the  circumstances  attending  such  removal  to  both 
Houses  of  Congress.  The  influence  of  the  executive  in  controlling  the  freedom  of  the 
elective  franchise  through  the  medium  of  the  public  officers,  can  be  effectually  checked 
by  renewing  the  prohibition  published  by  Mr.  .lefferson,  forbidding  their  interference  in 
elections,  fartlier  than  giving  their  own  votes  ;  and  their  own  independence  secured  by 
an  assurance  of  perfect  immunity  in  exercising  this  sacred  privilege  of  freemen  under  the 
dictates  of  their  own  unbiased  judgments.  Never,  with  my  consent,  shall  an  officer  of 
the  people,  compensated  for  his  services  out  of  their  pockets,  become  the  pliant  instrument 
of  executive  will. 

There  is  no  part  of  the  means  placed  in  the  JiJwids  of  the  executive,  which  might  be 
used  with  greater  effect,  for  unhallowed  purposes,  than  the  control  of  the  public  press. 
The  maxim  which  our  ancestors  derived  from  the  mother  country,  that  "  the  freedom  of 
the  press  is  the  great  bulwark  of  civil  and  religious  liberty,"  is  one  of  the  most  precious 
legacies  vshich  they  have  left  us.  We  have  learned,  too,  from  our  own,  as  well  as  the 
experience  of  other  countries,  that  golden  shackles,  by  whomsoever  or  by  whatever  pre- 
tence  imposed,  are  as  fatal  to  it  as  the  iron  bonds  of  despotism.  The  presses  in  the 
necessary  employment  of  the  government  should  never  be  used  "to  clear  the  guilty,  or 
to  varnish  crimes."  A  decent  and  manly  examination  of  the  acts  of  the  governnienl 
should  be  not  only  tolerated,  but  encouraged. 

Upon  another  occasion  I  have  given  my  opinion,  at  some  length,  upon  the  impropriety 
of  executive  interference  in  the  legislation  of  Congress :  that  the  article  in  the  consti- 
lution  making  it  the  duty  of  the  President  to  conmiunicate  information,  and  authorizing 
him  to  recommend  measures,  was  not  intended  to  make  him  the  source  of  legislation, 
and,  in  particular,  that  he  should  never  be  looked  to  for  schemes  of  finance.  It  would 
be  very  strange,  indeed,  that  the  constitution  should  have  strictly  forbidden  one  branch 
of  the  legislature  from  interfering  in  the  origination  of  such  bills,  and  that  it  should  be 
considered  proper  that  an  altogether  different  department  of  the  government  should  be 
permitted  to  do  so. 

Some  o{  our  best  political  maxims  and  opinions  have  been  drawn  from  our  parent 
isle.  There  are  others,  however,  which  cannot  be  introduced  in  our  system  without 
Bingular  incongruity,  and  the.  production  of  much  mischief.  And  this  I  conceive  to  be 
one.  No  matter  in  which  of  the  Houses  of  Parliament  a  bill  may  originate,  nor  by 
whom  introduced,  a  minister,  or  a  member  of  the  opposition,  by  the  fiction  of  law,  oi 
rather  of  constitutional  piiuciple,  the  sovereign  is  supposed  to  have  prepared  it  agreeably 
10  his  will,  and  then  submitted  it  to  Pariiament  fur  their  advice  and  consent.  Now,  the 
very  reverse  is  the  case  here,  not  only  with  regard  to  the  principle,  but  the  forms  pre- 
(cribed  by  the  constitution.  The  principle  certainly  assigns  to  the  only  body  constituted 
oy  tlie  constitution  (the  legislative  body)   the  power  to  make  laws,  and  the  forms  even 


HARRISON  383 

direct  that  the  enactment  should  be  ascribed  to  them.  The  Senate,  in  rtiotion  to  revenue 
billa,  hiive  the  riglit  to  propose  amendments;  and  so  has  the  executive,  by  the  power 
yiven  him  to  return  them  to  the  House  of  Representatives,  with  fiis  olyections.  It  is  in 
his  power,  also,  to  propose  amendments  in  the  existing  laws,  suggested  by  his  cbserva. 
tions  upon  their  defective  or  injurious  operation.  But  ilie  delicate  liuty  t)f  devising  schein»a 
ol'  revenue  should  be  left  where  ihe  constitution  has  placed  it — with  the  immediate  rep. 
resentatives  of  the  people.  For  similar  reasons,  the  mode  of  keeping  the  public  treasure 
should  be  prescribed  by  them  ;  and  tlve  further  it  may  be  removed  from  the  control  (;f  the 
executive,  the  more  wholesome  the  arrangement,  and  the  more  in  accordance  with  re- 
publican principle. 

Connected  with  this  subject  is  the  character  of  the  currency.  The  idea  of  making  it 
exclusively  metallic,  however  well  intended,  appears  to  me  to  be  fraught  with  more  fatal 
consequences  than  any  other  scheme,  having  no  relation  to  the  personal  rights  of  the 
citizen,  that  has  ever  been  devised.  If  any  single  scheme  could  produce  the  effect  of 
arresting,  at  once,  that  mutation  of  condition  by  which  thousands  of  our  most  indigent 
felhnv. citizens,  by  their  industry  and  enterprise,  are  raised  to  the  possession  of  wealth, 
that  is  the  one.  If  there  is  one  measure  better  calculated  than  another  to  produce  that 
state  of  things  so  much  deprecated  by  all  true  republicans,  by  which  the  rich  are  daily 
adding  to  their  hoards,  and  the  poor  sinking  deeper  into  penury,  it  is  an  exclusive  metal- 
lic currency.  Or  if  there  is  a  process  by  which  the  character  of  the  country  forgeneros. 
iiy  and  nobleness  of  feeling  may  be  destroyed  by  the  great  increase  and  necessary  tol. 
eration  of  usury,  it  is  an  exclusive  metallic  currency. 

Amongst  the  other  duties  of  a  delicate  character  which  the  President  is  called  upon  to 
perforiH,  is  the  supervision  of  the  government  of  the  territories  of  the  United  States. 
Those  of  them  which  are  destined  to  become  members  of  our  great  i)olitical  family,  are 
compensated  by  their  rapid  progress  from  infancy  to  manhood,  for  the  partial  and  tern- 
porary  deprivation  of  their  political  rights.  It  is  in  this  district  only  where  American 
citizens  are  to  be  found,  who,  under  a  settled  system  of  policy,  are  deprived  of  many  im- 
portant political  privileges,  without  any  inspiring  hope  as  to  the  future.  Their  oidy  con- 
solation, under  circumstances  of  such  deprivation,  is  that  of  the  devoted  exterior  guards 
of  a  camp — that  their  sufferings  secure  tranquillity  and  safety  within. 

Are  there  any  of  their  countrymen  who  would  subject  them  to  greater  sacrifices — to 
any  other  humiliations  than  those  essentially  necessary  to  the  security  of  the  object  for 
which  they  were  thus  separated  from  their  fellow-citizens  ?  Are  their  rights  alone  not  to 
be  guarantied  by  the  application  of  those  great  principles  upon  which  all  our  constitutions 
are  founded  ?  We  are  told  by  the  greatest  of  British  orators  and  statesmen,  that,  at  the 
commencement  of  the  war  of  the  Revolution,  the  most  stupid  men  in  England  spoke  of 
"  their  American  subjects."  Are  t  ere,  indeed,  citizens  of  any  of  our  states  who  have 
dreamed  of  their  subjects  in  the  District  of  Columbia?  Such  dreams  can  never  be 
realized  by  any  agency  of  mine. 

The  people  of  the  District  of  Columbia  are  not  the  subjects  of  the  people  of  the  states, 
but  free  American  citizens.  Being  in  the  latter  cotidition  when  the  constitution  was 
t'ormed,  no  words  used  in  that  instrument  could  have  been  intended  to  deprive  them  of 
ihat  character.  If  there  is  any  thing  in  the  great  principles  of  inalienable  rights,  so  em- 
pliutically  insisted  upon  in  our  Declaration  of  Independence,  they  could  neither  make, 
niir  the  United  Stales  accept,  a  surrender  of  their  liberties,  and  become  the  subjects,  in 
other  words,  the  slaves,  of  their  former  fellow-citizens.  If  this  be  true,  and  it  will  scarcely 
be  denied  by  any  one  who  has  a  correct  idea  of  his  own  rights  as  an  American  citizen, 
the  grant  to  Congress  of  exclusive  jurisdiction  in  the  District  of  Columbia  can  be  inter, 
preied,  so  far  as  respects  the  aggregate  people  of  the  United  States,  as  meaning  nothing 
more  than  to  allow  to  Congress  the  controlling  power  necessary  to  affoid  a  free  and  safe 
exercise  of  the  functions  assigned  to  the  general  government  by  the  constitution.  In  all 
other  respects,  the  legislation  of  Congress  should  be  adapted  to  their  peculiar  position 
and  wants,  and  be  conformable  with  their  deliberate  opinions  of  their  own  interests. 

I  have  spoken  of  the  necessity  of  keeping  the  respective  departments  of  the  government, 
as  well  as  all  the  other  authorities  of  our  country,  within  their  appropriate  orbits.  This 
is  a  matter  of  difficulty  in  some  cases,  as  the  powers  which  they  respectively  claim  are 
not  defined  by  very  distinct  lines.  Mischievous,  however,  in  their  tendencies,  as  colli- 
sions of  this  kind  may  be,  those  which  arise  between  the  respec'ive  communities,  which 
for  certain  purposes  compose  one  nation,  arc  much  more  so  ;  for  r*o  such  nation  can  long 


384  HARRISON. 

exist  without  the  careful  culture  of  those  feelings  of  confidence  and  afiection  which  are 
the  efiective  bonds  of  union  between  free  and  confederate  states.  Strong  as  is  the  tie 
of  interest,  it  has  been  often  found  ineffectual.  Men,  blinded  by  their  passions,  have 
been  known  to  adopt  measures  for  their  country  in  direct  opposition  to  all  the  suggestions 
of  pohcy.  The  alternative,  then,  is  to  destroy  or  keep  down  a  bad  passion  by  creating 
and  fostering  a  good  one  ;  and  this  seems  to  be  the  corner-stone  upon  which  our  Amer- 
ican  political  architects  have  reared  the  fabric  of  our  government.  The  cement  which 
was  to  bind  it,  and  perpetuate  its  existence,  was  the  affectionate  attachment  between  all 
its  members.  To  insure  the  continuance  of  this  feeling,  produced  at  first  by  a  coinmu 
nity  of  dangers,  of  sufferings,  and  of  interests,  the  advantages  of  each  were  made  acces 
eible  to  all. 

No  participation  in  any  good,  possessed  by  any  member  of  an  extensive  confederacy, 
except  in  domestic  government,  was  withheld  from  the  citizen  of  any  other  member.  By 
a  process  attended  with  no  difficulty,  no  delay,  no  expense  but  that  of  removal,  the  cit. 
izen  of  one  might  become  the  citizen  of  any  other,  and  successively  of  the  whole.  The 
lines,  too,  separating  powers  to  be  exercised  by  the  citizens  of  one  state  from  those  of 
another,  seem  to  be  so  distinctly  drawn  as  to  leave  no  room  for  misunderstanding.  The 
citizens  of  each  state  unite  in  their  persons  all  the  privileges  which  that  character  confers, 
and  all  that  they  might  claim  as  citizens  of  the  United  States  ;  but  in  no  case  can  the 
same  person,  at  the  same  time,  act  as  the  citizen  of  two  separate  states,  and  he  is  there, 
fore  positivelij  precluded  from  any  interference  with  the  reserved  powers  of  any  state  but 
that  of  which  he  is,  for  the  time  being,  a  citizen.  He  may  indeed  offer  to  the  citizens 
of  other  states  his  advice  as  to  their  manageinent,  and  the  form  in  which  it  is  tendered  is 
left  to  his  own  discretion  and  sense  of  propriety. 

It  may  be  observed,  however,  that  organized  associations  of  citizens,  requiring  com. 
pliance  with  their  wishes,  too  much  resemble  the  recommendations  of  Athens  to  her  allies, 
supported  by  an  armed  and  powerful  fleet.  It  was,  indeed,  to  the  ambition  of  the  leading 
states  of  Greece  to  control  the  domestic  concerns  of  the  others,  that  the  destruction  of 
that  celebrated  confederacy,  and  subsequently  of  all  its  members,  is  mainly  to  be  attrib 
uied.  And  it  is  owing  to  the  absence  of  that  spirit  that  the  Helvetic  confederacy  has  for 
so  many  years  been  preserved.  Never  have  there  been  seen  in  the  institutions  of  the 
separate  members  of  any  confederacy  more  elements  of  discord.  In  the  principles  and 
forms  of  government  and  religion,  as  well  as  in  the  circumstances  of  the  several  cantons, 
so  marked  a  discrepancy  was  observable,  as  to  promise  any  thing  but  harmony  in  their 
intercourse,  or  permanency  in  their  alliance.  And  yet,  for  ages,  neither  has  been  inter, 
rupted.  Content  with  the  positive  benefits  which  their  union  produced,  with  the  inde- 
pendence and  safety  from  foreign  aggression  which  it  secured,  the  sagacious  people 
respected  the  institutions  of  each  other,  however  repugnant  to  their  own  principles  and 
prejudices. 

Our  confederacy,  fellow.citizens,  can  only  be  preserved  by  the  same  forbearance.  Our 
citizens  must  be  content  with  the  exercise  of  the  powers  with  which  the  constitution 
clothes  them.  The  attempt  of  those  of  one  state  to  control  the  domestic  institutions  of 
another,  can  only  result  in  feelings  of  distrust  and  jealousy,  and  certain  harbingers  of 
disunion,  violence,  civil  war,  and  the  ultimate  destruction  of  our  free  institutions.  Our 
confederacy  is  perfectly  illustrated  by  the  terms  and  principles  governing  a  common  co- 
partnership. There  a  fund  of  power  is  to  be  exercised  under  the  direction  of  the  joint 
counsels  of  the  allied  members,  but  that  which  has  been  reserved  by  the  individuals  is 
intangible  by  the  common  government,  or  the  individual  members  composing  it.  To 
attempt  it,  finds  no  support  in  the  principles  of  our  constitution.  It  should  be  our  con- 
stant and  earnest  endeavor  mutually  to  cultivate  a  spirit  of  concord  and  harmony  among 
the  various  parts  of  our  confederacy.  Experience  has  abundantly  taught  us  that  the  agi- 
tation  by  citizens  of  one  part  of  the  Union  of  a  subject  not  confided  to  the  general  gov. 
ernment,  but  exclusively  under  the  guardianship  of  the  local  authorities,  is  productive  of 
no  other  consequences  than  bitterness,  alienation,  discord  and  injury  to  the  very  cause 
which  is  intended  to  be  advanced.  Of  all  the  great  interest*  which  appertain  to  our  coun- 
try, that  of  union,  cordial,  confiding,  fraternal  union,  is  by  far  the  most  important,  since 
it  is  the  only  true  and  sure  guarantee  of  all  others. 

In  consequence  of  the  embarrassed  state  of  business  and  the  currency,  some  of  the 
states  may  meet  with  difficulty  in  their  financial  concerns.  However  deeply  we  may 
regret  any  thing  imprudent  or  excessive  in  the  engagements  into  which  states  have  enter 


HARRISON.  385 

« 

eJ  for  purposes  of  their  own,  it  does  not  become  us  to  disparage  the  state  governments, 
nor  to  discourage  them  from  making  proper  efforts  for  their  own  rdlief.  On  the  contrary, 
it  is  our  duty  to  encourage  iIkmu,  to  tiie  extent  of  our  constitutional  authority,  to  apply 
tluir  bust  moans,  and  cheerlully  to  make  all  necessary  sacrifices,  and  submit  to  all  ncces- 
sary  burdens,  to  fulfil  their  engagements  and  maintain  their  credit;  for  the  character  and 
credit  of  liie'several  states  form  part  of  the  character  and  credit  of  the  whole  country. 
The  resources  of  the  country  are  abundant,  the  enterprise  and  activity  of  our  people  pro- 
verbial ;  and  we  may  well  hope  that  wise  legislation  and  prudent  administration,  by  the 
rtspective  governments,  each  acting  witiiin  its  own  sphere,  will  restore  former  prosperity. 
Unpleasant  and  even  dangerous  as  collisions  may  sometimes  be,  between  the  const!- 
tuted  authorities  or  the  citizens  of  our  coimtry,  in  relation  to  the  lines  which  separate  their 
respective  jurisdictions,  the  result  can  be  of  no  vital  injury  to  our  institutions,  if  that 
anient  patriotism,  that  devoted  attachment  to  liberty,  that  spirit  of  moderation  and  for- 
beaiaace  for  which  our  countrymen  were  once  distinguished,  continue  to  be  cherished. 
If  this  continues  to  be  the  ruhng  passion  of  our  souls,  ihe  weaker  feelings  of  the  mistaken 
enthusiast  will  be  corrected,  the  Utopian  dreams  of  the  scheming  politician  dissipated, 
and  the  complicated  intrigues  of  the  demagogue  rendered  harmless.  The  spirit  of  liberty 
is  the  sovereign  balm  for  every  injury  which  our  institutions  receive.  On  the  contrary, 
no  care  that  can  be  used  in  the  construction  of  our  government,  no  division  of  powers, 
no  distribution  of  checks  in  its  several  departments,  will  prove  effectual  to  keep  us  a  free 
pinjple,  if  this  spirit  is  suffered  to  decay  ;  and  decay  it  will,  without  constant  nurture. 
To  the  neglect  of  this  duty,  historians  agree  in  attributing  the  ruin  of  all  the  republics 
with  whose  existence  and  tall  their  writings  have  made  us  acquainted.  The  same  causes 
will  ever  produce  the  same  effects  ;  and  as  long  as  the  love  of  power  is  a  dominant  pas. 
sion  of  the  human  bosom,  and  as  long  as  the  understandings  of  men  can  be  warped,  and 
ihoir  affections  changed  by  operations  upon  their  passions  and  prejudices,  so  long  will  the 
itcrty  of  a  people  depend  on  their  own  constant  attention  to  its  preservation. 

The  danger  to  all  well-established  free  governments  arises  from  the  unwillingness  of 
tne  people  To  believe  in  its  existence,  or  from  the  influence  of  designing  men,  diverting 
tlieir  attention  from  the  quarter  whence  it  approaches  to  a  source  from  which  it  can  never 
come.  This  is  the  old  triek  of  those  who  would  usurp  the  government  of  their  country. 
In  the  name  of  democracy  they  speak,  warning  the  people  against  the  influence  of  wealth 
and  the  danger  of  aristocracy.  History,  ancient  and  modern,  is  full  of  such  examples. 
Cccsar  became  the  master  of  the  Roman  people  and  the  Senate,  under  the  pretence  of 
supporting  the  democratic  claims  of  the  former  against  the  aristocracy  of  the  latter  • 
Cromwell,  in  the  character  of  protector  of  the  liberties  of  the  people,  became  the  die. 
tator  of  England;  and  Bolivar  possessed  himself  of  unlimited  power,  with  the  title  of 
his  country's  liberator.  There  is,  on  the  contrary,  no  single  instance  on  record  of  an 
extensive  and  weli-establisht'd  republic  being  changed  into  an  aristocracy.  The  tendency 
of  all  such  governments,  in  their  decline,  is  to  monarchy  ;  and  the  antagonist  principle  to 
liberty  there,  is  the  spirit  of  faction — a  spirit  which  assumes  the  character,  and,  in  times 
of  great  excitement,  imposes  itself  upon  the  people  as  the  genuine  spirit  of  freedom,  and 
like  the  false  Christs  whose  coming  was  foretold  by  the  Saviour,  seeks  to,  and,  were  it 
possible,  would,  impose  upon  the  true  and  most  faithful  disciples  of  liberty.  It  is  in  pe- 
riods like  this  that  it  behooves  the  people  to  be  most  watchful  of  those  to  whom  they 
have  intrusted  power.  And  although  there  is  at  times  much  diffictdty  in  distinguishing 
the  false  from  the  true  spirit,  a  calm  and  dispassionate  investigation  will  detect  the  coun- 
terfeit, as  well  by  the  character  of  its  operations  as  the  results  that  are  produced.  The 
true  spirit  of  liberty,  although  devoted,  persevering,  bold,  and  uncompromising  in  princi. 
pie,  that  secured,  is  mild  and  tolerant,  and  scrupulous  as  to  the  means  it  employs ;  whilst 
the  spirit  of  party,  assuming  to  be  that  of  liberty,  is  harsh,  vindictive,  and  intolerant,  and 
totally  reckless  as  to  the  character  of  tlie  allies  which  it  brings  to  the  aid  of  its  cause. 
When  the  genuine  spirit  of  liberty  animates  the  body  of  a  people  to  a  thorough  exam, 
ination  of  their  afiairs,  it  leads  to  the  excision  of  every  excrescence  which  may  have 
fastened  itself  upon  any  of  the  departments  of  the  government,  and  restores  the  system 
to  its  pristine  health  and  beauty.  But  the  reign  of  an  intolerant  spirit  of  party  among  a 
free  people  seldom  fails  to  result  in  a  dangerous  accession  to  the  executive  power,  intro- 
duced  and  established  amidst  unusual  professions  of  devotion  to  democracy. 

The  foregoing  remarks  relate  almost  exclusively  to  matters  connected  with  our  domes- 
tic concerns.     It  mav  be  proper,  h(jwever,  that  I  should  give  some  indications  to  my  fel 

50 


386  HARRISON.  ^ 

low-citizens  of  my  proposed  course  of  conduct  in  the  management  of  our  foreign  rela. 
tions.  I  assure  them,  therefore,  that  it  is  my  intention  to  use  every  means  in  my  power 
to  preserve  the  friendly  intercourse  which  now  so  happily  subsists  with  every  foreign 
nation  ;  and  that  although,  of  course,  not  well  informed  as  to  the  state  of  any  pending 
negotiations  with  any  of  them,  I  see  in  the  personal  characters  of  the  sovereigns,  as  well 
as  in  the  mutual  interest  of  our  own  and  of  the  governments  with  which  our  relations 
are  most  intimate,  a  pleasing  guarantee  that  the  harmony  so  important  to  the  interests  of 
their  subjects,  as  well  as  our  citizens,  will  not  be  interrupted  by  the  advancement  of  any 
claim  or  pretension  upon  their  part  to  which  our  honor  would  not  permit  us  to  yield. 
Long  the  defender  of  my  country's  rights  in  the  field,  I  trust  that  my  fellow-citizens  will 
not  see,  in  my  earnest  desire  to  preserve  peace  with  foreign  powers,  any  indication  that 
their  rights  will  ever  be  sacrificed,  or  the  honor  of  the  nation  tarnished,  by  any  admission 
on  the  part  of  their  chief  magistrate  unworthy  of  their  former  glory. 

In  our  intercourse  with  our  aboriginal  neighbors,  the  same  liberality  and  justice  which 
marked  the  course  prescribed  to  me,  by  two  of  my  illustrious  predecessors,  when  acting 
under  their  direction  in  the  discharge  of  the  duties  of  superintendent  and  commissioner, 
shall  be  stricdy  observed.  I  can  conceive  of  no  more  sublime  spectacle — none  more 
likely  to  propitiate  an  impartial  Creator — than  a  rigid  adherence  to  the  principles  of  jus- 
tice on  the  part  of  a  powerful  nation,  in  its  transactions  with  a  weaker  and  uncivilized 
people,  whom  circumstances  have  placed  at  its  disposal. 

Before  concluding,  fellow-citizens,  I  must  say  something  to  you  on  the  subject  of  the 
parties  at  this  time  existing  in  our  country.  To  me  it  appears  perfectly  clear,  that  the 
interest  of  that  country  requires  that  the  violence  of  the  spirit  by  which  those  parties  are 
at  this  time  governed,  must  be  greatly  mitigated,  if  not  entirely  extinguished,  or  conse- 
quences will  ensue  which  are  appalling  to  be  thought  of.  If  parties  in  a  republic  are 
necessary  to  secure  a  degree  of  vigilance  sufficient  to  keep  the  public  functionaries  within 
the  bounds  of  law  and  duty,  at  that  point  their  usefulness  ends.  Beyond  that  they  become 
destructive  of  public  virtue,  the  parents  of  a  spirit  antagonist  to  that  of  liberty,  and  even- 
tually its  inevitable  conqueror. 

We  have  examples  of  republics,  where  the  love  of  country  and  of  liberty,  at  one  time, 
were  the  dominant  passions  of  the  whole  mass  of  citizens,  and  yet,  with  the  continuance 
of  the  name  and  forms  of  free  government,  not  a  vestige  of  these  qualities  remaining  in 
the  bosom  of  any  one  of  its  citizens.  It  was  the  beautiful  remark  of  a  distinguished  Eng. 
lish  writer,  that  "in  the  Roman  senate  Octaviushad  a  party,  and  Antony  a  party,  but  the 
commonwealth  had  none."  Yet  the  senate  continued  to  meet  in  the  temple  of  liberty, 
to  talk  of  the  sacredness  and  beauty  of  the  commonwealth,  and  gaze  at  the  statues  of  the 
elder  Brutus  and  of  the  Curtii  and  Decii.  And  the  people  assembled  in  the  forum,  not 
as  in  the  days  of  Camillus  and  the  Scipios,  to  cast  their  free  votes  for  annual  magistrates, 
or  pass  upon  the  acts  of  the  senate,  but  to  receive  from  the  hands  of  the  leaders  of  the 
respective  parties  their  share  of  the  spoils,  and  to  shout  for  one  or  the  other,  as  those  col 
lected  in  Gaul,  or  Egypt,  and  the  Lesser  Asia,  would  furnish  the  larger  dividend.  The 
spirit  of  liberty  had  fled,  and,  avoiding  the  abodes  of  civilized  man,  had  sought  protec- 
tion in  the  wilds  of  Scythia  or  Scandinavia  ;  and  so,  under  the  operation  of  the  same 
causes  and  influences,  it  will  fly  from  our  capitol  and  our  forums.  A  calamity  so  awful, 
not  only  to  our  country,  but  to  the  world,  must  be  deprecated  by  every  patriot ;  and  every 
tendency  to  a  state  of  things  likely  to  produce  it  immediately  checked.  Such  a  tendency 
has  existed — does  exist. 

Always  the  friend  of  my  countrymen,  never  their  flatterer,  it  becomes  my  duty  to  say 
to  them  from  this  high  place  to  which  their  partiality  has  exalted  me,  that  there  exists  in 
the  land  a  spirit  hostile  to  their  best  interests — hostile  to  liberty  itself.  It  is  a  spirit  con. 
tracted  in  its  views,  selfish  in  its  object.  It  looks  to  the  aggrandizement  of  a  few,  even 
to  the  destruction  of  the  interest  of  the  whole.  The  entire  remedy  is  with  the  people. 
Something,  however,  may  be  eflfecled  by  the  means  which  they  have  placed  in  nTy  hands. 
It  is  union  that  we  want,  not  of  a  party  for  the  sake  of  that  party,  but  a  union  of  the 
whole  country  for  the  sake  of  the  whole  country — for  the  defence  of  its  interests  and  its 
honor  against  foreign  aggression,  for  the  defence  of  those  principles  for  which  our  ances. 
tors  so  gloriously  contended.  As  far  as  it  depends  upon  me,  it  shall  be  accomplished. 
All  the  influence  that  I  possess  shall  be  exerted  to  prevent  the  formation  of  at  least  an 
executive  party  in  the  halls  of  the  legislative  body.  I  wish  for  the  support  of  no  member 
•f  that  body  to  any  measure  of  mine  that  does  not  satisfy  his  judgment  and  his  sense  o" 


HARRISON.  387 

duty  to  those  from  whom  ha  holds  his  appointment,  nor  any  confidence  in  tdvance  from 
the  people,  but  that  asked  for  by  Mr.  Jefferson,  "  to  give  firmness'and  effect  to  the  legal 
adininistrution  of  their  affairs." 

I  deem  the  i)resent  occasion  sufficiently  important  and  solemn  to  justify  me  in  express- 
ing to  my  fc'liow-citizens  a  profound  reverence  for  the  Christian  religion,  and  a  thorough 
conviction  that  sound  morals,  religious  liberty,  and  a  just  sense  of  religious  responsibility, 
are  essentially  connected  with  all  true  and  lasting  happiness  ;  and  to  that  good  Being  who 
has  blessed  us  by  the  gifts  of  civil  and  religious  freedom,  who  watched  over  and  prosper, 
ed  the  labors  of  our  fathers,  and  has  hitherto  preserved  to  us  institutions  far  exceeding  in 
excellence  those  of  any  other  people,  let  us  unite  in  fervently  commending  every  interest 
of  our  beloved  country  in  all  future  time. 

[Here  the  oath  of  office  was  administered  by  Chief  Justice  Taney.] 
Fellow-citizens :  Being  fully  invested  with  that  high  office  to  which  the  partiality  of 
my  countrymen  has  called  me,  I  now  take  an  afiectionate  leave  of  you.  You  will  bear 
with  you  to  your  homes  the  remembrance  of  the  pledge  I  have  this  day  given  to  dis. 
charge  all  the  high  duties  of  my  exalted  station,  according  to  the  best  of  my  ability ;  and 
I  shall  enter  upon  their  performance  with  entire  confidence  in  the  support  of  a  just  and 
generous  people. 

President  Harrison  entered  with  a  hearty  zeal  upon  the  laI)orious  duties 
of  his  office,  laboring  incessantly  from  the  earliest  dawn  often  until  mid- 
night. The  throngs  of  people  who  visited  hiin  also  imposed  a  heavy  bur- 
den upon  his  hands  ;  but  he  was  unremitting  in  his  labors,  until  attacked 
by  that  disease  which  terminated  his  life.  On  the  first  of  April,  he  became 
indisposed,  and  called  in  medical  assistance.  His  disease  was  soon  found 
to  be  formidable,  baffling  the  skill  of  the  physicians;  and  so  rapidly  did 
his  enfeebled  frame  sink  under  the  disease,  that  at  half-past  twelve  on  the 
morning  of  the  fourth  of  April,  he  sunk  calmly  into  the  sleep  of  death. 
The  last  words  he  uttered  were  characteristic  of  his  life,  and  breathed  only 
the  devotion  of  the  patriot's  heart  for  the  good  of  his  beloved  country.  "  My 
LAST  WISH,"  said  he,  "is  that  the  true  principles  of  the  Government 

MAY  BE  carried  OUT  ! 1  ASK  NOTHING  MORE  !  !" 

The  general  feeling  throughout  the  country  was  thus  eloquently  por- 
trayed by  the  National  Intelligencer  of  the  ninth  of  April,  1841,  which 
contained  an  account  of  the  funeral  pageant : 

"  So  brief  had  been  the  late  President's  illness,  that  now,  as  in  the  case 
of  Washington,  there  had  scarce  been  time  for  us  to  begin  to  fear,  when 
the  stunning  blow  of  the  reality  fell  upon  us  like  the  stroke  of  thunder  from 
a  cloudless  sky.  Men  looked  aghast,  and  staggered,  as  if  amazed  by 
something  they  could  scarce  believe.  But  it  was  true.  He  who,  with  open 
beaming  countenance,  passed  along  our  streets  in  the  joy  of  his  heart — he, 
the  welcome,  the  long-expected,  the  desired,  on  whom  all  eyes  were  fast- 
ened, to  whom  all  hearts  went  out,  who  had  within  him  more  stirring  sub- 
jects of  exhilirating  consciousness  than  liave  met  in  any  single  bosom  since 
Washington  was  crowned  with  wreaths  as  he  came  back  from  Yorktown, 
was,  on  Wednesday  last,  within  one  month,  "  one  little  month,"  borne  along 
that  same  crowded  avenue — crowded  not  as  before  Avith  a  jubilant  people 
gathered  from  every  quarter  of  the  country,  but  with  sincerely  sorrowing 
multitudes  following  his  bier.  As  the  shouts  which  then  rent  the  air  were 
the  free  spontaneous  expression  of  the  love  and  joy  of  freemen,  delighting 
to  confer  their  highest  honors  on  one  whom  they  believed  to  have  richly 
deserved  them  ;  so,  now,  the  tears  which  fell  from  the  eyes  of  woman,  the 
sighs  and  looks  of  grief  of  gray-headed  men,  the  general,  universal  aspect 


388  HARRISON. 

of  public  sorrow,  were  the  unbought,  the  unpurchasable  tribute  of  a  be- 
reaved people  to  public  virtue  and  devoted  patriotism.  This  was  not  the 
momentary  gush  of  feelings  wrought  upon  by  the  pomp  and  circumstance 
of  a  funeral  procession.  It  was  not  the  sable  car,  the  nodiling  plumes,  the 
slow  and  mournful  array — it  was  the  event  itself — the  loss  of  such  a  man, 
at  such  a  time,  which  drew  forth  these  expressions  of  public  feeling.  They 
will  be  substantially  the  same  in  every  part  of  the  country.  As  it  was 
here,  so  it  will  be  every  where.  When  the  words,  "  the  President  is  dead," 
met  the  ear,  the  man  of  business  dropped  his  pen — the  artisan  dropped  his 
tools — children  looked  in  the  faces  of  their  parents,  and  wives  into  the 
countenances  of  their  husbands,  and  the  wail  of  sorrow  arose  as  if  each 
had  lost  a  parent,  or  some  near  and  dear  friend.  Could  General  Harrison 
now  look  down  on  the  land  he  loved,  he  might,  indeed,  "  read  his  history 
in  a  nation's  eyes  ;"  and  those  whose  bosoms  glow  and  struggle  with  high 
purposes  and  strong  desires  for  their  country's  good,  may  learn  in  what 
they  now  behold,  wherever  they  turn  their  eyes,  how  glorious  a  reward 
awaits  the  memory  of  those  who  faithfully  serve  their  country !" 

[From  the  National  Intelligencer,  April  9,  1841. J 

THE    FUNERAL    CEREMONIES. 

Wednesday  having  been  set  apart  for  the  solemnities  of  the  funeral  of 
the  late  President,  some  anxiety  was  felt,  in  the  early  part  of  the  morning, 
as  to  the  weather,  for  the  sky  was  overcast,  and  fears  were  entertained  lest 
it  should  come  on  to  rain — but,  as  the  day  advanced,  these  apprehensions 
were  dissipated  ;  and,  though  it  continued  rather  cool,  this  did  but  favor 
the  march  of  the  troops  and  of  the  other  numerous  collections  of  persons 
who  formed  portions  of  the  funeral  procession. 

At  sunrise,  the  sound  of  cannon  from  the  several  military  stations  in  the 
vicinity  of  the  city  heralded  the  melancholy  occasion  which  was  to  assem- 
ble the  citizens  of  the  District  and  its  neighborhood,  and  minute-guns  were 
fired  during  the  morning.  In  entire  consonance  with  those  mournful  sounds 
was  the  aspect  of  the  whole  city,  as  well  its  dwellings  as  its  population. 
The  buildings  on  each  side  of  the  entire  length  of  the  Pennsylvania  avenue, 
with  scarcely  an  exception,  and  many  houses  on  the  contiguous  streets, 
were  hung  with  festoons  and  streamers  of  black,  not  only  about  the  signs 
and  entrances,  but  in  many  cases  from  all  the  upper  stories.  Almost  every 
private  dwelling  had  crape  upon  the  knocker  and  bell-handle  of  its  door, 
and  many  of  the  very  humblest  abotlcs  hung  out  some  spontaneous  signal 
of  the  general  sorrow.  The  stores  and  places  of  business,  even  such  as 
are  too  frequently  seen  open  on  the  Sabbath,  were  all  ckised.  Every  thing 
like  business  seemed  to  have  been  forgotten,  and  all  minds  to  be  occupied 
v.'ith  the  purpose  of  the  day. 

The  railroad  cars  approaching'  the  city  were  crowded  to  excess,  although 
the  trains  wei'e  doubled  ;  and  a  large  portion  of  the  passengers  stood  up, 
from  necessity,  the  entire  way  from  Baltimore  hither.  The  steamboats 
brought  crowds  of  people  from  Alexandria,  and  the  individuals  entering 
the  city  from  the  adjacent  country,  on  horseback,  and  in  vehicles  of  every 
description,  seemed  to  be  more  mmierous  than  even  on  the  occasion  of  the 
late  inauguration.     The  great  point  of  attraction  was  the  President's  man- 


HARRISON.  a89 

sion.  Towards  that,  all  steps,  all  tl)ou<,'hts,  were  tending.  There  lay  the 
body,  closed  in  its  leaden  hearse,  and  covered  with  its -solemn  pall,  seated 
in  that  deej)  repose  which  nothing  shall  break  but  the  Archangel's  trump. 
It  lay  on  a  bier  in  the  East  room,  (an  occupation  how  dilFerent  from  it.s 
wont!)  and  ladies  were  admitted  all  the  morning,  who  heaped  upon  the 
coffin  olTerings  of  the  most  beautiful  flowers.  Tiie  northern  portico  of  the 
mansion  was  hung  with  long  banners  of  black,  extending  from  column  to 
column.  The  iron  gates  of  the  enclosure  in  front  were  closed,  save  when 
the  carriages  of  the  foreign  ministers,  members  of  the  Cabinet,  the  attend- 
ing physicians,  the  clergy,  and  some  other  privileged  persons,  were  admit- 
.ed,  preparatory  to  their  taking  the  places  assigned  them  in  the  funeral 
procession. 

The  military  portion  of  it,  constituting  the  funeral  escort,  began  to  firm 
in  line  on  the  New  York  avenue,  immediately  north  of  the  President's 
(ious(%  and  a  most  noble  and  imposing  appearance  it  presented.  ^  Without 
undertaking  to  give  the  exact  order  or  all  the  details  of  the  military  part 
of  the  procession,  it  must  suffice  us  for  tlie  present  to  state  that  of  volun- 
teers, besides  the  Light  Infantry,  National  Blues,  and  Columbia  Artillery 
of  this  city,  and  the  squadron  of  Potomac  Dragoons  from  Georgetown, 
there  were  present  the  Eagle  Artillerists,  Eutaw  Infantry,  Invincibles,  In- 
dependent Grays,  National  Guards,  Maryland  Cadets,  and  Military  Asso- 
ciation,  of  Baltimore,  the  Annapolis  Grays,  from  the  city  of  Annapolis, 
and  a  part  of  the  York  Riflemen  and  Washington  Blues,  from  York,  Penn- 
sylvania. Then  there  was  a  battalion  of  United  States  Marines,  and  a 
d'ivision  of  United  States  Light  Artillery,  commanded  by  Captain  Ringgold, 
from  Fort  MTIenry.  But  one  of  the  most  impressive  portions  of  the  mil- 
itary part  of  the  procession  consisted  of  the  dismounted  and  mounted  offi- 
cers of  the  army,  navy,  militia,  and  volunteers.  Seldom  has  there  been 
exhibited,  within  a  space  so  limited,  so  many  distinguished  military  men  ; 
the  sight  of  whose  well-known  figures  led  back  our  thoughts  to  many  a 
bloody  field  and  many  an  ensanguined  sea,  on  which  the  national  honor  has 
been  well  and  nobly  maintained. 

The  civic  part  of  the  procession  was  not  less  striking  than  the  military. 
It  embraced  the  municipal  officers  of  the  District,  the  clergy  of  all  denom- 
inations, the  judiciary,  the  executive  officers  of  the  government,  including 
the  President  of  the  United  States  an.^  the  heads  of  departments,  the  ex- 
members  of  the  late  Cabinet  now  in  tne  city,  the  comptrollers,  auditors, 
and  commissioners,  treasurer,  register,  &c.,  with  a  numerous  column  of 
clerks  in  the  several  departments.  Such  members  of  both  Houses  of  Con- 
gress as  are  in  the  city  also  attended,  and  Ex-President  Adams  in  his  place. 
Next  followed  officers  and  soldiers  who  had  served  under  General  Harrison 
in  the  late  war.  Another  division  of  the  procession  consisted  of  public 
societies  and  associations,  preceded  by  their  banners,  and  wearing  their 
respective  badges — among  whom  we  noticed  the  society  of  Odd  Fellows, 
very  richly  attired  ;  the  Washington  Catholic  Temperance  Association,  with 
their  white  banner,  displaying  the  cross,  which  is  the  symbol  of  their  faith  ; 
the  Typographical  Society  ;  several  schools  and  lyceums  ;  and,  to  close  all, 
the  dlfrerent  fire  companies  of  the  district,  in  their  showy  and  picturesque 
uniforms  of  cloaks,  hats,  and  accoutrements,  and  with  appropriate  ensigns. 


390  HARRISON. 

The  music  was  excellent ;  several  fine  bands,  playing  mournful  airs, 
giving  place,  from  time  to  time,  to  the  muffled  drums  of  the  military,  beat- 
ing slow  marches. 

But  ihe  object  of  chief  interest,  and  one  which,  as  it  passed,  hushed  ev- 
ery other  sound,  and  caused  many  a  tear  to  fall,  was  the  funeral  car  con- 
taining the  body  of  the  deceased  President.  It  was  of  large  dimensions,  in 
form  an  oblong  platform,  on  which  was  a  raised  dais,  the  whole  covered 
with  black  velvet.  From  the  cornice  of  the  platform  fell  a  black  velvet 
curtain  outside  of  the  wheels,  to  whhin  a  few  inches  of  the  ground.  From 
the  corners  of  the  car  a  black  crape  festoon  was  formed  on  all  sides,  loop- 
ed in  the  centre  by  a  funeral  wreath.  On  the  coffin  lay  the  sword  of  jus- 
tice and  the  sword  of  state,  surmounted  by  the  scroll  of  the  constitution, 
bound  together  by  a  funeral  wreath  formed  of  the  yew  and  the  cypress. 
The  car  was  drawn  by  six  white  horses,  having  at  the  head  of  each  a  col- 
ored groom,  dressed  in  white,  with  white  turban  and  sash,  and  supported 
by  pall-bearers  in  black.*  The  effect  was  very  fine.  The  contrast  of  thia 
slowly  moving  body  of  white  and  black,  so  opposite  to  the  strong  colors  of 
the  military  around  it,  struck  the  eye  even  from  the  greatest  distance,  and 
gave  a  chilling  warning  beforehand  that  the  corpse  was  drawing  nigh. 

The  entire  procession  occupied  two  full  miles  in  length,  and  was  mar- 
shalled on  its  way  by  officers  on  horseback,  carrying  white  batons  with 
black  tassels.  The  utmost  order  prevailed  throughout ;  and,  considering 
the  very  great  concourse  of  people  collected,  the  silence  preserved  during 
the  whole  course  of  the  march  was  very  impressive. 

Before  the  body  was  removed  from  the  Presidential  mansion,  religious 
services  were  conducted  in  presence  of  the  President  of  the  United  States 
and  Ex-President  Adams,  the  members  of  the  late  and  present  Cabinets, 
the  foreign  ministers,  and  the  mourning  household,  by  the  Rev.  Mr.  Hawley. 
The  Reverend  gentleman  declined  making  any  address  upon  the  occasion  ; 
but,  pointing  to  a  Bible  and  Episcopal  prayer-book  which  lay  upon  the 
table,  stated  that  they  had  been  purchased  by  the  deceased  President  im- 
mediately after  his  arrival  in  the  city,  and  had  been  in  daily  use  by  him 
since  then  ;  that  the  late  President  had  declared  to  him  (Mr.  Hawley)  per- 
sonally his  full  belief  in  the  truth  of  the  Christian  religion,  and  his  pur- 
pose, had  not  disease  intervened  to  prevent  it,  to  have  united  himself  to  the 
church  on  the  succeeding  Sabbath. 

On  the  firing  of  the  signal  gun  at  the  appointed  hour,  the  procession, 
having  received  into  its  ranks  the  funeral  car  and  the  family  mourners  who 

*  The  following  gentlemen,  as  pall-bearers,  were  designated  to  represent  the  severaf 
States  and  Territories  which  are  attached  to  iheir  names,  at  the  funeral  of  the  late  Pres- 
ident : — R.  Cutts,  Esq.,  for  Maine  ;  Hon.  C.  Gushing,  Mass. ;  W.  B.  Lloyd,  Esq.,  Conn. 
Gen.  John  Granger,  N.  Y. ;  M.  Willing,  Esq.,  Pa.;  David  Hoffman,  Esq.,  Md. ;  Hon 
E.  D.  White,  N.  C.  ;  Gen.  D.  L.  Clinch,  Geo.  ;  Col.  Rogers,  Tenn. ;  M.  Durald,  Esq, 
La. ;  Anderson  Miller,  F^sq.,  Miss. ;  Dr.  Perrine,  Ala.  ;  A.  W.  Lvon,  Esq.,  Ark. ;  Hon 
J.  D.  Doty,  Wisconsin  ;  Hon.  W.  B.  Carter,  Iowa  ;  Hon.  .1.  B.  Moore,  N.  H. ;  M.  St.  C 
Clarke,  Esq.,  R.  L  ;  Hon.  Hiland  Hall,  Vt. ;  Hon.  G.  C.  Washington,  N.  J. ;  lion.  A 
Naudain,  Del. ;  Major  Camp,  Va. ;  John  Carter,  Esq.,  S.  C. ;  Th.  Crittenden,  Esq.,  Ky. 
Mr.  Graham,  Ohio  ;  Gen.  Robert  Hanna,  Ind. ;  D.  G.  Garnsey,  Esq.,  III. ;  Major  Rus. 
sell,  Mo. ;  Gen.  Howard,  Mich.  ;  Hon.  C.  Downing,  Florida  ;  R.  Smith,  Esq.,  Districi 
of  Columbia. 


HARRISON.  891 

followed  the  rcniains  of  thoir  rolative  to  the  tomb,  moved  along  Pennsylva- 
nia avenue,  under  the  fire  of  minute-guns  near  the'Prosidont's  house, 
repeated  at  the  City  Hall  on  the  head  of  the  column  arriving  opposite  to  it, 
and  at  the  Capitol  on  its  reaching  the  western  gate  of  the  enclosure.  Hav- 
ing reached  the  Capitol  square,  passing  on  the  south  side  of  it,  the  proces- 
sion advanced  over  the  plains  eastward  till  it  reached  the  space  in  front  of 
the  Congressional  burying-ground.  Here  the  car  halted,  while  the  line 
was  formed  by  the  military  as  they  arrived,  and  then  passed  slowly  on. 
being  saluted  as  it  passed  with  colors  lowered,  the  troops  presenting  arms, 
and  the  officers  saluting  it  in  military  form.  Having  reached  the  principal 
entrance,  the  car  was  again  halted  ;  the  coffin  was  taken  down,  and  placed 
on  the  shoulders  of  the  bearers  ;  the  clergy  advanced,  and  the  Rev.  Mr. 
Hawley,  reciting  the  solemn  funeral  service  of  the  Episcopal  Liturgy,  the 
procession  advanced  down  the  principal  avenue  of  the  cemetery  until  it 
reached  the  receiving  vault,  where  a  space  had  been  kept  open  by  sentries 
under  arms,  and  where  a  hollow  square  being  formed,  the  coffin  was  low- 
ered into  the  vault.  A  signal  being  given  to  the  troops  outside,  the  bat- 
talion of  Light  Artillery,  who  were  placed  on  an  adjoining  eminence,  fired 
a  salute,  which  was  immediately  followed  by  the  several  military  bodie.'* 
in  line,  who  commenced  firing  from  the  left  to  the  right,  and  continued  the 
salute  till  it  had  thrice  gone  up  the  whole  line. 

The  procession  then  resumed  its  march,  and  returned  by  the  same  rouJe 
to  the  city,  where  the  troops  were  dismissed,  and  the  citizens  retired  to 
their  several  abodes.  By  five  o'clock,  nothing  remained  but  empty  streets 
and  the  emblems  of  mourning  upon  the  houses;  and  the  still  deeper  gloom, 
which  oppressed  the  general  mind  with  renewed  power  after  all  was  over, 
and  the  sense  of  the  public  bereavement  alone  was  left  to  fill  the  thoughts. 


JOHN    TYLER. 

John  Tyi.er,  the  tenth  President  of  tlic  United  States,  and  tne  sixth  in- 
cuml)ent  of  that  high  office  whose  birth-place  was  Virginia,  was  born  at 
Charles-City,  in  Charles-City  county,  in  the  year  1789.  His  father,  John 
Tyler,  was  a  distinguished  public  man  in  Virginia,  and  governor  of  the 
commonwealth  from  1808  to  1811.  Mr.  Tyler  was  educated  at  William 
and  Mary  College,  studied  law  at  that  institution,  and  in  the  office  of  his 
father,  and  entered  at  an  eai'ly  age  upon  the  practice  of  his  profession. 
Scarcely  had  he  reached  the  age  of  twenty-one  years,  before  he  was  elect- 
ed by  the  people  of  his  native  county  to  represent  them  in  the  State  legis- 
lature. Here  we  find  him  zealous  in  his  efforts  to  promote  the  interests  of 
his  constituents  and  of  his  ancient  commonwealth.  In  1816,  he  was  elected 
a  representative  in  Congress,  and  continued  a  member  of  that  body  until 
1821.  He  here  distinguished  himself  as  a  ready  and  fluent  debater,  and 
attracted  the  notice  of  the  people  of  his  native  state  by  the  strength  and 
boldness  of  his  views  on  the  great  questions  of  the  day.  In  the  memora- 
ble investigation  of  the  United  States  Bank,  in  1819,  when  the  report  and 
rfcstrictions  proposed  by  Mr.  Spencer,  of  New  York,  and  direct  propositions 
for  repeal  of  the  charter,  came  up  for  debate,  Mr.  Tyler  delivered  his  opin- 
ions in  strong  terms  on  the  subject  of  the  National  Bank,  as  well  as  upon 
the  whole  system  of  banking  as  pursued  in  this  country.  On  the  19th 
February,  in  the  course  of  the  debate,  he  said  : — 

"  The  question  whether  it  would  be  proper  to  direct  a  scire  facias  against 
the  bank,  divides  itself  into  two  heads  of  inquiry.  First,  whether  the  char- 
ter has  been  so  violated  as  to  insure  a  forfeiture  ? — and  if  so,  is  it  expedient 
to  exact  the  forfeiture  ?  The  decision  of  the  first  would  preclude  me  from 
an  inquiry  into  the  second.  For,  sir,  inasmuch  as  I  believe  the  creation 
of  this  corporation  unconstitutional,  I  cannot,  without  a  violation  of  my 
oath,  hesitate  to  repair  the  breach  thus  made  in  the  constitution,  when  an 
opportunity  presents  itself  of  doing  so  without  violating  the  public  faith. 
But  believing,  also,  that  it  is  expedient  to  put  it  down,  and  other  gentlemen 
feeling  themselves  at  liberty  to  follow  up  that  inquiry,  I  propose  to  express 
to  you  my  views  on  that  subject. 

"  I  think  that  the  incorporation  of  the  Uniteu  States  Bank  was  calcula- 
ted to  delay  the  resumption  of  specie  payments  on  the  part  of  the  State 
banks." 

"  Mr.  Chairman,  I  look  to  a  more  efficient  cause  for  the  resumption  of 
specie  payments  :  I  look  to  the  resolutions  of  the  State  legislatures,  to  the 
resolution  of  Congress,  requiring  the  payment  of  all  dues  to  the  govern- 
ment to  be  made  in  specie,  or  the  notes  of  banks  paying  specie,  after  the 
20th  February,  1817,  as  the  great  cause  of  this  resumption.  I  am  dispo- 
sed to  ascribe  more  energy  to  the  arm  of  this  government,  than  to  any  mo- 
neyed institution." 

^  51 


394  TYLER 

"  Foi  one,  1  enter  my  protest  against  the  banking  system,  as  conducted 
in  this  country — a  system  not  to  be  supported  by  any  correct  principle  of 
political  economy — a  gross  delusion — the  dream  of  a  visionary — a  system 
t.at  has  done  more  to  corrupt  the  morals  of  society  than  any  thing  else — 
which  has  introduced  a  struggle  for  wealth,  instead  of  the  honorable  stiug. 
gle  which  governs  the  actions  of  a  patriot,  and  makes  ambition  virtue — 
which  has  made  the  husbandman  spurn  his  cottage,  and  introduced  a  spirit 
of  luxury  at  variance  with  the  simplicity  of  our  institutions." 

"  I  call  upon  the  warm  advocates  of  banking,  now  to  surrender  their 
errors.  Shall  I  take  them  by  the  hand,  and  lead  them  through  our  cities  ? 
Bankruptcy  meets  us  at  every  step  ;  ruin  stares  us  every  where  in  the 
face.  Shall  I  be  told  of  the  benefits  arising  to  commerce  from  the  concen- 
tration of  capital  ?  Away  with  the  delusion— experience  has  exposed  its 
fallacy.  True,  for  a  moment,  it  has  operated  as  a  stimulus  ;  but,  like 
ardent  spirits,  it  has  produced  activity  and  energy  for  a  moment ;  relaxa 
tion  has  followed,  and  the  torpor  of  death  has  ensued." 

"  The  revenues  amount  to  upwards  of  $20,000,000  annually.  Require 
but  a  fourth  or  fifth  part  to  be  paid  in  gold  or  silver,  what  would  be  the 
efiect  ?  The  merchants  would  collect  the  notes  of  banks,  and  demand 
specie  for  them ;  and  thus  a  test  would  be  adopted,  by  means  of  which  to 
ascertain  the  solvency  of  each  institution.  The  demand  for  specie  thus 
produced,  would  have  the  beneficial  efiect  of  introducing  more  of  it  into  the 
country  ;  for  money  is  like  every  other  article,  and  will  find  its  way  to  the 
market  where  it  is  most  wanting.  Tlie  system  might  be  enlarged  grad- 
ually, until  your  wishes  should  be  consummated." 

"  I  protest  against  the  idea  that  the  government  cannot  do  without  this 
bank.  We  are  not  dependent  on  this  corporation.  Wretched  indeed  would 
be  our  situation  if  such  was  the  case." 

In  1825,  Mr.  Tyler  was  elected  governor  of  the  commonwealth  of  Vir- 
ginia, and  devoted  himself  with  characteristic  ardor  to  the  developement  of 
her  resources,  and  to  the  maintenance  of  those  republican  doctrines  with 
which  her  renown  is  identified.  Educated  in  the  Jeffersonian  school  of 
politics,  Governor  Tyler  opposed  the  doctrine  of  internal  improvements  by 
the  federal  government.  In  his  message  to  the  General  Assembly,  in  De- 
cember, 1826,  he  says  : 

"  Vain  and  idle,  indeed,  was  this  resolution,  (concerning  internal  im- 
provements by  the  general  government,)  if  that  same  government  has  a 
right  to  enter  upon  the  soil  of  a  state,  whensoever  and  wheresoever  it  may 
please  to  take  possession  of  the  same,  convert  it  to  its  own  uses  and  pur- 
poses, and  render  subject  not  only  the  property,  but  the  persons  of  the 
people,  to  the  jurisdiction  of  its  courts  ;  for  it  would  seem  to  follow  that  the 
right  to  create  imposed  the  obligation' to  preserve,  and  this  duty  would  call 
for  the  imposition  of  regulations,  the  violation  or  disregard  of  which  ought 
of  consequence  to  render  amenable  to  punishment  the  offending  individual. 
One  usurpation  always  begets  another  and  another,  until  at  last  the  original 
^rm  of  government  is  lost,  and  liberty  exists  only  in  the  records  of  the 
past.  Virginia  has  ever  been  found  exerting  her  influence  against  the 
exercise  of  this  alarming  power.  Her  motives  cannot  be  misunderstood  by 
her  sister  states.     Her  wants  are  as  gre^-t  as  theirs  can  well  be.    Possess 


TYLER.  395 

mg  a  surface  of  territory  larger  than  almost  any  other  state  in  the  Union, 
the  moiety  of  which  is  distinguished  by  its  irregularity,  she  would  find 
many  inducements  in  accepting,  in  the  form  of  internal  improvements,  the 
lartTcsses  of  the  tpneral  government.  But  she  will  not  surrender  volun- 
tarfly  her  constitutional  rights.  She  believes  that  liberty  can  only  be  pre- 
.serv(?d  by  upholding  the  federative  principle  ;  and  she  regards  consolidation 
as  the  greatest  of  evils." 

On  the  13th  .January,  1827,  Governor  Tyler  was  elected  to  the  Senate 
of  the  United  States  for  six  years  from  the  fourth  of  March  succeeding. 
In  this  exalted  sphere,  his  talents  and  integrity  of  character  secured  for 
him,  among  those  with  whom  he  acted,  a  covnmanding  influence  ;  and  his 
industrious'applioation  to  the  public  business,  the  independence  of  his  char- 
acter, and  the  urbanity  of  his  manners,  were  followed  by  the  respect  and 
esteem  of  all  parties  in  that  body.  His  election  to  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States,  is  a  sufficient  proof  of  the  estimation  in  which  he  was  held  by  the 
republican  party.  During  his  term  of  service  in  this  body,  great  and  mo- 
mentous questions  of  civil  policy  and  constitutional  law  were  discussed  and 
investigated.  Probably  at  no  period  since  the  existence  of  the  government, 
were  weightier  matters  controverted,  and  a  greater  amount  of  talent  called 
into  requisition,  than  in  the  years  of  1830,  '31,  '32,  '33,  and  '34.  The 
deepest  excitement  pervaded  the  country. 

In  the  Senate,  May  14,  1830,  the  bill  authorizing  a  subscription  of  stock 
in  the  Maysville,  Washington,  Paris,  and  Lexington  Turnpike  Road,  being 
UBder  consideration,  Mr.  Tyler  said  : 

"  He  did  not  rise  to  enter  into  a  constitutional  argument  on  the  bill  now 
under  consideration.  He  should  wait  for  more  favorable  auspices,  before 
he  ventured  to  detain  the  Senate  by  such  an  argument.  The  period  might 
be  near  at  hand,  when  the  principles  of  the  constitution  would  once  more 
be  invoked,  and  the  true  democratic  party  be  called  upon  to  rally  around 
the  standard  which  was  unfurled  in  times  long  since  gone  by.  Whenever 
the  day  should  arrive  in  which  the  country  would  be  so  far  relieved  from 
the  unhappy  spell  in  which  it  had  been  bound,  as  to  listen  with  attention  to 
an  exposition  of  this  subject  on  constitutional  grounds,  he  would  not  be 
wanting  in  his  duty.  I  was  (said  Mr.  T.)  in  that  Congress  which  was  the 
first  to *enter  gravely  into  the  discussion  of  the  constitutional  power  of  this 
government  to  make  roads  and  canals.  I  then  attentively  weighed  all  that 
was  urged  by  the  advocates  of  the  system — if  system  that  may  be  called, 
which  is  none— and  my  decision  was  against  them.  Every  subsequent 
reflection  has  confirmed  the  opinion  then  expressed  ;  and  the  experience  of 
the  last  six  years  has  satisfied  me  that,  in  its  exercise,  all  that  is  dear,  and 
should  be  considered  sacred  in  our  institutions,  is  put  to  hazard.  Expe- 
rience is  the  parent  of  true  wisdom,  and  the  lights  which  she  has  furnished 
upon  this  subject  ought  to  be  bright  enough  to  conduct  our  footsteps  back  to 
the  path  from  which  we  have  strayed." 

■  Mr.  Tyler  holds  to  what  is  called  a  strict  construction  of  the  constitution. 
In  the  Senate,  February  24,  1831,  the  appropriation  to  pay  the  negotiators 
of  the  Turkish  treaty  being  under  consideration,  he  used  the  following 
language  : 

"It  is  our  dutyj,  Mr.  President,  under  all  circumstances,  and  however 


396  TYLER. 

situated,  to  be  faithful  to  the  constitution.  Esto  perpehia  should  be  the 
motto  of  all  in  regard  to  that  instrument,  and  more  emphatically  those  into 
whose  hands  it  is  committed  by  the  parties  to  the  compact  of  union.  Sir, 
parties  may  succeed,  and  will  succeed  each  other ;  stars  that  shine  with 
brilliancy  to-day,  may  be  struck  from  their  spheres  to-morrow ;  convulsion 
may  follow  convulsion ;  the  battlements  may  rock  about  us,  and  the  storm 
rage  in  its  wildest  fury  ;  but  while  the  constitution  is  preserved  inviolate, 
the  liberties  of  the  country  will  be  secure.  When  we  are  asked  to  lay 
down  the  constitution  upon  the  shrine  of  party,  our  answer  is,  the  prfce 
demanded  is  too  great.  If  required  to  pass  over  its  violation  in  silence,  we 
reply,  that  to  do  so  would  be  infidelity  to  our  trust,  and  treason  to  those 
who  sent  us  here.  The  constant  effort  of  Virginia  has  been  directed  to  its 
preservation  :  the  political  conflict  of  the  hour  has  never  led  her  to  yield  it 
for  an  instant.  No  matter  with  what  solemnity  the  violation  has  been 
attended  ;  although  sanctioned  by  the  two  Houses  of  Congress  and  the 
President  of  the  United  States,  and  confirmed  by  judicial  decision,  she  has 
not  halted  in  her  duty.  How  little,  then,  should  we  be  entitled  to  repre- 
sent her,  if  we  could  so  far  forget  ourselves  as  to  hobble  in  our  course !" 

In  December,  1832,  General  Jackson  issued  his  celebrated  proclamation. 
It  was  designed  to  arrest  the  proceedings  of  the  state  of  South  Carolina, 
which  were  viewed  as  hostile  to  the  existence  of  the  union  of  the  confed- 
erated states.  With  the  view  of  •arrying  out  his  plans,  as  laid  down  in 
this  state  paper,  he  called  on  Congress  to  invest  him  with  larger  powers. 
By  many,  distinguished  for  their  love  of  country,  the  bill  commonly  called 
"  ihe  force  hill,"  was  deemed  subversive  of  the  rights  of  sovereign  states. 
At  this  moment,  Mr.  Tyler  came  forth  with  a  mass  of  information,  lucidly 
arranged,  and  carefully  and  logically  bodied  forth,  at  once  creditable  to 
his  talents  as  a  speaker,  and  confessedly  useful  to  the  cause  which  he  es- 
poused, and  the  principles  which  he  vindicated. 

On  the  10th  April,  at  the  close  of  a  very  able  speech,  which  occupied 
two  days  in  the  delivery,  upon  Mr.  Clay's  resolutions  for  a  modification  of 
the  tariff,  Mr.  Tyler  closed  as  follows : 

"  In  the  names  of  the  great  actors  of  former  times  under  the  roof  of  that 
very  edifice,  [Faneuil  Hall,]  I  invoke  honorable  Senators  to  pause,  long 
to  pause,  ere  they  decide  that  this  grinding  system  shall  receive  no'  abate- 
ment. Its  oppression,  if  that  were  the  only  circumstance,  wotrld  be  as 
nothing  in  comparison  with  the  alienation  of  feeling  which  it  has  produced. 
What  can  compensate  for  the  loss  of  that  affection  on  the  part  of  even  a 
single  state  in  this  Union  ?  Flatter  not  yourselves  that  this  is  exclusively 
a  South  Carolina  question.  No,  sir  ;  it  is  a  Southern  question.  Every 
state  on  the  other  side  of  the  Potomac  feels  alike  interested  in  it:  nor  labor 
under  the  morbid  apprehension  that  to  grant  relief  can  produce  the  slightest 
tendency  to  disunion.  Do  you  seek  to  give  perpetuity  to  the  Union,  prac- 
tise not  injustice  ;  for,  as  certain  as  fate  itself,  they  who  sow  injustice  will 
reap  iniquity.  I  have  been  reared  in  a  reverential  affection  for  the  Union. 
My  imagination  has  led  me  to  look  into  the  distant  future,  and  there  to 
contemplate  the  greatness  of  free  America.  I  have  beheld  her  walking 
on  the  waves  of  the  mighty  deep,  carrying  along  with  her  tidings  of  great 
joy  to  distant  nations.      I  have  seen  her  overturning  the  strong  places  of 


TYLER.  397 

flespotism,  and  restoring  to  man  his  long  lost  rights.  Wo,  wo  betide  that 
man  who  shall  sow  the  seeds  of  disunion  among  us !  Better  for  him  had 
he  never  been  horn.  If  he  call  upon  the  mountains  to  hide  him — nay,  if 
he  bury  himself  in  the  very  centre  of  the  earth,  the  inch'jjnatinn  of  man- 
kind  will  find  him  out,  and  blast  him  with  its  lightnings." 

In  1834,  in  consequence  of  llic  violent  usurpations  of  General  .lackson, 
the  Senate  of  the  United  States  adopted  a  resolution,  censuring  the  Pres. 
idenl  for  the  extortion  of  unconstitutional  powers.  Mr.  Tyler,  ever  faithful 
to  those  ancient  principles  of  Virginia,  which  were  then  sunk  to  the  lowest 
depression,  stood  by  the  constitution,  and  asserted  its  mandates.  The  reso- 
lution was  adopted.  Shortly  thereafter,  the  administration  gaining  the 
ascendancy  in  that  body,  a  resolution  was  introduced  by  a  Senator  from 
Missouri,  to  expunge  this  resolution  censuring  the  President  for  exercising 
unconstitutional  powers,  and  thus  violating  this  sacred  instrument.  As 
Mr.  Tyler  had  contributed  his  support  to  the  adoption  of  this  resolution,  ho 
resisted  its  expunction.  The  mutilation  of  tlie  journals  of  the  Senate  he 
opposed  with  the  greatest  energy.  During  this  alarming  crisis,  we  find 
him  distinguished  by  his  fidelity  to  the  interests  of  the  country — by  Iji* 
stern  devotion  to  his  duty,  and  his  inflexibility  of  principle. 

When  instructed  by  that  body  from  whence  he  derived  his  power  as 
Senator  of  the  United  States — and  which  every  man  is  bound  to  consider 
the  true  representative  of  the  will  of  the  people  of  the  state — to  support 
the  expunging  resolution,  he  took  the  alternative  presented  to  the  choice  of 
every  high-ininded  citizen.  He  acted  as  a  man  of  principle  and  honor 
always  acts.  He  could  not  obey,  and  he  resigned,  in  order  that  the  legis- 
lative  body  which  instructed  him  might  supply  his  place  with  one  who 
could  conscientiously  obey  its  instructions.  By  this  means  he  preserved 
his  own  integrity,  without  violating  a  duty  of  a  representative  of  the  peo- 
ple. He  conducted  himself  like  a  faithful  public  servant,  who,  being 
commanded  to  do  an  act  which  he  cannot  approve,  disdains  to  receive  any 
longer  the  wages  of  a  master  he  refuses  to  obey.  He  sacrificed  a  station 
as  lionorable  as  any  which  presents  itself  to  the  ambition  of  a  citizen  of  the 
United  States,  and  voluntarily  sought  retirement  from  a  scene  which  he 
embellished  by  liLs  highly  cultivated  talents,  and  ennobled  by  his  lofty  and 
uncompromising  integrity. 

Such  an  act  of  devotion  to  the  great  principle  of  representative  respon 
sibility,  is  one  that  deserves  to  be  recorded,  not  only  for  its  magnanimity, 
but  for  its  rarity. 

It  is  the  character  and  habit  of  the  President  not  to  yield  a  blind  acqui 
escence  to  the  opinions  of  any  individual.  His  judgment  was  not  satisfied 
with  the  propriety  of  the  measure  of  removing  the  deposites  from  the  Bank 
of  the  United  States.  He  foresaw  the  consequences  it  would  produce,  and 
desired  an  opportunity  to  investigate  and  reflect  upon  it.  Such  an  oppor- 
tunity he  made  an  effiirt  to  obtain,  and  when  that  effort  was  successful, 
rather  than  unite  with  his  political  friends  in  supporting  a  measure  preg- 
nant with  results  so  extensive  and  important,  without  a  full  conviction  of 
its  necessity  or  constitutionality,  he  chose,  by  manly  independence,  to  haz- 
ard all  the  imputations  to  which  his  vote  with  the  minority  might  possibly 
subject  him.     Those  who  acted   with  him  were  too  well  acquainted  with 


399  TYLER. 

the  puiitj  and  firmness  of  his  principles,  political  and  mora!^  to  misreprt. 
sent  his  motives,  or  to  arraign  the  propriety  of  his  conduct.  His  opposition 
to  this  measure,  and  to  the  expunging  resolution,  elevated  hira  greatly  in 
the  confidence  of  the  Whig  party.  Although  he  had  been  ostracized — 
banished  from  the  Senate  of  the  United  States — by  a  faithful  adherence  to 
the  doctrines  of  instruction,  his  virtues  and  independence  as  a  statesman 
still  continued  to  hold  a  firm  grasp  on  the  affections  of  the  people.  The 
Whig  party,  cherishing  for  him  an  elevated  regard,  placed  hira  on  the 
ticket  with  the  late  General  William  Henry  Harrison,  as  their  candidate 
for  the  Vice-Presidency.  With  that  distinguished  individual,  he  was  ele- 
vated to  office  by  almost  acclamation.  On  the  fourth  of  March,  1841,  he 
took  his  seat  as  Vice-President  of  the  United  States,  little  dreaming  of  the 
destiny  which  an  overruling  Providence  was  in  one  short  month  to  devolve 
upon  him.  President  Harrison  died  on  the  fourth  of  April ;  whereby,  tin- 
der our  constitution,  the  duties  and  responsibilities  of  President  were  de- 
volved upon  Vice-President  Tyler. 

Immediately  after  the  decease  of  President  Harrison,  Mr.  Webster,  Jr., 
chief  clerk  of  the  department  of  state,  left  Washington  for  the  residence 
of  the  Vice-President,  in  Virginia,  bearing  to  him  the  following  letter  : 

Washington,  April  4,  1841. 
To  John  Tyler,  Vice-President  cftlie  United  States  : 

Sir :  It  has  become  our  most  painful  duty  to  inform  you  that  WilliaisH 
Henry  Harrison,  late  President  of  the  United  States,  has  departed  this  life. 
This  distressing  event  took  p\a&e  this  day,  at  the  President's  mansion,  in 
this  city,  at  tliirty  miiTutes  before  one  in  the  morning. 

We  lose  no  time  in  despatching  the  chief  clerk  in  the  state  department 
as  a  special  messenger  to  bear  you  these  melancholy  tidings. 

We  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  the  highest  regard,  your  obedient  ser- 
vants, Daniel  Webster, 

Secretary  of  State. 
Thomas  Ewing, 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

John  Bell, 
Secretary  of  War. 

John  J.  Crittenden, 
Attorney  General. 

Francis  Granger, 
Postmaster  General. 

Vice-President  Tylei  lost  no  time  in  repairing  to  the  seat  of  government, 
where  he  arrived  on  the  morning  of  the  sixth  of  April,  taking  lodgings  at 
Brown's  hotel.  At  twelve  o'clock,  all  the  heads  of  departments,  with  the 
exception  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  (who  was  absent  with  his  family 
in  Georgia,)  waited  upon  him,  to  pay  him  their  official  and  personal  re- 
spects. They  were  received  with  the  utmost  kindness  and  cordiality.  The 
Vice-President  signified  to  them  his  deep  feeling  of  the  public  calamity 
sustained  by  the  death  of  President  Harrison,  and  expressed  his  profound 
sensibility  to  the  heavy  responsibilities  so  suddenl;^  devolved  upon  himself. 
He  spoke  of  the  present  state  of  things  with  great  concern  and  seriousness, 


TYLER.  899 

and  made  known  his  wishes  that  the  several  heads  of  departments  would 
continue  to  fill  the  places  which  tiiey  respectively  occupied,  and  his 
confidence  that  they  would  afford  all  the  aid  in  their  power  to  enable  him 
to  carry  on  the  administration  of  the  government  successfully. 

The  President  then  took  and  subscribed  the  following  oath  of  office  : 

I  do  solemnly  swear  that  I  will  faithfully  execute  the  office  of  President 
of  the  United  States  ;  and  will,  to  the  best  of  my  ability,  preserve,  protect, 
and  defend  the  constitution  of  the  United  States.  John  Tylee. 

April  6,  1841. 

District  of  Columbia,      > 
City  and  countii  of  Washmgton,  ^ 

I,  William  Cranch,  Chief  Judge  of  the  Circuit  Court  of  the  District  ol 
Columbia,  certify  that  the  above  named  John  Tyler  personally  appeared 
before  me  this  day  ;  and,  although  he  deems  himself  qualified  to  perform 
the  duties  and  exercise  the  powers  and  office  of  President  on  the  death  of 
William  Henry  Harrison,  late  President  of  the  United  States,  without  any 
other  oath  than  that  which  he  has  taken  as  Vice-President,  yet,  as  doubts 
may  arise,  and  for  greater  caution,  took  and  subscribed  the  foregoing  oath 
before  me.  W.  Ceanch. 

April  6,  1841. 

After  the  solemn  pageant  of  the  funeral  of  President  Harrison  had  paus- 
ed, the  following  address  was  published  by  President  Tyler  : 

TO  THE  PEOPLE  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

Fellow-Citizens  :  Before  my  arrival  at  the  seat  of  government,  the 
painful  communication  was  made  to  you,  by  the  officers  presiding  over  the 
several  departments,  of  the  deeply  regretted  death  of  William  Henry  Har- 
rison, late  President  of  the  United  States.  Upon  him  you  had  conferred 
your  suffrages  for  the  first  office  in  your  gift,  and  had  selected  him  as  your 
chosen  instrument  to  correct  and  reform  all  such  errors  and  abuses  as  had 
manifested  themselves  from  time  to  time  in  the  practical  operation  of  the 
government.  While  standing  at  the  threshold  of  this  great  work,  he  has, 
by  the  dispensation  of  an  all-wise  Providence,  been  removed  from  amongst 
us  ;  and,  by  the  provisions  of  the  constitution,  the  efforts  to  be  directed  to 
the  accomplishing  of  this  vitally  important  task,  have  devolved  upon  my- 
self. This  same  occurrence  has  subjected  the  wisdom  and  sufficiency  of 
our  institutions  to  a  new  test.  For  the  first  time  in  our  history,  the  person 
elected  to  the  Vice-Presidency  of  the  United  States,  by  the  happening  of  a 
contingency  provided  for  in  the  constitution,  has  had  devolved  upon  him 
the  Presidential  office.  The  spirit  of  faction,  which  is  directly  opposed  to 
the  spirit  of  a  lofty  patriotism,  may  find  in  this  occasion  for  assaults  upon 
my  administration.  And  in  succeeding,  under  circumstances  so  sudden 
and  unexpected,  and  to  responsibilities  so  greatly  augmented,  to  the  admin- 
istration of  public  aflfairs,  I  shall  place  in  the  intelligence  and  patriotism  of 
the  people  my  only  sure  reliance.  My  earnest  prayer  shall  be  constantly 
addressed  to  the  all-wise  and  all-powerful  Being  who  made  me,  and  by 
whose  dispensation  I  am  called  to  the  high  office  of  President  of  this  con 


400  TYLER. 

federacy,  understandingly  to  carry  out  the  principles  of  that  constitutiod 
which  I  have  sworn  "  to  protect,  preserve,  and  defend." 

The  usual  opportunity  which  is  afforded  to  a  chief  magistrate,  upon  his 
induction  to  office,  of  presenting  to  his  countrymen  an  exposition  of  the 
policy  which  would  guide  his  administration,  in  the  form  of  an  inaugural 
address,  not  having,  under  the  peculiar  circumstances  which  have  brought 
me  to  the  discharge  of  the  high  duties  of  President  of  the  United  States, 
been  afforded  to  me,  a  brief  exposition  of  the  principles  which  will  govern 
me  in  the  general  course  of  my  administration  of  public  affairs,  would 
seem  to  be  due  as  well  to  myself  as  to  you.  In  regard  to  foreign  nations, 
the  crroundwork  of  my  policy  will  be  justice  on  our  part  to  all,  submitting 
to  injustice  from  none.  While  I  shall  sedulously  cultivate"  the_ relations  of 
peace  and  amity  with  one  and  all,  it  will  be  my  most  imperative  duty  to 
see  that  the  honor  of  the  country  shall  sustain  no  blemish.  With  a  view 
to  this,  the  condition  of  our  military  defences  will  become  a  matter  of 
anxious  solicitude.  The  army,  which  has  in  other  days  covered  itself  with 
renown  ;  and  the  navy,  not  inappropriately  termed  the  right  arm  of  the 
public  defence,  which  has  spread  a  light  of  glory  over  the  American 
standard  in  all  the  waters  of  the  earth,  should  be  rendered  replete  with 
efficiency. 

In  view  of  the  fact,  well  vouched  by  history,  that  the  tendency  of  all 
human  institutions  is  to  concentrate  power  in  the  hands  of  a  single  man, 
and  that  their  ultimate  downfall  has  proceeded  from  this  cause,  I  deem 
it  of  the  most  essential  importance  that  a  complete  separation  should  take 
place  between  the  sword  and  the  purse.  No  matter  where  or  how  the 
public  moneys  shall  be  deposited,  so  long  as  the  President  can  exert  the  power 
of  appointing  and  removing,  at  his  pleasure,  the  agents  selected  for  their 
custody,  the  commander-in-chief  of  the  army  and  navy  is  in  fact  the  trea- 
surer. A  permanent  and  radical  change  should  therefore  be  decreed. 
The  patronage  incident  to  the  Presidential  office,  already  great,  is  con- 
stantly increasing.  Such  increase  is  destined  to  keep  pace  with  the  growth 
of  our  population,  until,  without  a  figure  of  speech,  an  army  of  office- 
holders may  be  spread  over  the  land.  The  unrestrained  power  exerted  by 
a  selfishly  ambitious  man,  in  order  either  to  perpetuate  his  authority,  or  to 
hand  it  over  to  some  favorite  as  his  successor,  may  lead  to  the  employment 
of  all  the  means  within  his  control  to  accomplish  his  object.  The  right  to 
remove  from  office,  while  subjected  to  no  just  restraint,  is^  inevitably  des- 
tined to  produce  a  spirit  of  crouching  servility  with  the  official  corps,  which, 
in  order  to  uphold  the  hand  which  feeds  them,  would  lead  to  direct  and 
active  interference  in  the  elections,  both  state  and  federal,  thereby  subject- 
ing the  course  of  state  legislation  to  the  dictation  of  the  chief  executive 
officer,  and  making  the  wifl  of  that  officer  absolute  and  supreme.  I  will, 
at  a  proper  time,  invoke  the  action  of  Congress  upon  this  subject,  and  shall 
readily  acquiesce  in  the  adoption  of  all  proper  measures  which  are  calcu- 
lated to  arrest  these  evils,  so  full  of  danger  in  their  tendency.  I  will 
remove  no  incumbent  from  office  who  has  faithfully  and  honestly  acquitted 
himself  of  the  duties  of  his  office,  except  in  such  cases  where  such  officer 
has  been  guilty  of  an  active  partisanship,  or  by  secret  means — the  less 
manly,  and  therefore  the  more  objectionalale — has  given  his  official  influ 


TYLER.  401 

et)cc  to  the  purposes  of  party,  thereby  bringing  the  patronage  of  the  gov. 
crnment  in  conflict  witii  the  freedom  of  eh'Ctions.  Numerous  removals 
may  become  necessary  under  this  rule.  These;  will  be  made  l)y  me  through 
no  acerbity  of  feeling.  I  have  had  no  cause  to  cherish  or  indulge  unkind 
feelings  towards  any,  but  my  conduct  will  be  regulated  by  a  profound 
sense  of  what  is  duo  to  the  country  and  its  institutions ;  nor  shall  I  neglect 
to  apply  the  same  unbending  rule  to  those  of  my  own  appointment.  Free- 
dom of  opinion  will  be  tolerated,  the  full  enjoyment  of  the  right  of  suffrage 
will  be  maintained,  as  the  birthright  of  every  American  citizen  ;  but  I  say 
emphatically  to  the  official  corps,  "thus  far,  and  no  further."  I  have 
dwelt  the  longer  upon  this  subject,  because  removals  from  office  are  likely 
often  to  arise,'  and  I  would  have  my  countrymen  understand  the  principle 
of  the  executive  action. 

In  all  public  expenditures,  the  most  rigid  economy  should  be  resorted  to  ; 
and,  as  one  of  its  results,  a  public  debt  in  time  of  peace  be  sedulously 
avoided.  A  wise  and  patriotic  couhitituency  will  never  object  to  the  impo- 
sition of  necessary  burdens  for  useful  ends  ;  and  true  wisdom  dictates  the 
resort  to  such  means,  in  order  to  supply  deficiencies  in  the  revenue,  rather 
than  to  those  doubtful  expedients  which,  ultimating  in  a  public  debt,  serve 
to  embarrass  the  resources  of  the  country,  and  to  lessen  its  ability  to  meet 
any  great  emergency  which  may  arise.  All  sinecures  should  be  abolish- 
ed. The  appropriations  should  be  direct  and  explicit,  so  as  to  leave  as 
limited  a  share  of  discretion  to  the  disbursing  agents  as  may  be  found  com- 
patible with  the  public  service.  A  strict  responsibility  on  the  part  of  all 
the  agents  of  the  government  should  be  maintained,  and  peculation  or  de- 
falcation visited  with  immediate  expulsion  from  office,  and  the  most  condign 
punishment. 

The  public  interest  also  demands  that  if  any  war  has  existed  between 
the  government  and  the  currency,  it  shall  cease.  Measures  of  a  financial 
character,  now  having  the  sanction  of  legal  enactment,  shall  be  faithfully 
enforced-  until  repealed  by  the  legislative  authority.  But  I  owe  it  to  myself 
to  declare  that  I  regard  existing  enactments  as  unwise  and  impolitic,  and 
in  a  high  degree  oppressive.  I  shall  promptly  give  my  sanction  to  any 
constitutional  measure  which,  originating  in  Congress,  shall  have  for  its 
object  the  restoration  of  a  sound  circulating  medium,  so  essentially  neces- 
sary to  give  confidence  in  all  the  transactions  of  life,  to  secure  to  industry 
hs  juyt  and  adequate  rewards,  and  to  re-establish  the  public  prosperity.  In 
de(';iding  upon  the  adaptation  of  any  such  measure  to  the  end  proposed,  as 
well  as  its  conformity  to  the  constitution,  I  shall  resort  to  the  fathers  of  the 
great  republican  school  for  advice  and  instruction,  to  be  drawn  from  their 
sage  views  of  our  system  of  government,  and  the  light  of  their  ever  glo- 
rious example. 

The  institutions  under  which  we  live,  my  countrymen,  secure  each  per- 
son in  the  perfect  enjoyment  of  all  his  rights.  The  spectacle  is  exhibited 
to  the  world  of  a  government  deriving  its  powers  from  the  consent  of  the 
governed,  and  having  imparted  to  it  only  so  much  power  as  is  necessary 
for  its  successful  operation.  Those  who  are  charged  with  its  administra- 
tion should  carefully  abstain  from  all  attempts  to  enlarge  the  range  of  pow- 
ers  thus  granted  to  the  several  departments  of  the  government,  other  than 
52 


402  TYLER. 

by  an  appeal  to  the  people  for  additional  grants,  lest  by  so  doing  they  dis- 
turb that  balance  which  the  patriots  and  statesmen  who  framed  the  consti- 
tution designed  to  establish  between  the  federal  government  and  the  states 
composing  the  Union.  The  observance  of  these  rules  is  enjoined  upon  us 
by  that  feeling  of  reverence  and  affection  which  finds  a  place  in  the  heart 
of  every  patriot  for  the  preservation  of  union  and  the  blessings  of  union — 
for  the  good  of  our  children  and  our  children's  children,  through  countless 
generations.  An  opposite  course  could  not  fail  to  generate  factions,  intent 
upon  the  gratification  of  their  selfish  ends,  to  give  birth  to  local  and  sectional 
jealousies,  and  to  ultimate  either  in  breaking  asunder  the  bonds  of  union, 
or  in  building  up  a  central  system,  which  would  inevitably  end  in  a  bloody 
sceptre  and  an  iron  crown. 

In  conclusion,  I  beg  you  to  be  assured  that  I  shall  exert  myself  to  carry 
the  foregoing  principles  into  practice  during  my  administration  of  the  gov- 
ernment ;  and,  confiding  in  the  protecting  care  of  an  ever-watchful  and 
overruling  Providence,  it  shall  be  my  first  and  highest  duty  to  preserve 
unimpaired  the  free  institutions  under  which  we  live,  and  transmit  them  to 
those  who  shall  succeed  me  in  their  full  force  and  vigor. 

John  Tyler. 

Washington,  April  9,  1841. 

The  principles  set  forth  in  this  address  gave  general  satisfaction  to  tne 
country. 

The  new  Congress  had  been  summoned  by  the  late  President  to  meet  ir. 
extra  session  on  the  31st  of  May,  under  the  belief  that  the  means  at  the 
disposal  of  the  Treasury  would  be  insufficient  to  carry  on  the  government 
until  the  period  of  the  regular  session.  It  was  supposed  to  be  necessary, 
also,  to  provide  additional  revenues,  in  consequence  of  the  existing  debt  of 
the  country,  and  the  diminished  receipts  from  the  customs  under  the  com- 
promise act  of  1833.  A  favorite  measure  with  the  victorious  party  of 
1840,  was  the  distribution  among  the  states  of  the  proceeds  of  the  sales  of 
the  public  lands.  A  change  in  the  fiscal  arrangements  of  the  government, 
and  some  general  arrangement  of  the  currency,  was  also  in  contemplation. 
On  all  these  great  topics,  the  views  of  the  President  were  shadowed  for^h 
in  his  first  message,  as  follows  : 

Fellow-Citizens  :  You  have  been  assembled  in  your  respective  halls  of  legislation  un- 
der  a  proclamation  bearing  the  signature  of  the  illustrious  citizen  who  was  so  lately  called 
by  the  direct  suffrages  of  the  people  to  the  discharge  of  the  important  functions  of  iheir 
chief  executive  office.  Upon  the  expiration  of  a  single  month  from  the  day  of  his  instal- 
lation, he  has  paid  the  great  debt  of  nature,  leaving  behind  him  a  name  associated  with 
the  recollection  of  numerous  benefits  conferred  upon  the  country  during  a  long  life  of 
patriotic  devotion.  With  this  public  bereavement  are  connected  other  considerations, 
which  will  not  escape  the  attention  of  Congress.  The  preparations  necessary  for  his 
removal  to  the  seat  of  government,  in  view  of  a  residence  of  four  years,  must  have  de. 
volved  upon  the  late  President  heavy  expenditures,  which,  if  permitted  to  burden  the 
limited  resources  of  his  private  fortune,  may  tend  to  the  serious  embarrassment  ot  his 
surviving  family;  and  it  is  therefore  respectfully  submitted  to  Congress  whether  the  ordi- 
nary principles  of  justice  would  not  dictate  the  propriety  of  its  legislative  interposition. 
By  the  provisions  of  the  fundamental  law,  the  powers  and  duties  of  the  high  station  to 
which  he  was  elected  have  devolved  upon  me  ;  and  in  the  dispositions  of  the  representa. 
tives  of  the  states  and  of  the  people  will  be  found,  to  a  great  extent,  a  solution  of  the 
prob'em  to  which  our  institutions  are  for  the  first  time  subjected. 


TYLER.  408 

i.n  entering  upon  the  duties  of  this  office,  I  did  not  feel  that  it  would  be  becoming  in 
me  to  disturb  what  had  been  ordered  by  my  lamented  predecessor.  Whatever,  therefore, 
may  have  been  my  oi)inion,  originally,  as  to  the  propriety  of  convening  Congress  at  so 
early  a  day  from  that  of  its  late  adjournment,  I  found  a  new  and  a  controlling  induce 
ment  not  to  interfere  with  the  patriotic  desires  of  the  late  President,  in  the  novelty  of  the 
situation  in  which  I  was  so  unexpectedly  placed.  My  first  wish,  under  such  circum- 
stances, would  necessarily  have  been  to  have  called  to  my  aid,  in  the  administration  of 
public  aflairs,  the  combined  wisdom  of  the  two  Houses  of  Congress,  in  order  to  take  their 
counsel  and  advice  as  to  the  best  mode  of  extricating  the  government  and  the  country 
from  the  embarrassments  weighing  heavily  on  both.  I  am  then  most  happy  in  finding 
myself,  so  soon  after  my  accession  to  the  Presidency,  surrounded  by  the  immediate  rep. 
resentatives  of  the  states  and  people. 

No  important  changes  having  taken  place  in  our  foreign  relations  since  the  last  session 
of  Congress,  it  is  not  deemed  necessary  on  this  occasion  to  go  into  a  detailed  statement 
in  regard  to  them.  I  am  happy  to  say  that  I  see  nothing  to  destroy  the  hope  of  being 
able  to  preserve  peace. 

The  ratification  of  the  treaty  with  Portugal  has  been  duly  exchanged  between  the  two 
governments.  This  government  has  not  been  inattentive  to  the  interests  of  those  of  our 
citizens  who  have  claims  on  t*he  government  of  Spain,  founded  on  express  treaty  stipula. 
tions  ;  and  a  hope  is  indulged  that  the  representations  which  have  been  made  to  that 
government  on  tliis  subject  may  lead,  ere  long,  to  beneficial  results. 

A  correspondence  has  taken  place  between  the  Secretary  of  Slate  and  the  minister  of 
her  Britannic  Majesty  accredited  to  this  government,  on  the  subject  of  Alexander  M'Leod's 
ind'ctment  and  imprisonment,  copies  of  which  are  herewith  communicated  to  Congress. 

In  addition  to  what  appears  from  these  papers,  it  may  be  proper  to  state  that  Alexan- 
der  M'Leod  has  been  heard  by  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  state  of  New  York  on  his  mo- 
tion to  be  discharged  from  imprisonment,  and  that  the  decision  of  that  Court  has  not  as 
yet  been  pronounced. 

The  Secretary  of  State  has  addressed  to  me  a  paper  upon  two  subjects,  interesting  to 
the  commerce  of  the  country,  which  will  receive  my  consideration,  and  which  I  have  the 
honor  to  communicate  to  Congress. 

So  far  as  it  depends  on  the  course  of  this  government,  our  relations  of  good-will  and 
friendship  will  be  sedulously  cultivated  with  all  nations.  The  true  American  policy  will 
be  found  to  consist  in  the  exercise  of  a  spirit  of  justice,  to  be  manifested  in  the  discharge 
of  all  our  international  obligations,  to  the  weakest  of  the  family  of  nations  as  well  as  to 
the  most  powerful.  Occasional  conflicts  of  opinion  may  arise  ;  but  when  the  discussions 
incident  to  them  are  conducted  in  the  language  of  truth,  and  with  a  strict  regard  to  jus- 
lice,  the  scourge  of  war  will  for  the  most  part  be  avoided.  The  time  ought  to  be  regard- 
ed as  having  gone  by  when  a  resort  to  arms  is  to  be  esteemed  as  the  only  proper  arbiter 
of  national  differences. 

The  census  recently  taken  shows  a  regularly  progressive  increase  in  our  population 
Upon  the  breaking  out  of  the  war  of  the  Revolution,  our  numbers  scarcely  equalled  three 
millions  of  souls — they  already  exceed  seventeen  millions,  and  will  continue  to  increase 
in  a  ratio  which  duplicates  in  a  period  of  about  twenty-three  years.  The  old  states  con- 
tain a  territory  sufficient  in  itself  to  maintain  a  population  of  additional  millions,  and  the 
most  populous  of  the  new  states  may  even  yet  be  regarded  as  but  partially  settled  ;  while 
of  the  new  lands  on  this  side  of  the  Rocky  mountains,  to  say  nothing  of  the  immense 
region  which  stretches  from  the  base  of  those  mountains  to  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia 
river,  about  770,000,000  of  acres,  ceded  and  unceded,  still  remain  to  be  brought  into 
market.  We  hold  out  to  the  people  of  other  countries  an  invitation  to  come  and  settle 
among  us  as  members  of  our  rapidly  growing  family  ;  and,  for  the  blessings  which  we 
oflTer  them,  we  require  of  them  to  look  upon  our  country  as  their  country,  and  to  unite 
with  us  in  the  great  task  of  preserving  our  institutions,  and  thereby  perpetuating  our  lib- 
erties. No  motive  exists  for  foreign  conquests.  We  desire  but  to  reclaim  our  almost 
illimitable  wildernesses,  and  to  introduce  into  their  depths  the  lights  of  civilization.  While 
we  shall  at  all  times  be  prepared  to  vindicate  the  national  honor,  our  most  earnest  desire 
will  be  to  maintain  an  unbroken  peace. 

In  presenting  the  foregoing  views,  I  cannot  withhold  the  expression  of  the  opinion  that 
there  exists  nothing  in  the  extensi'in  of  our  empire  over  our  acknowledged  possessions  to 
excite  the  alarm  of  the  patriot  for  the  safety  of  our  institutions.     The  federative  system, 


404  TYLER. 

leaving  to  each  state  the  care  of  its  domestic  concerns,  and  devolving  on  the  federal  gov. 
ernment  those  of  general  import,  admits  in  safety  of  the  greatest  expansion  ;  but,  at  the 
same  time,  I  deem  it  proper  to  add  that  there  will  be  found  to  exist  at  all  times  an  impe- 
rious  necessity  for  restraining  all  the  functionaries  of  this  government  within  the  range 
of  their  respective  powers,  thereby  preserving  a  just  balance  between  the  powers  granted 
to  this  government  and  those  reserved  to  the  states  and  to  the  people. 

From  the  report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  you  will  perceive  that  the  fiscal 
means,  present  and  accruing,  are  insufficient  to  supply  the  wants  of  the  government  for 
the  current  year.  The  balance  in  the  treasury  on  the  fourth  day  of  March  last,  not  cov- 
ered by  outstanding  drafts,  and  exclusive  of  trust  funds,  is  estimated  at  $860, OUO.  This 
includes  the  sum  of  $215,000  deposited  in  the  mint  and  its  branches  to  procure  metal 
for  coining,  and  in  the  process  of  coinage,  and  which  could  not  be  withdrawn  without 
inconvenience  ;  thus  leaving  subject  to  draft,  in  the  various  depositories,  the  sum  of 
$645,000.  By  virtue  of  two  several  acts  of  Congress,  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
was  autliorized  to  issue,  on  and  after  the  fourth  day  of  March  last,  treasury  notes  to  the 
amount  of  $5,413,000,  making  an  aggregate  available  fund  of  $6,058,000  on  hand. 

But  this  fund  was  chargeable  with  outstanding  treasury  notes  redeemable  in  the  current 
year,  and  interest  thereon,  to  the  estimated  amount  of  five  millions  two  hundred  and 
eighty  thousand  dollars.  There  is  also  thrown  upon  the  treasury  tire  payment  of  a  large 
amotjnt  of  demands  accrued  in  whole  or  m  part  in  former  years,  which  will  exhaust  the 
available  means  of  the  treasury,  and  leave  the  accruing  revenue,  reduced  as  it  is  in 
amount,  burdened  with  debt,  and  charged  with  the  current  expenses  of  the  government 
The  aggregate  amount  of  outstanding  appropriations  on  the  fourth  day  of  March  lust, 
was  $33,429,616  50,  of  which  $24,210,000  will  be  required  during  the  current  year; 
and  there  will  also  be  required  for  the  use  of  the  War  Department  additional  appropria- 
tions to  the  amount  of  $2,511,132  98,  the  special  objects  of  which  will  be  seen  by  refer, 
ence  to  the  report  of  the  Secretary  of  War. 

The  anticipated  means  of  the  treasury  are  greatly  inadequate  to  this  demand.  The 
receipts  from  customs  for  the  last  three  quarters  of  the  last  year,  and  the  first  quarter  of 
the  present  year,  amounted  to  $12,100,000  ;  the  receipts  for  lands  for  the  same  time  to 
$2,742,430  60 ;  showing  an  average  revenue,  from  both  sources,  of  $1,236,870  per 
month.  A  gradual  expansion  of  trade,  growing  out  of  a  restoration  of  confidence,  to- 
gether with  a  reduction  in  the  expenses  of  collecting,  and  punctuality  on  the  part  of  col- 
lecting officers,  may  cause  an  addition  to  the  monthly  receipts  from  the  customs.  They 
are  estimated  for  the  residue  of  the  year  from  the  fourth  of  March,  at  $12,000,000 ;  the 
receipts  from  the  public  lands  for  the  same  time  are  estimated  at  $2,500,000  ;  and  from 
miscellaneous  sources,  at  $170,000  ;  making  an  aggregate  of  available  fund  within  the 
year  of  $14,670,000;  which  will  leave  a  probable  deficit  of  $11,406,000.  To  meet 
this,  soine  temporary  provision  is  necessary,  until  the  amount  can  be  absorbed  by  the 
excess  of  revenues  which  are  anticipated  to  accrue  at  no  distant  day. 

There  will  fall  due,  within  the  next  three  months,  treasury  notes  of  the  issues  of  1840, 
including  interest,  about  $2,850,000.  There  is  chargeable  in  the  same  period  for  arrear 
ages  for  taking  the  sixth  census,  $294,000  ;  and  the  estimated  expenditures  for  the  cur- 
rent service  are  about  $8,100,000,  making  the  aggregate  demand  upon  the  treasury,  prior 
to  the  first  of  September  next,  about  $11,340,000. 

The  ways  and  means  in  the  treasury,  and  estimated  to  accrue  within  the  above  named 
period,  consist  of  about  $694,000  of  funds  available  on  the  28th  ultimo  ;  an  unissued 
balance  of  treasury  notes,  authorized  by  the  act  (if  1841,  amounting  to  $1,955,000,  and 
estimated  receipts  from  all  sources  of  $3,800,000,  making  an  aggregate  of  about 
$6,450,000,  and  leaving  a  probable  deficit  on  the  first  of  September  next  of  about 
$4,815,000. 

In  order  to  supply  the  wants  of  the  government,  an  intelligent  constituency,  in  view 
of  their  best-interests,  will,  without  hesitation,  submit  to  all  necessary  burdens.  Bi:t  it  is 
nevertheless  important  so  to  impose  them  as  to  avoid  defeating  the  just  expectations  of 
the  country,  growing  out  of  pre-existing  laws.  The  act  of  the  2d  March,  1833,  com- 
monly called  the  compromise  act,  should  not  be  altered  except  under  urgent  necessities, 
which  are  not  believed  at  this  time  to  exist.  One  year  only  remains  to  complete  the 
series  of  reductions  provided  for  by  that  law,  at  which  time  provisions  made  by  the  same 
law,  and  which  then  will  be  brought  ac'.'vely  in  aid  of  the  manufacturing  interests  of  the 
Union,  will  not  fail  to  produce  the  most  beneficial  results.     Under  a  system  of  discrim- 


TYLER.  405 

mating  duties  imposed  for  purposes  of  revenue,  in  unison  witli  the  provisions  of  existinjj 
laws,  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  our  policy  will,  in  the  future,  be  fixed  and  permanent,  so  as  to 
avoid  those  constant  fluetuaiions  which  defeat  the  very  objects  they  have  in  view.  We 
shall  thuw  best  maintain  a  position  which,  while  it  will  enable  us  the  more  readily  to  meet 
the  advances  of  other  countries,  calculated  to  promote  our  trade  and  commerce,  will,  at 
the  same  time,  leave  in  our  own  hands  the  means  of  retaliating  with  greater  effect  unju,«t 
regulations. 

In  intimate  connection  with  the  question  of  revenue,  is  that  which  makes  provision  foi 
a  suitable  fiscal  agent,  capable  of  adding  increased  facilities  in  the  collection  and  dis. 
bursement  of  the  public  revenues,  rendering  more  secure  their  custody,  and  consulting  a 
true  economy  in  the  great,  multiplied,  and  delicate  operations  of  the  Treasury  Depart, 
nient.  Upon  such  an  agent  depends,  in  an  eminent  degree,  the  establishment  of  a  cur. 
rency  of  uniform  value,  which  is  of  so  great  importance  to  all  the  essential  interests  of 
suciety  ;  and  on  the  wisdom  to  be  manifested  in  its  creation,  much  depends.  So  inti. 
mately  inierwoven  are  its  operations  not  only  with  the  interests  of  individuals,  but  of 
states,  that  it  may  be  regarded  in  a  great  degree  as  controlling  both.  If  paper  be  used 
as  'he  chief  medium  of  circulation,  and  the  power  be  vested  in  the  government  of  issuing 
it  at  pleasure,  either  in  the  form  of  treasury  drafts  or  any  other,  or  if  banks  be  used  as 
the  public  depositories,  with  liberty  to  regard  all  surpluses,  from  day  to  day,  as  so  much 
added  to  their  active  capital,  prices  are  exposed  to  constant  fluctuations,  and  industry  to 
severe  suffering.  In  the  one  case,  political  considerations,  directed  to  parly  purposes, 
may  control,  while  excessive  cupidity  may  prevail  in  the  other.  The  i)ublic  is  thus  con- 
stantly liable  to  imposition.  Expansions  and  contractions  may  follow  each  other  in  rapid 
succession,  the  one  engendering  a  reckless  spirit  of  adventure  and  speculation,  which 
embraces  states  as  well  as  individuals  ;  the  other  causing  a  fall  in  prices,  and  accomplish- 
ing an  entire  change  in  the  aspect  of  affairs.  Stocks  of  all  kinds  rapidly  decline — indi- 
viduals are  ruined,  and  states  embarrassed  even  in  their  efforts  to  meet  with  punctuality 
the  interest  on  their  debts.  Such,  unhappily,  is  the  condition  of  things  now  existing  in 
the  United  States.  These  effects  may  readily  be  traced  to  the  causes  above  referred  to. 
The  public  revenues,  on  being  removed  from  the  then  Bank  of  the  United  States,  under 
an  order  of  a  late  President,  were  placed  in  selected  state  banks,  which,  actuated  by  the 
double  motive  of  conciliating  the  government  and  augmenting  their  profits  to  the  greatest 
possible  extent,  enlarged  extravagantly  their  discounts,  thus  enabling  all  other  existing 
banks  to  do  the  same.  Large  dividends  were  declared,  which,  stimulating  the  cupidity 
of  capitalists,  caused  a  rush  to  be  made  to  the  legislatures  of  the  respective  states  for 
similar  acts  of  incorporation,  which,  by  many  of  the  states,  under  a  temporary  infatua- 
tion, M'tre  readily  granted ;  and  thus  the  augmentation  of  the  circulating  medium,  con- 
sisting almost  exclusively  of  paper,  produced  a  most  fatal  delusion.  An  illustration, 
derived  from  the  land  sales  of  the  period  alluded  to,  will  serve  best  to  show  the  effect  of 
the  whole  system.  The  average  sales  of  the  public  lands,  for  a  period  of  ten  years  prior 
to  1834,  had  not  much  exceeded  $2,000,000  per  annum.  In  1834  they  attained,  in 
round  numbers,  to  the  amount  of  $6,000,000.  In  the  succeeding  year  of  1835,  they 
reached  $16,000,000  ;  and  in  1836  they  amounted  to  the  enormous  sum  of  $:25,000,000 
— thus  crowding  into  the  short  space  of  three  years  upwards  of  twenty. three  years'  pur. 
chase  of  the  public  domain.  So  apparent  hid  become  the  necessity  of  arresting  this 
course  of  things,  that  the  Executive  Department  assumed  the  highly  questionable  power 
of  discriminating  in  the  funds  to  be  used  in  payment  by  different  classes  of  public  debt- 
ors— a  discrimination  which  was  doubtless  Uesigned  to  correct  this  most  ruinous  state  of 
things  by  the  exaction  of  specie  in  all  payments  for  the  public  lands,  but  which  could  not 
at  once  arrest  the  tide  which  had  so  strongly  set  in.  Hence  the  demands  for  specie  became 
unceasing,  and  corresponding  prostration  rapidly  ensued  under  the  necessities  created 
with  the  banks  to  curtail  their  discounts,  and  thereby  to  reduce  their  circulation.  I  recur 
to  these  things  with  no  dispos.iiion  to  censure  pre-existing  administrations  of  the  govern- 
ment, but  simply  in  exemplification  of  the  truth  of  the  position  which  I  have  assumed. 
If,  then,  any  fiscal  agent  which  may  be  created  shall  be  placed,  without  due  restrictions, 
either  in  the  hands  of  the  administrators  of  the  government  or  those  of  private  individ- 
uals, the  temptation  to  abuse  will  prove  to  be  resistless.  Objects  of  political  aggrandize, 
ment  may  seduce  the  first,  and  the  promptings  of  a  boundless  cupidity  will  assail  the 
last.  Aided  by  the  experience  of  the  past,  it  will  be  the  pleasure  of  Congress  so  to  guard 
and  fortify  the  public  interests,  in  the  creation  of  any  new  agent,  as  to  place  thern,  so  far 


406  TYLER. 

as  huHian  wisdom  can  accomplish  it,  on  a  footing  of  perfect  security.  Within  a  few  years 
past,  three  different  schemes  have  been  before  the  country.  The  charter  of  the  Banii  of 
the  United  States  expired  by  its  own  hmitation  in  1836.  An  effort  was  made  to  renew 
it,  which  received  the  sanction  of  the  two  Houses  of  Congress,  but  the  then  President 
of  the  United  States  exercised  his  veto  power,  and  the  measure  was  defeated.  A  regard 
to  truth  requires  me  to  say  that  the  President  was  fully  sustained  in  the  course  he  had 
taken  by  the  popular  voice.  His  successor  in  the  chair  of  state  unqualifiedly  pronounced 
his  opposition  to  any  new  charter  of  a  similar  institution  ;  and  not  only  the  popular  elec- 
tion which  brought  him  into  power,  but  the  elections  through  much  of  his  term,  seemed 
clearly  to  indicate  a  concurrence  with  him  in  sentiment  on  the  part  of  the  people.  After 
the  public  moneys  were  withdrawn  from  the  United  States  Bank,  they  were  placed  in 
deposite  iviih  the  slate  banks,  and  the  result  of  that  policy  has  been  before  the  country. 
To  say  nothing  as  to  the  question  whether  that  experiment  was  made  under  propitious 
or  adverse  circumstances,  it  may  safely  be  asserted  that  it  did  receive  the  unqualified  con- 
demnation  of  most  of  its  early  advocates,  and  it  is  believed  was  also  condemned  by  the 
popular  sentiment.  The  existing  sub-treasury  system  does  not  seem  to  stand  in  higher 
favor  with  the  people,  but  has  recently  been  condemned  in  a  manner  too  plainly  indicated 
to  admit  of  a  doubt.  Thus,  in  the  short  period  of  eight  years,  the  popular  voice  may  be 
regarded  as  having  successively  condemned  each  of  the  three  schemes  of  finance  to  which 
I  have  adverted.  As  to  the  first,  it  was  introduced  at  a  time  (1816)  when  the  state 
banks,  then  comparatively  few  in  number,  had  been  forced  to  suspend  specie  payments, 
by  reason  of  the  war  which  had  previously  prevailed  with  Great  Britain.  Whether,  if 
the  United  States  Bank  charter,  which  expired  in  1811,  had  been  renewed  in  due  season, 
it  would  have  been  enabled  to  continue  specie  payments  during  the  war,  and  the  disas- 
trous period  to  the  commerce  of  the  country  which  immediately  succeeded,  is,  to  say  the 
least,  problematical:  and  whether  the  United  States  Bank  of  1816  produced  a  restoration 
of  specie  payments,  or  the  same  was  accomplished  through  the  instrumentality  of  other 
means,  was  a  matter  of  some  difficulty  at  that  time  to  determine.  Certain  it  is  that,  for 
the  first  years  of  the  operation  of  that  Bank,  its  course  was  as  disastrous  as  for  the  greater 
part  of  its  subsequent  career  it  became  eminently  successful.  As  to  the  second,  the  ex- 
periment was  tried  with  a  redundant  treasury,  vvhi,ch  continued  to  increase  until  it  seemed 
to  be  the  part  of  wisdom  to  distribute  the  surplus  revenue  among  the  states,  which,  op. 
erating  at  the  same  time  with  the  specie  circular,  and  the  causes  before  adverted  to, 
caused  them  to  suspend  specie  payments,  and  involved  the  country  in  the  greatest  embar- 
rassment. And,  as  to  the  third,  if  carried  through  all  the  stages  of  its  transmutation,  from 
paper  and  specie  to  nothing  but  the  precious  metals,  to  say  nothing  of  the  insecurity  of 
the  public  moneys,  its  injurious  effects  have  been  anticipated  by  the  country  in  its  unqual. 
ified  condemnation.  What  is  now  to  be  regarded  as  the  judgment  of  the  American  peo- 
pie  on  this  whole  subject,  I  have  no  accurate  means  of  determining,  but  by  appealing  to 
their  more  immediate  representatives.  The  late  contest,  which  terminated  in  the  election 
of  General  Harrison  to  the  Presidency,  was  decided  on  principles  well  known,  and  openly 
declared  :  and,  while  the  sub-treasury  received  in  the  result  the  most  decided  condemna- 
tion, yet  no  other  scheme  of  finance  seemed  to  have  been  concurred  in.  To  you,  then, 
who  have  come  more  directly  from  the  body  of  our  common  constituents,  I  submit  the 
entire  question,  as  best  qualified  to  give  a  full  exposition  of  their  wishes  and  opinions.  I 
shall  be  ready  to  concur  with  you  in  the  adoption  of  such  system  as  you  may  propose, 
reserving  to  myself  the  ultimate  power  of  rejecting  any  measure  which  may,  in  my  view 
of  it,  conflict  with  the  constitution,  or  otherwise  jeopard  the  prosperity  of  the  country — a 
power  which  I  could  not  part  with,  even  if  I  would,  but  which  I  will  not  believe  any  act 
of  yours  vv'ill  call  into  requisition. 

I  cannot  avoid  recurring,  in  connection  with  this  subject,  to  the  necessity  which  exists 
for  adopting  some  suitable  measure  whereby  the  unlimited  creation  of  banks  by  the  states 
may  be  corrected  in  future.  Such  result  can  be  most  readily  achieved  by  the  consent  of 
the  states,  to  be  expressed  in  the  form  of  a  compact  among  themselves,  which  they  can 
only  enter  into  with  the  consent  and  approbation  of  this  government — a  consent  which, 
in  the  present  emergency  of  the  public  demands,  may  justifiably  be  given  by  Congress 
in  advance  of  any  action  by  the  states,  as  an  inducement  to  such  action,  upon  terms  well 
defined  by  the  act  of  tender.  Such  a  measure,  addressing  itself  to  the  calm  reflection  of 
the  states,  would  find,  in  the  experience  of  the  past  and  the  condition  of  the  present, 
much  to  sustain  it.     And  it  is  greatly  to  be  doubted  whether  any  scheme  of  finance  can 


TYLER.  407 

prove  for  atiy  length  ol  time  successful,  while  the  states  shall  continue  in  the  unrestrained 
exercise  of  ihe  power  of  creating  banking  corporations.  This  power  can  only  be  liiniicd 
by  their  consent. 

With  the  adoption  of  a   financial  agency  of  a  satisfactory  character,  the  hope  may  bo 
:nilul"'er.  that  the  country  may  once  more  return  to  a  state  of  prosperity.     Measures  aux- 
iliary^thcreto,  and  in  some  measure  inseparably  connected  with  its  success,  will  doubtless 
claim  the  attention  of  Congress.     Among  such,  a  distribution  of  the  proceeds  of  ihe  sales 
of  the  public  lands,  provided  such  distribution  does  not  force  upon  Congress  the  necessity 
of  imposing  upon  commerce  heavier  burdens  than  those  contemplated  by  the  act  of  1833, 
would  act  as  an  efficient  remedial  measure,  by  being  brought  directly  in  aid  of  the  states 
As  one  sincerely  devoted  to  the  task  of  preserving  a  just  balance  in  our  system  of  gov 
ernment,  by  the  maintenance  of  the  states  in  a  condition  the  most  free  and  respectable, 
and  in  the  full  possession  of  all  their  power,  I  can  no  otherwise  than  feel  desirous  for 
their  emancipation  from  the  situation  to  which  the  pressure  on  their  finances  now  subjects 
them.     And  while  I  must  repudiate,  as  a  measure  founded  in  error,  and  wanting  consti. 
lutional  sanction,  the  slightest  approach  to  an  assumption  by  this  government  of  the  debts 
of  the  states,  yet  I  can  see,  in  the  distribution  adverted  to,  much  to  recommend  it.     The 
compacts  between  the  proprietor  states  and  this  government  expressly  guaranty  to  the 
states  all  the  benefits  which  may  arise  from  the  sales.     The  mode  by  which  this  is  to  be 
effected  addresses  itself  to  the  discretion  of  Congress,  as  the  trustee  for  the  states  ;  and 
its  exercise,  after  the  most  beneficial  manner,  is  restrained  by  nothing  in  the  grants  or  in 
the  constitution,  so  long  as  Congress  shall  consult  that  equality  in  the  distribution  which 
the  compacts  require.     In  the  present  condition  of  some  of  the  states,  the  question  of 
distribution  may  be  regarded  as  substantially  a  question  between  direct  and  indirect  tax. 
ation.     If  the  distribution  be  not  made  in  some  form  of  other,  the  necessity  will  daily 
become  more  urgent  with  the  debtor  states  for  a  resort  to  an  oppressive  system  of  direct 
taxation,  or  their  credit,  and  necessarily  their  power  and  influence,  will  be  greatly  dimin- 
ished.    The  payment  of  taxes,  after  the  most  inconvenient  and  oppressive  mode,  will  be 
exacted  in  place  of  contributions  for  the  most  part  voluntarily  made,  and  therefore  com- 
paratively unoppressive.     The  states  are  emphatically  the  constituents  of  this  government ; 
and  we  should  be  entirely  regardless  of  the  objects  held  in  view  by  them  in  the  creation 
of  this  government,  if  we  could  be  indifferent  to  their  good.     The  happy  effects  of  such 
a  measure  upon  all  the  states  would  immediately  be  manifested.     With  the  debtor  states, 
it  would  effect  the  relief,  to  a  great  extent,  of  the  citizens  from  a  heavy  burden  of  direct 
taj  ation,  which   presses  with  severity  on  the  laboring  classes,   and  eminendy  assist  m 
restoring  the  general  prosperity.     An  immediate  advance  would  take  place  in  the  price 
of  the   state   securities,  and   the  altitude  of  the   stales  would   become  once   more,  as  it 
tnould  ever  be,  lofty  and  erect.     With  states  laboring  under  no  extreme  pressure  from 
debt,  the  fund  which  they  would  derive  from  this  source  would  enable  them  to  improve 
their  condition  in  an  eminent  degree.     So  far  as  this  government  is  concerned,  appropri. 
ations  to  domestic  objects,  approaching  in  amount   the  revenue   derived  from  the  land 
sales,  might  be  abandoned  ;  and  thus  a  system  of  unequal  and  therefore  unjust  legislation 
would  be  substituted  by  one  dispensing  equality  to  all  the  members  of  this  confederacy. 
Whether  such  distribution  should   be  made  directly  to  the  states  in  die  proceeds  of  the 
sales,  or  in  the  form  of  profits   by  virtue  of  the  operations  of  any  fiscal  agency  having 
these  proceeds  as  its  basis,  should  such   measure   be  contemplated  by  Congress,  would 
well  deserve  its  consideration.     Nor  would  such  disposition  of  the  proceeds  of  the  sales 
in  any  manner  prevent  Congress,  from  time  to  lime,  from  passing  all  necessary  pre-emp- 
tion laws  for  the  benefit  of  actual  settlers,  or  from  making  any  new  arrangement  as  to  the 
price  of  the  public  lands,  which  might  in  future  be  esteemed  desirable. 

I  beg  leave  particularly  to  call  your  attention  to  the  accompanying  report  from  the 
Secretary  of  War.  Besides  the  present  state  of  the  war  which  has  so  long  afflicted  tho 
Territory  of  Florida,  and  the  various  other  matters  of  interest  (herein  referred  to,  you 
will  learn  from  it  that  the  Secretary  has  instituted  an  inquiry  into  abuses,  which  promises 
to  develope  gross  enormities  in  connection  with  Indian  treaties  which  iave  been  negotia- 
ted, as  well  as  in  the  expenditures  for  the  removal  and  subsistence  ot  the  Indians.  He 
represents,  also,  other  irregularities  of  a  serious  nature  that  have  grown  up  in  the  practice 
of  the  Indian  Department,  which  will  require  the  appropriation  of  upwards  of  $2[C,00C 
to  correct,  and  which  claim  the  immediate  attention  of  Congress. 

In  reflecting  on  the  proper  means  of  defending  the  country,  we  cannot  shut  s»ur  eycj 


408  TYLER. 

lO  the  consequences  which  the  introduction  and  use  of  the  power  of  irt-aam  upon  the  ocean 
are  Hkely  to  produce  in  wars  between  maritime  states.  We  cannot  yet  see  the  extent  to 
which  this  power  may  be  apnUed  in  belligerent  operations,  connecting  itself  as  it  does 
with  recent  improvements  ir.  the  science  of  gunnery  and  projectiles;  but  we  need  have 
no  fear  of  being  left,  in  regard  to  these  ti.iags,  behind  the  most  active  and  skilful  of  other 
nations,  if  the  genius  and  enterprise  of  our  fellow-citizens  receive  proper  encouragement 
and  direction  from  government. 

True  wisdom  would,  nevertheless,  seem  to  dictate  the  necessity  of  placing  in  perfect 
condition  those  fortifications  which  are  designed  for  the  protection  of  our  principal  cities 
and  roadsteads.  For  the  defence  of  our  extended  maritime  coast,  our  chief  reliance 
should  be  placed  on  our  navy,  aided  by  those  inventions  which  are  destined  to  recom. 
mend  themselves  to  public  adoption.  But  no  time  should  be  lost  in  placing  our  prucipal 
cities  on  the  seaboard  and  the  lakes  in  a  state  of  entire  security  from  foreign  assault,  Sep. 
arated  as  we  are  from  the  countries  of  the  old  world,  and  in  much  unaffected  by  their 
policy,  we  are  happily  relieved  from  the  necessity  of  maintaining  large  standing  armies  in 
times  of  peace.  The  policy  which  was  adopted  by  Mr.  Monroe,  shortly  after  the  conclu. 
sion  of  the  late  war  with  Great  Britain,  of  preserving  a  regularly  organized  staff,  sufficient 
for  the  command  of  a  large  military  force,  should  the  necessity  for  one  arise,  is  founded 
as  well  in  economy  as  in  true  wisdom.  Provision  is  thus  made,  upon  filling  up  the  rank 
and  file,  which  can  readily  be  done  on  any  emergency,  for  the  introduction  of  a  system 
of  discipline,  both  promptly  and  efficiently.  All  that  is  required  in  time  of  peace  is  to 
maintain  a  sufficient  number  of  men  to  guard  our  fortifications,  to  meet  any  sudden  con- 
tingency, and  to  encounter  the  first  shock  of  war.  Our  chief  reliance  must  be  placed  on 
the  militia.  They  constitute  the  great  body  of  national  guards,  and,  inspired  by  an  ardent 
love  of  country,  will  be  found  ready  at  all  times  and  at  all  seasons  to  repair  with  alacrity 
to  its  defence.  It  will  be  regarded  by  Congress,  I  doubt  not,  at  a  suitable  time,  as  one 
of  its  highest  duties,  to  attend  to  their  complete  organization  and  discipline. 

By  the  report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  it  will  be  seen  that  the  state  of  the  navy 
pension  fund  requires  the  immediate  attention  of  Congress.  By  the  operation  of  the  act  of 
the  3d  of  March,  1837,  entitled  "  An  act  for  the  more  equitable  administration  of  the 
navy  pension  fund,"  that  fund  has  been  exhausted.  It  will  be  seen  that  there  will  be 
required  for  the  payment  of  navy  pensions,  on  the  first  of  July  next,  $88,706  06,  and  on 
the  first  of  January,  1842,  the  sum  of  $69,000.  In  addition  to  these  sums,  about  $6,00(* 
will  be  required  to  pay  arrears  of  pensions  which  will  probably  be  allowed  between  the 
first  of  July  and  the  first  of  January,  1842,  making  in  the  whole  $163,706  06.  To  meet 
these  payments,  there  is  within  the  control  of  the  department  the  sum  of  $28,040,  leav. 
ing  a  deficit  of  $139,606  06.  The  public  faith  requires  that  immediate  provision  should 
be  made  for  the  payment  of  these  sums. 

In  order  to  introduce  into  the  navy  a  desirable  efficiency,  a  new  system  of  accountabil- 
ity may  be  found  to  be  indispensably  necessary.  To  mature  a  plan  having  for  its  object 
the  accomplishment  of  an  end  so  important,  and  to  meet  the  just  expectations  of  the  coun 
try,  require  more  time  than  has  yet  been  allowed  to  the  Secretary  at  the  head  of  that 
department.  The  hope  is  indulged  that,  by  the  time  of  your  next  regular  session,  mdas. 
ures  of  importance,  in  connection  with  this  branch  of  the  public  service,  may  be  matured 
for  your  consideration. 

Although  the  laws  regulating  the  Post  Office  Department  only  require  from  the  officer  • 
charged  with  its  direction  to  report  at  the  usual  annual  session  of  Congress,  the  Postmas. 
ter-General  has  presented  to  me  some  facts  connected  with  the  financial  condition  of  the 
department,  which  are  deemed  worthy  the  attention  of  Congress.  By  the  accompanying 
report  of  that  officer,  it  appears  that  the  existing  liabilities  of  that  department,  beyond  the 
means  of  payment  at  its  command,  cannot  be  less  than  $500,000.  As  the  laws  organ, 
izing  that  branch  of  the  public  service  confine  the  expenditure  to  its  own  revenues, 
deficiencies  therein  cannot  be  presented  under  the  usual  estimates  for  the  expenses  of  the 
government.  It  must  therefore  be  left  to  Congress  to  determine  whether  the  moneys  now 
due  to  contractors  shall  be  paid  from  the  pubhc  treasury,  or  whether  that  department  shall 
continue  under  its  present  embarrassments.  It  will  be  seen  by  the  report  of  the  Postmas. 
ter-General,  that  the  recent  lettings  of  contracts  in  several  of  the  states  have  been  made 
at  such  reduced  rates  of  compensation,  as  to  encourage  the  belief  that  if  the  department 
wns  relieved  from  existing  difficulties,  its  future  operations  might  be  conducted  without 
anj'  further  call  upon  the  general  treasury. 


TYLER.  409 

The  pow<?r  of  appointing  to  office  is  one  of  a  character  the  moat  delicate  and  respon. 
slble.  The  appointing  power  is  evermore  exposed  to  be  led  into  error.  With  anxious 
6/>licitude  to  select  the  most  trustworthy  for  official  station,  I  cannot  be  supposed  to  pos- 
sess a  personal  knowledge  of  the  qualifications  of  every  applicant.  I  deem  it  therefore 
proper,  in  this  most  public  manner,  to  invite,  on  the  part  of  the  Senate,  a  just  scrutiny 
into  the  character  and  pretensions  of  every  person  whom  I  may  bring  to  their  notice  in 
the  regular  form  of  a  nomination  for  office.  Unless  persons  every  way  trustworthy  are 
employed  in  the  public  service,  corruption  and  irregularity  will  inevitably  follow.  I  shall, 
with  the  greatest  cheerfulness,  acquiesce  in  the  decision  of  that  body  ;  and,  regarding  it 
as  wisely  constituted  to  aid  the  Executive  department  in  the  performance  of  this  delicate 
duty,  I  shall  look  to  its  *'  consent  and  advice"  as  given  only  in  furlJierance  of  the  best 
interests  of  the  country.  I  shall  also,  at  the  earliest  proper  occasion,  invite  the  attention 
of  Congress  to  such  measures  as  in  my  judgment  will  be  best  calculated  to  regulate  and 
control  the  ExecutiTe  power  in  reference  to  this  vitally  important  subject. 

I  shall  also,  at  the  proper  season,  invite  your  attention  to  the  statutory  enactments  for 
the  suppression  of  the  slave  trade,  which  may  require  to  be  rendered  more  efficient  in 
their  provisions.  There  is  reason  to  believe  that  the  traffic  is  on  the  increase.  Whether 
such  increase  is  to  be  ascribed  to  the  abolition  of  slave  labor  in  the  British  possessions  in 
our  vicinity,  and  an  attendant  diminution  in  the  supply  of  those  articles  which  enter  into 
the  general  consumiDtion  of  the  world,  thereby  augmenting  the  demand  from  other  quar- 
ters,  and  thus  calling  for  additional  labor,  it  were  needless  to  inquire.  The  highest  con- 
siderations  of  public  honor,  as  well  as  the  strongest  promptings  of  humanity,  require  a 
resort  to  the  most  vigorous  effijrts  to  suppress  the  trade. 

In  conclusion,  I  beg  leave  to  invite  your  particular  attention  to  the  interests  of  this 
L>;str?ct.  Nor  do  I  doubt  but  that,  in  a  liberal  spirit  of  legislation,  you  will  seek  to  ad- 
vance  its  commercial  as  well  as  its  local  interests.  Should  Congress  deem  it  to  be  its 
duty  to  repeal  the  existing  sub-treasury  law,  the  necessity  of  providing  a  suitable  place 
of  deposite  for  the  public  moneys  which  may  be  required  within  the  District,  must  be 
apparent  to  all. 

I  have  felt  it  due  to  the  country  to  present  the  foregoing  topics  to  your  consideration 
and  reflection.  Others,  with  which  it  might  not  seem  proper  to  trouble  you  at  an  extra- 
ordinary session,  will  be  laid  before  you  at  a  future  day.  I  am  happy  in  committing  the 
important  affiiirs  of  the  country  into  your  hands.  The  tendency  of  public  sentiment,  I  am 
pleased  to  believe,  is  towards  the  adoption,  in  a  spirit  of  union  and  harmony,  of  such 
measures  as  will  fortify  the  public  interests.  To  cherish  such  a  tendency  of  public  opin- 
ion,  is  the  task  of  an  elevated  patriotism.  That  differences  of  opinion  as  to  the  means 
of  accomplishing  these  desirable  objects  should  exist,  is  reasonab'  lo  be  expected.  Nor 
can  all  be  made  satisfied  with  any  system  of  measures.  But  1  flatter  myself  with  the 
hope  that  the  great  body  of  the  people  will  readily  unite  in  support  of  those  whose  efforts 
spring  from  a  disinterested  desire  to  promote  their  happiness  ;  to  preserve  the  federal  and 
state  governments  within  their  respective  orbits  ;  to  cultivate  peace  with  all  the  nations 
of  the  earth,  on  just  and  honorable  grounds  ;  to  exact  obedience  to  the  laws ;  to  intrench 
liberty  and  property  in  full  security ;  and,  consulting  the  most  rigid  economy,  to  abolisfi 
all  useless  expenses. 

JOHN  TYLER 

WisHiNGTON,  June  1,  184L 

63 


JAMES   K.    POLK. 

Jamks  K.  Po^.k  is  the  eldest  often  cliildren,  was  born  in  tlie  county 
ofMiililenberir,  Nortli  Carolina,  on  the  second  day  of  November,  1795, 
and  is  consequt  ally  now*  in  the  fiftieth  year  of  his  at^e.  His  ancestral 
nanie  was  Polio :;l<,  bnt  has,  by  a  transition  not  unnsnal,  assumed  its  pn  s- 
ent  cnrtaiied  form.  His  ancestors,  nearly  a  century  and  a  lialf  ago,  em- 
iirrati'd  from  Ireland  to  this  country,  and  established  themselves  in  JMarv- 
larid,  where  some  of  their  descendants  still  reside.  The  branch  of  the 
family  from  which  the  President  of  tin;  United  States  si)rnn<r,  removed 
to  the  nei«;hb<M-h(n)d  of  Carlisle,  in  Pennsylvania,  and  from  thence  to 
the  western  frontier  of  North  Carolina,  sometime  before  the  connnence- 
Jneiit  of  the  nn'olutiouary  war.  Its  couneclion  with  that  eventful  struirffle 
is  one  of  the  most  brilliant  description.  The  great  uncle  of  James  K. 
Polk,  Col.  Thomas  Polk,  was  the  prime  mover,  in  the  noble  part  ])ur- 
sued  by  the  iidiabitants  of  Muhlenberg-  county,  when  they  pnbhcly  ab- 
solved themselves  from  their  allegiance  to  the  British  crown,  and  issued  a 
fornjal  manifesto  of  independence.  The  Alexanders,  Chairman  am] 
Secretary  of  the  famous  meeting,  as  well  as  Dr.  Ephraim  Brevard,  the 
auihorof  the  declaration  itself,  were  also  relatives  of  this  family.  In  the 
C(»iitest  for  independence,  sevtiral  of  Mr.  Polk's  relatives  distinguished 
thrmselves,  even  to  the  pent  of  life.  To  be  allied  to  such  a  people  and 
lineage,  is  indeed  a  fit  subject  for  honorable  pride.  Liberty  does  not 
frown  upon  the  indulgence  of  ;i  sentiment  so  natural.  She  does  not  reject 
the  heritage  of  honor,  while  refusing  to  add  to  it,  social  or  political  dis- 
tinctions subversive  of  ecpial  rights.  The  American  people  have  always 
manifested  an  affectionate  regard  for  those  who  bear  the  names  of  the 
heroes  (;r  martyrs  of  the  revolution.  They  furnish  not  a  proof  of  the 
alleg(;d  ingratitude  of  republics.  The  fiither  of  Mr.  Polk  was  an  un- 
pretending, unassuming  farmer,  who,  thrown  upon  his  own  resources  in 
early  life,  became  tin;  architect  of  Ins  own  fortunes.  He  was  a  warm 
■sunporter  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  and  through  life  a  firm  and  consistent  repub- 
lican. In  18i>()  he  removed  to  Tennessee,  where  he  was  amoii"-  the  first 
pioneers  of  a  then  wilderness,  but  now  the  most  ffourishing:  and  populous 
pctrtion  of  that  State.  In  this  region  Mr.  Polk  still  resides,  so  that  he 
may  be  said,  literally,  to  have  grown  with  its  growth  and  strengthened 
with  its  strength.  The  opportuniticis  for  instruction  in  this  infant  settle- 
ent,  could  not  of  course  be  great.  Notwithstanding  this  disadvantage, 
ana  the  still  more  f)rmid;d»le  one,  of  a  painful  affliction,  from  which,  afier 
years  of  sufferijig,  he  was  finally  relieved  by  a  surgical  operation — Mr. 
Polk  acquired  the  elements  of  a  good  English  education.     From  the 

•  1845 


412  POLK. 

delicate  nature  of  his  co-nstitution^  his  fother  determined^  much  ag;ain3t 
the  will  of  his  son,  to  educate  him  for  commercial  ])ursmts ;  and  with 
this  view,  actijally  placed  him  in  a  merchant's  counting-room.  He  re- 
mained but  a  very  short  period  in  a  position  so  distasteful  and  so  adveise 
to  his  wishes.  His  constant  and  urgent  appeals  finally  overcame  the 
resistance  of  his  father.  He  was,,  in  1813,  plased  first  under  tha  care 
of  the  Kev.  Dr.  Hendeison,  and  subsequently,  at  the  Academy  of  Mur- 
freesborongh,  Tennessee,  then  under  tlie  direction  of  Mr,  Sanujel  P. 
Black.  Ill  1815  he  entered  in  the  University  of  North  Carolina,  and 
graduated  in  1818  with  the  highest  di'Stinctioii  of  his  class,  and  with  the 
reputation  of  being  the  first  scholar  in  both  the  mathematics  and  classics. 
Of  the  former  scieno^e  lie  was  jjassionatcly  fond,  though  equally  disthi 
fuished  as  a  linguist.  His  course  at  colk^ge  was  marked  by  the  saino 
assiduity  and  stiidi<»us  apjdication  which  have  siiifse  characterized  him. 
So  carefsilly  has  Mr.  3*olk  jsvnideil  the  pedantry  of  classical  disphiy, 
which  is  the  false  taste  of  our  day  :uu\  conntry,  as  aUnosl  to  hi(!«  tlie  ac- 
quisitions whicli  di^vtinouished  bis  eai-ly  career.  His  preference  for  the 
useful  and  substantial,  indicated:  l»y  liis  yoMtlifnl  passion  for  the  suathe- 
inatics,  has  made  him  select  a  style  ol' elocution  which  would  perhaps  be 
deemed  to<j>  plain  by  the  shallow  j!i(hnir<;rs  of  flashy  declamation. 

Returning  to  Tennessee,  frosr*  the  State  which  Js,,  in  two  senses,  his 
nhiia  matei\  with  health  greatly  impaired  by  lalwrious  application,  Mr. 
Polk,  in  1819,  commenced  the  study  of  the  law,  in  the  office  of  Senator 
(«rundy,,and  late  in  18'2(>was  admitted  to  the  bar.  He  comtnenced  his 
profc-ssional  career  in  Maary  county,  and  from  the  connectioti  of  his 
family  with  its  early  settlement,,  pursued  his  calling  with  great  advan- 
tages. But  his  success  was  due  to  his  jx'rsonal  qualities,  still  wore  than 
to  extrnisic  advantages.  His  thorough  academical  preparation,  his  ac- 
curate knowledge  of  the  law,  his  readiness  and  resmu'ces  in  debate,  his 
unwearied  application  to  business,  secured  him,  at  once,  full  employ- 
ment, and  in  less  than  one  year  he  was  already  a  leading  praetitioner. 
Such  prompt  success  in  a  profession,  ■.vhere  the  early  stages  are  proverbi- 
ally slow  and  discoiiragimg,  falls  to  the  lot  of  few. 

In  1823  Mr.  Polk  ei>tered  the  pt)litical  arena,  being  chosen  to  repre- 
sent his  County  in  the  State  Legislature,  by  a  heavy  majority  over  the 
former  incumbent.  He  was  for  two  successive  years,  a  member  of  that 
body,  where  his  ability  in  debate,  and  talent  for  business,  at  ones  gave 
him  reputation.  In  August,  1825,  Mr.  Polk,  being  then  in  his  thirtieth 
year,  was  chosen  to  represent  his  district  in  Congress,  and  in  the  ensuing 
December,  took  his  seat  in  that  body,  where  he  remained  until  1838. 
From  his  early  yotjth  he  was  an  unwavering,  sterhng  republican.  He 
ever  regarded  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  as  an  instrujnesit  of 
specific  and  limited  powers,,  and  that  is  at  the  very  foundaition  of  the 
democratic  creed.  He  took  ground  early  against  the  constitutionality, 
as  well  as  the  expediency,  of  a  National  Bank;  and  in  August,  1829, 
consequently  several  months  before  the  appearanseof  General  Jackson's 
first  message,  announced  then  his  opinions  in  a  published  letter  to  his 
constituents.     He  has  ever  been  opposed  to  an  oppressive  t?riff  protec- 


POLK.  413 

tioii   uiid  was  at  all  times  the  strenuous  advocate  of  a  reduction  of  the 
revenue  to  tin;  ec(-'noniiciil  wants  of  the  Government. 

VVh(Mi  Mr.  Polk  entered  Compress,  he  was,  with  on(!  or  two  excep- 
tions, tile  junior  incniher  of  tliat  body.  Il(!  made  iiis  first  s|)(;eeh  in  Cou- 
<>ress  in  favor  of  tlie  [)ropusition  to  amend  the  Constitution  in  such  a 
maimer  as  to  i;-ive  the  choice  of  President  and  Vice  Presiiient  immedi 
ately  and  irreversibly  to  the;  People,  and  this  address  at  otice  attracted 
the  aiteution  of  the  country  by  tlie  force  of  his  reasoninij,  the  copiousness 
of  its  researcii,  and  the  spirit  of  honest  indii^natiou  by  wliich  it  was  ani- 
mat<Ml.  From  tiiis  time  Mr.  Polk's  liisfory  is  inseparably  interwoven 
with  that  of  the  House.  He  is  prominently  connected  with  cxc.ry  im- 
portant question,  and  upon  every  one,  as  by  an  unerrin;^  instinct  of  repub- 
licanism, took  the  soundest  and  broadest  ground.  During  the  whole  [)e- 
riod  of  General  .Jackson's  administration,  as  long  as  he  retained  a  seat 
on  the  floor,  he  was  one  of  its  leading  supporters,  and  at  times,  and  on 
certain  (juaLfions  of  p  iramount  importance,  its  chief  ndiaiice.  In  De- 
cember, 1827,  two  years  after  his  entrance  in  the  House,  Mr.  Polk  was 
])!aced  on  the  insportaut  Corjiinittee  on  Foreign  Affairs,  and  some  time 
after  was  appointed,  in  addition,  chairman  of  the  select  committee  to 
which  was  referred  that  portion  of  the  Pnjsident's  message  calling  the 
attention  of  Congress  to  a  probable  accumulation  of  a  surplus  in  the 
Treasury,  after  the  anticipated  extinguishment  of  the  national  debt. 

During  the  session  of  1830,  Mr.  Polk  distinguished  himself  by  his 
raanly  and  uncompromising  course  upou  many  im|)ortant  measures  ; 
such  as,  the  "  M  ivs\ille  Road  Bill,"  and  the  "  Bulfalo  and  New  Or- 
leans Hoad  Bill."" 

In  Deceiul)er,  1832j  Mr.  Polk  was  transferred  to  the  Committee  of 
Ways  and  iMeans,  wiili  which  his  connection  has  b(;en  so  distinguished. 
At  that  session  the  Directors  of  the  Bank  of  the  United  States  were  sum- 
moned to  Washington,  and  examined  on  oath  before  that  committee.  A 
division  of  opinion  resulted  in  the  presentation  of  two  reports.  That  of 
the  majority  leaning  in  favor  of  the  Bank,  but  admitting  it  had  exceed- 
ed its  lawful  powers.  Mr.  Polk,  in  behalf  of  the  minority,  made  a  de- 
tailed report^  communicating  all  the  material  circumstances,  and  pre- 
senting conclusions  utterly  adverse  .to  the  institution  which  had  been  the 
subject  of  inquiry.  This  arrayed  against  his  re-election  a  powerful  op- 
position, but,  after  a  violent  contest,  Mr.  Polk  was  re-elected  by  a  ma- 
jority of  over  three  tbonsand. 

Tn  September,  1833,  the  President  determined  upon  the  bold  measure 
of  the  removal  of  the  deposites  from  the  United  States  B,ank,  which 
was  ctfected  in  tlie  (Idlowing  month.  This  act  ]iroduced  much  excite- 
ment dironghout  the  country,  and  it  wasf<)reseen  that  a  great  and  doubt- 
ful coiitest  was  about  to  ensue.  At  such  a  crisis  it  became  important  to  have 
at  tlK  head  of  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  a  man  of  courage  to 
meet,  and  firmness  to  sustain,  the  formidable  shock.  Such  a  man  was 
found  in  Mr.  Polk,  and  he  proved  himself  equal  to  the  occasion.  Al- 
though oi)po>ed  by  such  men  as  Mr.  McDuffie,  Adams  and  Binney, 
Mr.  Polk,  as  leader  of  the  opposition  to  the  Bank,  carried   through  and 


414  POLK. 

sustained  the  measures  of  the  President ;  and  Mr.  McDuffie,  the  distin- 
guished leader  of  the  Bank  cause  in  this  conflict,  bore  testimony,  in  his 
conchiding  ren,arks,  to  the  "boldness  and  manliness"  wiih  which  Mr. 
Polk  had  assumed  the  only  position  which  (;ould  be  judiciously  taken. 

Towards  the  close  of  the  session  of  1834,  Mr.  Stevenson  resigned  the 
Speaker's  chair,  as  well  as  his  seat  in  the  House.  Mr.  Polk  was  nom- 
inated by  the  Democratic  party  in  the  House  to  succeed  him,  but,  in 
consequence  of  a  division  in  their  ranks,  he  was  defeated. 

In  1835,  Mr.  Polk  was  elected  Si^eaker  of  the  House,  and  was  again 
chosen  at  the  following  session.  During  the  first  session  he  presided 
more  appeals  were  taken  from  his  decision  than  had  occurred  in  the 
whole  period  since  the  origin  of  the  Government ;  but  he  was  uniformly 
sustained  by  the  House,  and  by  many  of  his  political  adversaries. 
Notwithstanding  the  violence  with  which  he  had  been  assailed,  Con- 
gress passed,  at  the  close  of  the  session  in  1837,  a  unanimous  vote  of 
thanks  to  its  presiding  officer,  from  whom  it  separated  with  the  khid- 
est  feeli'igs  ;  and  no  man,  now,  could  enjoy  its  confidence  and  friendship 
in  a  higher  degree.  His  calmness  and  good  temper  had  allayed  the 
violence  of  opposition,  in  a  station  for  which  his  quickness,  coolness  and 
sagacity,  eminently  qualified  him. 

After  leaving  the  House,  Mr.  Polk  was  elected  Governor  of  the  State 
of  Tennessee,  by  an  overwhelming  majority,  and  filled  that  office  for  one 
term  with  ability  and  his  usual  firmness  and  promptitude  of  character; 
and,  upon  liis  term  of  office  expiring,  retired  to  private  life,  to  enjoy  the 
fruits  of  bis  early  industry,  and  repose  upon  the  laurels  he  had  won  in 
ihe  National  Councils. 

In  1844,  Mr.  Polk  was  nominated  by  the  Democratic  party  as  their 
randidate  for  the  Presidency.  Mr.  Van  Buren,  Calhoun,  Johnson,  Cass, 
Bucliaiian,  being  also  candidates  for  the  nomination,  the  selection  of 
Mr.  Polk  was  flattering  to  his  friends,  and  was  considered  as  a  mark  of 
commendation  for  his  faithful  public  services.  After  a  bitter  and  despe- 
rately fought  contest,  Mr.  Polk  was  elected  President  of  the  United 
States,  by  a  handsome  majority  over  Mr.  Clay,  his  opponent,  and  was, 
on  the  4th  day  of  March,  1845,  inducted  into  the  Presidential  Chair  of 
office,  when  he  promulgated  the  following 


INAUGURAL  ADDRESS. 


Fellow-Citizens  : 

Without  solicitation  on  mv  part,  I  have  been  chosen  hy  the  free  and  vi^luntary  sufTrase* 
of  my  countrymen,  to  the  most  honorable  and  most  responsible  office  on  earth.  I  am 
doeply  impressed  with  gratitude  for  the  confidence  reposed  in  mo.  Honored  with  this  dis' 
linguishcd  consideration  at  an  earlier  period  of  life  than  any  of  my  predecessors,  I  cannot 
lisguise  the  diffidence  with  which  I  am  about  to  enter  on  the  discharge  of  my  official 
Juties. 

If  the  mure  aged  and  experienced  men  who  have  filled  the  office  of  President  of  the 
United  States,  even  in  the  infancy  of  the  republic,  distrusted  their  ability  to  discharge  tlw 
duties  of  that  exalted  station,  what  ought  not  to  be  the  apprehensions  of  one  so  much 
younger  and  lesn  endowed,  now  thai  our  domain  extends  fro'u  ocean  to  ocean,  ijiat  oui 


POLK.  415 

jHjople  have  83  greatly  increased  in  numbers,  and  at  a  time  when  so  great  diversity  of  <)i)in- 
ion  prevails  '.i  regard  to  the  principles  and  policy  which  should  characterize  the  u(lmini»- 
Iration  of  our  government  ?  Well  may  the  boldest  fear,  and  the  wisest  tremble,  when  in- 
curring responsibilities  on  which  may  depend  our  country's  peace  and  prosperity,  and,  in 
some  degree,  the  hopi's  and  the  happiness  of  the  whole  human  family. 

In  assuming-  responsibilities  so  vast,  I  fervently  invoke  the  ai<l  of  tiiat  Almighty  Ruler  of 
the  universe,  in  whose  hands  arc  tiie  destinies  of  nations  and  of  men,  to  guard  this  heaven- 
favored  land  again-itthe  mischiefs  which,  withoutHis  guidance,  might  arise  froin  an  unwise 
public  [)()licy.  With  a  lirm  reliance  upon  the  wisdom  of  Omnipotence  to  sustain  and  direct 
me  in  the  path  of  duty  which  I  am  appointed  to  pursue,  I  stand  in  the  presence  of  this  as- 
sembled multitude  of  my  countrymen,  to  take  tipon  myself  the  solemn  obligation,  "  to  the 
best  of  my  ability,  to  i>reserve,  protect,  and  defend  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States." 

A  concise  enumeration  of  the  principles  which  will  guide  me  in  the  administrative  |)olicy 
ii  the  govcrimient,  is  not  only  in  accordance  with  the  examples  set  me  by  all  my  predecca- 
ers,  but  is  eminently  befitting  the  occasion. 

The  constitution  itself,  plainly  written  as  it  is,  the  safeguard  of  our  federative  compact, 
^0  offspring  of  concession  and  compromise,  binding  together  in  the  bonds  of  peace  and  union 
ills  great  and  increasing  family  of  free  and  independent  States,  will  be  the  chart  by  wh'ch 
I  shall  be  directed. 

It  will  be  my  first  care  to  administer  the  government  in  the  true  spirit  of  that  instrument, 
and  to  assume  no  powers  not  expressly  granted,  or  clearly  implied  in  its  terms.  The  gov- 
ernment of  the  United  States  is  one  of  delegated  and  limited  powers  ;  and  it  is  by  a  strict 
adherence  to  the  clearly  granted  powers,  and  by  abstaining  from  the  exercise  of  doubtful  or 
unauthorized  implied  powers,  that  we  have  the  only  sure  guaranty  against  the  recurrence  of 
those  unfortunate  collisions  between  the  Federal  and  State  authorities,  which  have  occa- 
sionally so  much  disturbed  the  harmony  of  our  system,  and  even  threatened  the  perpetuity 
of  our  glorious  Union. 

"  To  the  States  respectively,  or  to  the  people,"  have  been  reserved  '•  the  powers  not  de- 
legated to  the  United  States  by  the  Constitution,  nor  prohibited  by  it  to  the  States."  Each 
State  is  a  complete  sovereignty  within  the  sphere  of  its  reserved  powers.  The  Government 
of  the  Union,  acting  within  the  sphere  of  its  delegated  authority,  is  also  a  complete  sove- 
reignty. While  the  General  Government  should  abstain  from  the  exercise  of  authority  not 
clearly  delegated  to  it,  the  States  should  be  equally  careful  that,  in  the  maintenance  of  their 
rights,  they  do  not  overstep  the  limits  of  powers  reserved  to  them.  One  of  the  most  dis- 
tinguished of  my  predecessors  attached  deserved  importance  to  "the  support  of  the  State 
Governments  in  all  their  rights,  as  the  most  competent  administration  for  our  domestic 
concerns,  and  the  surest  bulwark  against  anti-republican  tendencies  ;"  and  to  the  "  preser- 
vation of  the  General  Government  in  its  whole  constitutional  vigor,  as  the  sheet-anchor  of 
our  peace  at  home,  and  safety  aliroad." 

To  the  Government  of  the  United  States  has  been  intrusted  the  exclusive  management 
of  our  Foreign  Affairs.  Beyond  that,  it  wields  a  few  general  enumerated  powers.  It  does 
not  force  reform  on  the  States.  It  leaves  individuals,  over  whom  it  casts  its  protecting  in- 
fluence, entirely  free  to  improve  their  own  condition  by  the  legitimate  exercise  of  all  their 
mental  and  physical  powers.  It  is  a  common  protector  of  each  and  all  the  States;  of  every 
man  who  lives  upon  our  soil,  whether  of  native  or  foreign  birth  ;  of  every  religious  sect,  in 
their  worship  of  the  Almighty  according  to  the  dictates  of  their  own  conscience;  of  every 
shade  of  opinion,  and  the  most  free  inquiry  ;  of  every  art,  trade  and  occupation,  consistent 
with  the  laws  of  the  States.  And  we  rejoice  in  the  general  happiness,  prosperity  and  ad 
vancement  of  our  country,  which  have  been  the  offspring  of  Freedom,  not  of  Power. 

This  most  admirable  and  wisest  system  of  well-regulated  self-government  among  men, 
ever  devised  by  human  minds,  has  been  tested  by  its  successful  operation  for  more  than  half 
a  century ;  and,  if  preserved  from  the  usurpations  of  the  Federal  Government  on  the  one 
hand,  and  the  exercise  by  the  States  of  powers  not  reserved  to  them  on  the  other,  will,  1 
fervently  hope  and  believe,  endure  for  ages  to  come,  and  dispense  the  blessings  of  civil  and 
religious  liberty  to  distant  generations.  To  effect  objects  so  dear  to  every  patriot,  I  shall 
devote  myself  with  anxious  solicitude.  It  will  be  my  desire  to  guard  against  that  most 
Irnitful  source  of  danger  to  the  harmonious  action  of  our  system,  which  consists  in  substi- 
tuting the  mere  discretion  and  caprice  of  the  Executive,  or  of  majorities  in  the  legislative 
Jepartment  of  the  Government,  for  powers  which  have  been  withheld  from  th  '.  Federa. 
EouBrnment  by  the  Constitutiotr.     By  the  theory  of  our  Government,  majorities  rule ;  but 


410  POLK. 

this  right  is  not  an  arbitrary  or  unlimited  one.  It  is  a  right  to  be  txPrcisetl  in  subordinatior 
to  tlie  Constitution,  and  in  conformity  to  it.  One  great  object  of  the  Constitution  was  to 
restrain  majorities  from  oppressing  minorities,  or  encroaching  upon  their  just  rights.  Mi- 
nirilies  have  a  right  to  appeal  to  \he  Constitution,  as  a  sliielJ  against  such  oppression. 

That  the  blessings  of  liberty  which  our  Constitution  secures  may  be  enjoyed  alike  by  mi- 
norities and  majorities,  the  Executive  has  been  wisely  invested  with  a  qualified  veto  upon 
•he  acts  of  the  Legislature.  It  is  a  negative  power,  and  is  conservative  in  its  character.  It 
arrests  for  the  lime  liasty,  inconsiderate,  or  unconstitutional  legislation  ;  invites  re-consider- 
ation, and  transfers  questions  at  issue  between  the  Legislative  and  Executive  departments 
of  the  tribunal  of  the  people.  Like  all  other  powers,  it  is  suliject  to  be  abused.  When  ju- 
diciously and  properly  exercised,  the  Constitutioji  itself  may  be  saved  from  infiaction,  and 
the  n'shts  of  all  preserved  and  protected. 

Tiie  inestimable  value  of  our  federal  Union  is  felt  and  acknowledged  by  all.  By  this  sys- 
tem of  united  and  confederated  States,  our  people  are  permitted,  collectively  and  individu- 
ally, to  seek  their  own  happiness  in  their  own  way;  and  the  consequences  have  been  most 
auspicious.  Since  the  Union  was  formed,  the  number  of  States  has  increased  from  thirteen 
to  twenty-eight ;  two  of  these  have  taken  their  position  as  members  of  the  confederacy  within 
•iie  last  week.  Our  population  has  increased  from  three  to  twenty  millions.  New  commu- 
jities  and  states  are  seeking  protection  under  its  segis,  and  multitudes  fi-om  the  Old  World 
ire  flocking  to  our  shores  to  participate  in  its  blessings.  Beneath  its  benign  sway,  peace 
and  prospeiity  prevail.  Freed  from  the  burdens  and  miseries  of  war,  our  trade  and  i;:«er- 
course  have  extended  throughout  the  world.  Mind,  no  longer  tasked  in  devising  means  to 
accomplisli  or  resist  schemes  of  ambition,  usurpation,  or  conquest,  is  devoting  itself  to  man's 
true  interests,  in  developing  his  faculties  and  powers,  and  the  capacity  of  nature  to  minister 
to  his  enjoyments.  Genius  is  free  to  announce  its  inventions  and  discoveries:  and  the  hand 
is  free  to  accomplish  whatever  the  head  conceives,  not  incompatible  with  the  rights  of  a  fel- 
low-being All  distinctions  of  biith  or  of  rank  have  been  abolished.  All  citizens,  whethei 
native  of  adopted,  are  placed  upon  terms  of  precise  equality.  All  are  entitled  to  equal 
rights  and  equal  protection.  No  union  exists  between  church  and  stale  ;  and  perfect  free' 
dom  of  opinion  is  guaranteed  to  all  sects  and  creeds. 

These  are  some  of  the  blessings  secured  to  our  happy  land  by  our  federal  Union.  To 
perpetuate  them,  it  isoursaci'cd  duty  to  preserve  it.  Who  shall  assign  limits  to  the  achieve- 
ments of  free  minds  and  free  hands,  under  the  protection  of  this  glorious  Union  ?  No  trea- 
son to  mankind  since  the  organization  of  society,  would  be  ccjual  in  atrocity  to  that  of  him 
who  would  lift  his  hand  to  destroy  it.  He  would  overthrow  the  noblest  structure  of  human 
wisdom,  which  protects  liimself  and  his  fellow-man.  He  woLild  stop  the  ])rogress  of  free 
government,  and  involve  his  country  either  in  anarchy  or  despotism.  He  would  extinguish 
the  fire  of  liberty  which  warms  and  animates  the  hearts  of  ha|)py  millions,  and  invites  all 
tlie  nations  of  the  earth  to  imitate  oui  example.  If  he  say  that  error  and  wrong  are  com- 
mitted in  the  adtninistration  of  the  government,  let  him  remember  that  nothing  human  can 
be  perfect;  and  that  under  no  other  system  of  government  revealed  by  Heaven,  or  devised 
by  man,  has  I'eason  been  allowed  so  free  and  broad  a  scope  to  combat  error.  Has  the  sword.s 
of  despots  proved  to  be  a  safer  or  surer  instrument  of  reform  in  government,  than  enlight- 
ened reason  ?  Does  he  expect  to  find  among  the  luins  of  this  Union  a  happier  abode  for 
our  swarming  millions  than  they  now  have  under  it  ?  Every  lover  of  his  country  must  shud 
der  at  the  thought  of  the  possibility  of  its  dissolution,  and  will  be  ready  to  adopt  the  patriotic 
sentiment,  "  Our  federal  Union — it  must  be  preserved."  To  preserve  il,  the  compromises 
which  alone  enabled  our  fathers  to  form  a  common  constitution  for  the  government  and  j)ro- 
tection  of  so  many  Slates  and  distinct  communities,  of  such  diversified  habits,  interests,  and 
domestic  institutions,  must  be  sacredly  and  religiously  observed.  Any  attempt  to  disturb  or 
destroy  these  compromises,  being  terms  of  the  compact  of  Union,  can  lead  to  none  other 
than  ttie  most  ruinous  and  disasti'ous  consequences. 

It  is  a  source  of  deep  regret  that,  in  some  sections  of  our  country,  n>isguided  persons  have 
occasionally  indulged  iii  schemes  of  agitations,  whose  object  is  the  destruction  of  domestic 
institutions  existing  in  other  sections — institutions  wliich  existed  at  the  adoption  of  the  Con- 
stitution, and  were  recognized  and  protected  by  it.  All  must  see  that  if  it  were  possible  for 
them  to  be  successful  in  attaining  their  object,  the  dissolution  of  the  Union,  and  the  conse- 
quent tiestruction  of  our  happy  form  of  government,  must  speedily  follow. 

1  am  happy  to  believe  that  at  everv  period  of  our  existence  as  a  nation,  there  has  existed, 
and  continues  to  exist,  unjong  the  great  mass  of  our  people,  a  devotion  to  the  Union  of  the 


POLK.  417 

States,  which  will  sliiold  and  protoct  it  ns^ainst  the  mora!  treason  of  any  who  wonld  seriouslj 
eontompluto  its  destruction.  To  secure  a  continuance  of  that  devotion,  thecomiiromises  of 
the  Constitution  must  not  only  he  preserved,  hut  sectional  iealonsies  and  heart-hurninga 
must  be  discountenanced  ;  and  all  should  remember,  that  they  are  members  of  the  same  po- 
litical family,  having  a  common  destiny.  To  iiicrease  tli(^  attac-hnicnl  of  our  people  to  the 
Union,  our  laws  should  ho  just.  Any  policy  wliii-h  shall  ti'nd  to  favor  mouopohes,  or  the 
peculiar  interests  of  sections  or  classes,  must  operate  to  the  i)rejudice  of  the  iutercstsof  their 
h'llow-cili/.ens,  and  should  be  avoid-d.  If  the  com;)romisos  of  the  Constitution  ho  preserved 
— if  sectional  jealousies  and  heart-burninj^s,  be  discountr-nanced — if  our  laws  he  just,  and 
the  s;overnnieiit  be  practically  administered  strictly  within  the  limits  of  power  prescribed  to 
it — we  miy  discard  all  apprehensions  for  the  safety  of  the  Union. 

With  ihese  views  of  the  nature,  character,  and  objects  of  the  Govenunent,  and  the  value 
of  the  Union,  I  shall  steadily  oppose  the  creation  of  those  institutions  and  systems  which, 
in  their  nature,  tend  to  pervert  it  from  its  legitimate  purposes,  and  make  it  the  instrumen* 
of  sections,  classes,  and  indivirliials.  We  need  no  National  Banks,  or  other  extraneous  in 
stitutions,  planted  around  the  Government  to  control  or  strengthen  it  in  opposition  to  the 
will  of  its  authors.  Experience  has  taught  us  how  unnecessary  th(>y  are  as  auxiliaries  of 
the  public  authorities,  how  impotent  for  good,  and  how  powerful  for  mischief. 

Ours  was  intended  to  be  a  plain  and  frugal  Government ;  and  I  shall  regard  it  to  be  m 
duty  to  recommend  to  Congress,  and,  as  far  as  the  Executive  is  concerned,  to  enforce  by  i\\ 
the  means  wiiliiu  my  power,  the  strictest  economy  in  the  expenditure  of  the  public  money, 
which  may  be  coinpatible  with  the  pubhc  interests. 

A  National  Debt  has  become  almost  an  institution  of  European  monarchies.  It  is  view 
ed,  iu  some  of  them,  as  an  essential  prop  to  existing  governments.  Melancholy  is  the  con 
ditiou  of  tliat  people  whose  governmi'nt  can  be  sustained  only  by  a  system  which  periodi- 
cally transfers  large  amounts  fnun  the  labor  of  the  many  to  the  cotters  of  the  few.  Such  a 
system  is  incompatible  with  the  ends  for  which  our  Republican  Government  was  instituted. 
Under  a  wise  policy,  the  debts  contracted  in  our  Revolution,  and  during  the  war  of  IRI'2, 
have  been  happily  extinguished.  By  a  judicious  application  of  the  reveiuies,  not  required 
for  other  necessary  purposes,  it  is  not  doubted  that  the  debt  which  has  grown  out  of  the 
circumstances  of  the  last  few  years  may  be  speedily  paid  off. 

I  congratulate  my  fellow-citizens  on  the  entire  restoration  of  the  credit  of  the  Genei'al 
Government  of  the  Union,  and  that  of  many  of  the  States.  Happy  would  it  be  for  the  in- 
debted States  if  they  were  freed  from  their  liabilities,  many  of  which  were  incautiously 
contracted.  Although  the  Government  of  the  Union  is  neither  in  a  legal  nor  a  moral  sense 
bound  for  the  debts  of  the  States,  and  it  would  he  a  violation  of  our  compact  of  Union  is 
assume  them,  yet  we  cannot  but  feel  a  deep  interest  in  seeing  all  the  States  meet  their  pub 
lie  liabilities,  and  pay  otT  their  just  debts,  at  the  earliest  practicable  period.  That  they 
will  do  so  as  soon  as  it  can  be  done  without  imposing  too  heavy  burdens  on  their  citizens, 
there  is  no  reason  to  doubt.  The  sound,  moral  and  honorable  feeling  of  the  people  of  the 
indebted  States,  cannot  be  questioned  ;  and  we  are  happy  to  perceive  a  settled  disposition 
on  their  part,  as  their  ability  returns,  after  a  season  of  unexampled  pecuniary  embarrass- 
ment, to  pay  off  all  just  demands,  and  to  acquiesce  in  any  reasonable  measures  to  accom- 
plish that  object. 

One  of  the  difficulties  which  we  have  had  to  encounter  in  the  practical  administration  of 
the  Government,  consists  in  the  adjustment  of  our  revenue  laws,  and  the  levy  of  the  taxes 
necessary  for  the  support  of  government.  In  the  general  proposition,  that  no  more  money 
shall  be  collected  than  the  necessities  of  an  economical  administration  shall  require,  all  par- 
ties seem  to  acquiesce.  Nor  does  there  seem  to  be  any  material  diflference  of  opinion  us  to 
the  absence  of  right  in  the  government  to  tax  one  section  of  country,  or  one  class  :)f  citizens, 
or  oiie  occupatirm,  for  the  mere  profit  of  another.  "  Justice  and  sound  policy  forbid  the 
federal  government  to  foster  one  branch  of  industry  to  the  detnment  of  another,  or  to  cher- 
ish tlie  interests  of  one  portion  to  the  injury  of  another  portion  of  our  comm.on  country." 
I  have  heretofore  declared  to  my  fellow-citizens  that,  in  "  my  judgment,  it  is  the  duty  of  the 
povernmeut  to  extend,  as  far  as  it  may  he  practicable  to  do  so,  by  its  -evenue  laws,  and  all 
other  means  within  its  power,  fair  and  just  protection  to  all  the  great  interests  of  tlie  whole 
Union,  embracing  agricultun-,  manufactures,  the  aiechanic  aits,  commerce,  and  navigation.." 
I  have  also  declared  my  opinion  to  be  "  in  favor  of  a  tariff  for  revenue,"  and  that  ''  in  ad 
justing  the  details  of  such  a  tariff,  I  have  sanctioned  such  moderate  discriminating  duties 
&.S  would  produte  the  amount  of  revenue  needed,  and,  at  the  same  time,  afford  reasonable 


418  POLK. 

incidental  protecrion  to  our  home  industry  ;"  and  that  I  was  '  opposed  to  a  tariff  for  pro- 
tection merely,  and  not  for  revenue." 

The  power  to  •'  lay  and  collect  taxes,  duties,  imposts,  and  excises,"  was  an  indispensable 
one  to  be  conferred  on  the  Federal  Government,  which,  without  it,  would  possess  no  means 
of  providing  for  its  own  support.  In  executing  this  power,  by  levying  a  Tariff  of  duties  for 
the  support  of  Government,  the  raising  of  revenue  should  be  the  object,  and  -protection  the 
incident.  To  reverse  this  principle,  and  make  protection  the  object,  and  revenue  the 
incident,  would  be  to  inflict  manifest  injustice  upon  all  other  than  the  protected  interests. 
In  levying  duties  for  revenue,  it  is  doubtless  proper  to  make  such  discriminations  within  the 
revenue  principle,  as  will  afford  incidental  protection  to  our  home  interests.  Within  the 
revenue  limit,  there  is  a  discretion  to  discriminate  ;  beyond  that  limit,  the  rightful  exercise 
of  the  power  is  not  conceded.  The  incidental  protection  afforded  to  our  home  interests  by 
discriminations  within  the  revenue  range,  it  is  believed  will  be  ample.  In  making  discrim 
inations,  all  our  home  interests  should,  as  far  as  practicable,  be  equally  protected.  The 
largest  portion  of  our  people  are  agriculturists.  Others  are  employed  in  manufactures,  com- 
merce, navigation,  and  the  mechanic  arts.  They  are  all  engaged  in  their  respective  pur- 
suits, and  their  joint  labors  constitute  the  National  or  home  industry.  To  tax  one  brancli 
of  this  home  industry  for  the  benefit  of  another,  would  be  unjust.  No  one  of  these  interests 
can  rightfully  claim  an  advantage  over  the  others,  or  to  be  enriched  by  impoverishing  the 
others.  All  are  equally  entitled  to  the  fostering  care  and  protection  of  the  Government.  In 
exercising  a  sound  discretion  in  levying  discriminating  duties  within  the  limit  prescribed, 
care  should  be  taken  that  it  be  done  in  a  manner  not  to  benefit  the  wealthy  few,  at  the  ex- 
pense of  the  toiling  millions,  by  taxing  loicest  the  luxuries  of  life,  or  articles  of  superior  qual- 
ity and  high  price,  which  can  only  be  consumed  by  the  wealthy  ;  and  highest  the  necessarie? 
of  life,  or  articles  of  coarse  quality  and  low  price,  which  the  poor  and  great  mass  of  our 
people  must  consume.  The  burdens  of  Government  should,  as  far  as  practicable,  be  distri 
bntcd  justly  and  equally  among  all  classes  of  our  population.  These  general  views,  long 
eniei  ^ained"  on  this  subject,  I  have  deemed  it  proper  to  reiterate.  It  is  a  subject  upon  which 
conflicting  interests  of  sections  and  occupations  are  supposed  to  exist,  and  a  spirit  of  mutual 
concession  and  compromise  in  adjusting  its  details  should  be  cherished  by  every  part  of  our 
wide-spread  country  as  the  only  means  of  preserving  harmony  and  a  cheerful  acquiescence 
of  all  in  the  operation  of  our  revenue  laws.  Our  patriotic  citizens  in  every  part  of  the  Union 
will  readily  submit  to  the  payment  of  such  taxes  as  shall  be  needed  for  the  support  of  their 
Government,  whether  in  peace  or  in  war,  if  they  are  so  levied  as  to  distribute  the  burdens 
as  equally  as  possible  among  them. 

The  republic  of  Texas  has  made  known  her  desire  to  come  into  our  Union,  to  form  a  pait 
of  our  confederacy,  and  enjoy  with  us  the  blessings  of  liberty,  secured  and  guaranteed  by  our 
constitution.  Texas  was  once  a  part  of  our  country — was  unwisely  ceded  away  to  a  for- 
eign power — is  now  independent,  and  possesses  an  undoubted  right  to  dispose  of  a  part  or 
the  whole  of  her  territory,  and  to  merge  her  sovereignty,  as  a  separate  and  independent  State 
in  ours.  I  congratulate  my  counti^  that,  by  an  act  of  the  late  Congress  of  the  United  States, 
the  assent  of  this  government  has  been  given  to  the  re-imion ;  and  it  only  remains  for 
the  two  countries  to  agree  upon  the  terms,  to  consunmiate  an  object  soimpoi-tant  to  both. 

I  regard  the  question  of  Annexation  as  belonging  exclusively  to  the  United  States  and 
Texas.  They  are  independent  powers,  competent  to  conttact;  and  foreign  nations  have 
no  right  to  interfere  with  them,  or  to  take  exceptions  to  their  re-union.  Foreign  powers  do 
not  seem  to  appreciate  the  true  character  of  our  Government.  Our  Union  is  a  confedera- 
tion of  independent  States,  whose  policy  is  peace  with  each  other  and  all  the  world.  To 
enlarge  its  limits  is  to  extend  the  dominions  of  peace  over  additional  territories  and  in- 
creasing millions.  The  world  has  nothing  to  fear  from  military  ambition  in  our  Govern- 
ment. While  the  Chief  Magistrate  and  the  popular  branch  of  Congress  are  elected  for 
short  terms  by  the  suffrages  of  those  millions  who  must,  in  their  own  persons,  bear  all  the 
burdens  and  miseries  of  war,  our  Government  cannot  be  otherwise  than  pacific.  Foreign 
powers  should,  therefore,  look  on  the  Annexation  of  Texas  to  the  United  Stales,  not  as  the 
conquest  of  a  nation  seeking  to  extend  her  dominions  by  arms  and  violence,  but  as  the  peace- 
ful acquisition  of  a  territory  once  her  own,  bv  adding  another  member  to  our  confederation 
with  the  consent  of  that  membei- — thereby  diminishing  the  chances  of  war,  and  opening  to 
them  new  and  ever-increasing  markets  for  their  p-roducts. 

To  Texas  the  re-union  is  important,  because  the  strong  protecting  arm  of  our  Government 
could  be  extended  over  her,   and  tlie  vast  resources  of  her  fertile  soil  and  genial  climate 


POLK.  419 

would  bi)  apoodily  developed,  while  the  safety  of  New-Orleans,  and  of  our  whole  south- 
western frontier  iisi'ainst  hostile  aggression,  as  well  as  the  interests  of  the  whole  Union, 
wo\il(l  be  prornotod  hy  it. 

In  the  eiirliiT  stages  of  our  National  existence,  the  opinion  prevailed  with  some,  that  our 
sjstetn  ot  confoderated  States  could  not  operate  successfully  over  an  extended  territory,  and 
seiious  objections  have,  at  different  times,  lieen  made  to  the  enlargement  of  our  boundaries. 
These  objections  wore  earnestly  urged  when  wo  acquired  Louisiana.  Experience  hag 
shown  tliiit  they  were  not  well  founded.  The  title  of  numerous  Itidian  tribes  to  vast  tracts 
of  country  has  been  extinguished.  New  States  have  been  admitted  into  the  Union.  New 
Territories  have  been  created,  and  our  jurisdiction  and  laws  extended  over  thom.  As  our 
population  has  expanded,  the  Uni(jn  has  been  cemented  and  strengthened.  As  our  bounda- 
ries have  been  enlarged,  and  our  agricultural  population  has  been  spread  over  a  large  sur- 
f  icp,  our  federative  system  has  acipiirod  additional  strength  and  security.  It  may  well  be 
doubted  whetl'er  it  wo\ild  not  lie  in  greater  danger  of  overthrow,  if  our  present  population 
were  coiitiui'd  „o  the  comparatively  narrow  limits  of  the  original  thirteen  States,  than  it  is, 
now  that  they  are  sparsely  settled  over  a  more  expanded  territory.  It  is  confidently  believ- 
ed that  our  system  may  be  safely  extended  to  the  utmost  bounds  of  our  territorial  limits; 
and  that,  as  it  shall  be  extended,  the  bonds  of  our  Union,  so  far  from  being  weakened,  will 
become  stronger. 

None  can  fail  to  see  the  danger  to  our  safety  and  future  peace,  if  Texas  remains  an  in- 
dependent State,  or  becomes  an  ally  or  dependency  of  some  foreign  nation  more  powerful 
than  herself.  Is  there  one  among  our  citizens  who  would  not  prefer  perpetual  peace  with 
Texas,  to  occasional  wars,  which  so  often  occur  between  bordering  independent  nations? 
Is  there  one  who  would  not  prefer  free  intercourse  with  her,  to  high  duties  on  all  our  pro- 
ducts and  manufactures  which  enter  our  ports  or  cross  her  frontiers  ?  Is  there  one  who 
would  not  prefer  an  unrestricted  Communication  with  her  citizens,  to  the  frontier  obstruc- 
tions which  must  occur  if  she  remains  out  of  the  Union  ?  Whatever  is  good  or  evil  in  the 
.ocal  institutions  of  Texas,  will  remain  her  own,  whether  annexed  to  the  United  States  or 
not.  None  of  the  present  States  will  be  responsible  for  them,  any  more  than  they  are  for 
the  local  institutions  of  each  other.  They  have  confederated  together  for  certain  specified 
oi)ject3.  Upon  the  same  principle  that  they  would  refuse  to  form  a  perpetual  union  with 
Texas  because  of  her  local  institutions,  our  forefathers  would  have  been  prevented  from 
forming  our  present  Union.  Perceiving  no  valid  objection  to  the  measure,  and  many  rea- 
sons for  its  adoption,  vitally  aflfecting  the  peace,  the  safety,  and  the  prosperity  of  both  coun- 
tries, I  shall,  on  the  broad  principle  which  formed  the  basis  and  produced  the  adoption  of 
our  constitution,  and  not  in  any  narrow  spirit  of  sectional  policy,  endeavor,  by  all  constitu- 
tional, honorable,  and  appropriate  means,  to  consummate  the  expressed  will  of  the  people 
and  goverimient  of  the  United  States,  by  the  re-annexation  of  Texas  to  our  Union  at  the 
earliest  practicable  period. 

Nor  will  it  become  in  a  less  degree  my  duty  to  assert  and  maintain,  by  all  constitutional 
means,  the  tight  of  the  United  States  to  that  portion  of  our  Territory  which  lies  beyond  the 
Rocky  Mountains.  Our  title  to  the  country  of  the  Oregoi.  ^s  "  clear  and  unquestionable ;" 
and  already  are  our  people  preparing  to  perfect  that  title,  by  occupying  it  with  their  wives 
and  children.  But  eighty  years  ago  our  population  was  confined  on  the  West  by  the  ridge 
of  the  AUeghanies.  Within  that  period — within  the  lifetime,  I  might  say,  of  some  of  my 
hearers — our  people,  increasing  to  many  millions,  have  filled  the  eastern  valley  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi; adventurously  ascended  the  Missouri  to  its  head  springs  ;  and  are  already  engaged 
in  establishing  the  blessings  of  self-government  in  valleys,  of  which  the  rivers  How  to  the 
Pacific.  The  world  beholds  the  peaceful  triumphs  of  the  industry  of  our  emigrants.  To 
us  belongs  the  duty  of  protecting  them,  adequately,  wherever  they  may  be  upon  our  soil. 
The  jurisdiction  of  our  laws,  and  the  benefits  of  our  republican  institutions,  should  be  ex 
tended  over  them  in  the  distant  regions  which  they  have  selected  for  their  homes.  The  in 
creasing  facilities  of  intercourse  will  easily  bring  the  States,  of  which  the  formation  in  that 
part  of  our  territory  caiuiot  be  long  delayed,  within  the  sphere  of  our  federative  Union.  In 
the  meantime,  every  obligation  imposed  by  treaty  or  conventional  stipulations,  should  be 
sacredly  res[)ected. 

In  the  management  of  our  foreign  relations,  it  will  be  my  aim  to  observe  a  careful  respect 
for  the  rights  of  other  nations,  while  our  own  will  be  the  subject  of  constant  watchfulness. 
Ecjual  and  exact  justice  should  characterise  all  our  intercourse  with  foreign  countries.  All 
alliances  having  a  tendencv  to  jeopard  the  welfare  and  honor  of  our  country,  or  sacrifice 


420  POLK 

any  one  of  the  national  interests,  will  be  studiously  avoided  ;  and  yet  no  opportmiity  will  be 
lust  to  cultivate  a  iavorable  understanding  with  foreign  governments,  by  which  our  naviga- 
ti.iii  and  commerce  may  be  extended,  and  the  ample  products  ot  our  lertile  soil,  as  well  as 
the  manufactures  of  our  skilful  artizans,  find  a  ready  market  and  rcmunei-ative  prices  in  ior- 
eiiro  countries. 

In  taking  "care  that  the  laws  be  faithfully  executed,"  a  strict  performance  of  duty  will 
be  exacted  from  all  public  officers.  From  those  officers,  especially,  who  are  charged  with 
the  collection  and  disbursement  of  the  public  revenue,  will  prompt  and  rigid  accountability 
be  required.  Any  culpable  failure  or  delay  on  their  part  to  account  for  the  moneys  intrust- 
ed to  them,  at  the  times  and  in  the  manner  required  by  law,  will,  in  every  instance,  termi- 
nate the  official  connexion  of  such  defaulting  officer  with  the  government. 

Although,  in  our  country,  the  chief  magistrate  must  almost  of  necessity  be  chosen  by  a 
party,  and  stand  pledged  to  its  principles  and  measures,  yet,  in  his  <ithcial  action,  he  should 
not  be  the  President  of  a  party  only,  but  of  the  whole  people  of  the  United  States.  While- 
lie  executes  the  laws  with  impartial  hand,  shrinks  from  no  proper  responsibility,  and  faith 
fully  carries  out  in  the  Executive  Department  of  the  Government  the  piinciples  and  policy 
of  those  who  have  chosen  him,  he  should  not  be  unmindful  that  our  fellow-citizens  who 
have  diffi^red  from  him  in  opinion  are  entitled  to  the  full  and  free  exercise  of  their  opinions 
and  judgments,  and  that  the  rights  of  all  are  entitled  to  respect  and  regard. 

Confidently  relying  upon  the  aid  and  assistance  of  the  co-ordii\ate  departments  of  the 
goveriiment  in  conducting  our  public  affiiirs,  I  enter  uj)oii  the  discharge  of  the  high  duties 
which  have  been  assigned  me  by  the  people,  again  humbly  supplicating  that  Divine  Being 
who  has  watched  over  and  protected  our  beloved  country  from  its  infancy  to  the  present 
h(jur,  to  continue  His  gracious  benedictions  upon  us,  that  we  may  continue  to  be  a  prosper' 
3US  and  happy  people. 


The  chief  events  of  Mr.  Polk's  administration  are,  the  commencement, 
continuance  and  conclusion,  of  a  war  with  Mexico,  and  the  discovery  of 
the  rich  gold  mines  of  California.  Of  the  various  causes  which  led  to  hos- 
tilities we  have  not  room  to  speak  in  detail ;  we  must  therefore  be  content 
with  a  brief  notice  of  the  leading  facts  connected  with  our  late  difliculties 
with  that  republic. 

Texas,  having  maintained  her  independence  of  Mexico  for  nine  years, 
and  obtained  a  recognition  of  her  independence  from  the  United  States  and 
the  principal  powers  of  Europe,'^  applied  for  and  obtained  admission  into 
the  American  Union,  by  an  act  approved  by  President  Tyler  on  the  2d  of 
March,  1845.  Mexico  had  never  acknowledged  the  independence  of  Tex- 
as, (although  that  government  had  offered  to  do  so,  conditionally,)  and 
therefore  the  annexation  to  our  territory  of  a  province  which  she  claimed 
as  her  own,  was  deemed  by  her  a  sufficient  reason  for  terminating  diplo- 
matic intercotirse  with  our  government. 

On  the  6th  of  March,  1845,  the  Mexican  minister  at  Washington  de- 
manded his  passports,  declared  his  mission  ended,  and  protested  against 
the  act  of  Congress,  which,  as  he  averred,  had  severed  from  Mexico  an 
integral  part  of  her  dominions.     Herrera,  the  President  of  Mexico,  issued 

*  From  the  earliest  period  of  their  independence,  the  Texan  people  desired  a  rean- 
nexalion  to  the  American  Union,  and  overtures  lor  an  acknowledgment  of  their  inde- 
pendence, and  with  it  annexation  implied,  were  twice  made  to  our  government,  and 
refused,  on  account  of  existing  treaties  with  Mexico.  But  these  treaties  were  afterward 
so  grossly  violated  by  the  successive  executives  of  the  Mexican  govern inent,  that  deli- 
cacy on  that  point  was  no  longer  demanded,  and  Texas  was  acknowledged  a  I'vee  and 
independent  state. 


POLK.  421 

a  proclamation,  denouncing  the  act  as  a  breach  of  faith,  and  calling  upon 
the  people  to  rally  in  support  of  their  rights.  Small  detachments  of  Mex- 
ican troops  were  already  on  the  frontier  of  Texas,  and  larger  bodies  were 
ordered  to  the  Rio  Grande  with  the  avowed  object  of  enforcing  the  juris- 
diction of  Mexico  over  Texas. 

By  the  terms  of  the  treaty  of  annexation,  the  United  States  government 
was  bound  to  protect  the  new  state  ;  and  in  view  of  the  belligerent  move- 
ments of  Mexico,  it  was  deemed  advisable  to  send  a  military  force  to  the 
Texan  frontier,  to  act  as  circumstances  might  require.  Accordingly,  in  the 
latter  part  of  July,  1S45,  the  United  States  government  sent  thither  several 
military  companies,  vmder  the  command  of  General  Taylor,  which  took 
position  upon  an  island  near  Corpus  Christi  Bay,  and  north  of  the  river 
Nueces.  General  Paredes,  having  been  invested  by  the  Mexican  people 
with  dictatorial  powers,  prepared  to  invade  Texas  with  an  army  of  six  or 
seven  thousand  men.  To  guard  against  the  evils  of  this  threatened  inva- 
sion, General  Taylor  broke  up  his  encampment  at  Corpus  Christi,  and  took 
position  upon  the  Rio  Grande,  opposite  Matamoras.  It  was  while  marching 
toward  this  point  with  a  portion  of  his  little  army,  that  he  was  attacked  by 
a  large  body  of  Mexicans  who  had  crossed  the  Rio  Grande,  and  the  battles 
of  Palo  Alto  and  Resaca  de  la  Pal  ma  ensued,  which  proved  victorious  to 
the  Americans.  On  the  24th  of  May,  Matamoras  surrendered,  and  the 
Americans  took  position  on  Mexican  soil. 

When  the  news  of  actual  hostilities  reached  our  government,  Congress 
was  in  session,  and  an  act  was  immediately  passed  authorizing  the  presi- 
dent to  raise  by  voluntary  enlistment  fifty  thousand  men,  and  also  appro- 
priating ten  millions  of  dollars  for  the  prosecution  of  the  war  in  Mexico. 
On  the  21st  September,  1846,  the  Americans,  under  Taylor,  attacked 
Monterey.  It  surrendered  on  the  24th.  About  the  same  time,  divisions 
under  Wool,  Kearney,  Fremont,  and  others,  penetrated  New  Mexico  and 
California,  and  took  possession  of  some  of  the  principal  towns,  —  among 
them  Monterey  on  the  Pacific. 

Toward  the  close  of  1846,  General  Scott  was  ordered  to  take  the  chief 
command  in  Mexico.  He  reached  the  Rio  Grande  in  January,  1847,  and 
soon  began  preparations  t(^  attack  Vera  Cruz,  the  nearest  seaport  to  the 
city  of  Mexico.  On  the  22d  of  February,  Taylor  achieved  a  decisive  vic- 
tory at  Buena  Vista,  and  the  Mexican  army,  under  Santa  Anna,  was 
entirely  routed.  This  battle  closed  the  war  in  that  quarter.  On  the  13th 
of  March,  1847,  the  United  States  military  and  naval  forces  invested  Vera 
Cruz,  and  on  the  29th  the  city  and  castle  surrendered.  Nearly  every  town 
on  the  gulf  was  taken  possession  of  by  our  navy,  and  General  Scott  at 
once  proceeded  towards  the  capital.  At  Cerro  Gordo  he  was  met  by  Santa 
Anna  with  about  twelve  thousand  troops,  and  a  desperate  battle  ensued. 
Santa  Anna  was  defeated,  and  the  Americans  pushed  forward  toward  the 
city  of  Mexico.  Scott  fought  two  victorious  battles  near  the  city ;  the 
Mexican  authorities  proposed  an  armistice,  for  the  purpose  of  negotiating 
peace.  Hostilities,  however,  soon  recommenced,  and,  on  the  16th  of  Sep- 
tember, Scott  entered  the  capital  in  triumph.  After  this  event,  all  hostile 
movements  were  confined  to  that  quarter,  and  these  consisted  in  slight 
skirmishes  between  belligerent  detachments.     After  considerable  delay,  a 


422  POLK. 

Mexican  congress  was  convened,  and  a  treaty  between  the  two  republics 
was  concluded  and  ratified  by  both  parties.^ 

At  one  time  towards  the  close  of  Mr.  Polk's  administration,  the  slavery 
question  threatened  dire  evil  to  our  happy  Union  ;  but  patriotism  and 
sound  judgment  governed  our  councils,  and  the  cloud  passed  away. 

On  the  accession  of  General  Taylor,  March  5th,  1849,  Mr.  Polk  remained 
at  the  capital,  and  gracefully  took  part  in  the  inaugural  ceremonies.  Soon 
after  their  conclusion,  he  left  for  Nashville,  by  way  of  Charleston -and  New 
Orleans,  in  search  of  that  quiet  and  retirement  which  his  overtaxed  powers 
so  much  needed.  His  devotion  to  the  business  of  his  office  was  acknowl- 
edged, by  friends  and  foes,  to  have  been  incessant;  —  too  great,  indeed,  for 
a  frame  so  delicate  as  his  to  endure  with  safety.  He  had  been,  for  a  long 
time,  subject  to  frequent  attacks  of  chronic  diarrhoea,  one  of  which  greatly 
prostrated  him,  on  the  journey  up  the  Mississippi.  He,  however,  reached 
home  in  safety,  and,  after  a  few  days'  rest,  took  possession  of  an  elegant 
mansion  which  he  had  just  completed,  in  the  centre  of  the  city,  upon 
"  Grundy's  Hill,"  formerly  the  property  of  his  old  friend,  the  Hon.  Felix 
Grundy.  For  a  few  weeks,  he  devoted  himself  to  the  improvement  of  his 
grounds,  an  occupation  in  which  he  greatly  delighted,  and  in  which  he 
was  assisted  by  the  refined  taste  of  his  amiable  lady.  In  this  congenial 
relaxation,  he  appeared  to  be  rapidly  gaining  strength ;  and  his  unusual 
vigor  and  cheerfulness  of  spirit  seemed  to  his  friends  to  promise  a  long  and 
happy  life.  But  these  expectations  were  soon  disappointed.  About  the 
first  of  June,  being  detained  within  doors  by  a  rainy  day,  he  began  to 
arrange  his  extensive  library.  The  fatigue  of  raising  the  books  from  the 
floor  to  the  shelves  induced  a  mild  fever,  which  the  next  day  took  the  form 
of  his  old  enemy.  The  best  medical  aid  was  procured,  and  for  a  few  days 
his  family  felt  little  alarm.  But  he  continued  gradually  to  sink,  until, 
upon  the  checking  of  the  disease,  his  physical  energy  proved  to  be  too  far 
gone  for  a  healthy  reaction ;  and  on  the  night  of  Friday,  the  15th  of  June, 
1S49,  —  but  a  little  more  than  three  months  after  his  retirement  from  office, 
—  he  expired,  aged  fifty-three  years.  He  left  an  estate  valued  at  about  a 
hundred  thousand  dollars  ;  the  bulk  of  which  he  bequeathed  to  his  highly 
educated  and  justly  honored  lady,  still  a  resident  of  Nashville. 

In  person,  Mr.  Polk  was  of  the  middle  stature,  with  quick,  penetrating 
eye,  expansive  forehead,  and  grave  expression.  His  public  life  was  marked 
by  the  most  diligent  and  faithful  attendance  to  business,  and  by  an  amenity 
of  manners  which  commanded  the  universal  respect  even  of  his  opponents. 
An  impartial  history  of  his  presidential  career  must  be  left  to  those  whom 
the  lapse  of  time  shall  enable  to  look  back  upon  it  with  vision  wholly 
cleared  of  personal  and  party  prejudices. 

In  private  life,  Mr.  Polk,  by  the  amiability  of  his  disposition  and  the 
purity  of  his  morals,  secured  the  profound  esteem  of  all  good  men.  His 
religious  views  and  sympathies  were  with   the   Presbyterian  church,  of 

*  This  treaty  secured  to  the  United  States,  by  cession,  all  of  New  Mexico  and  Cali- 
fornia, for  which  we  pay  to  Mexico  fifteen  millions  of  dollars,  besides  assuming  the 
established  claims  of  our  citizens  against  that  government.  The  newly  acquired  ter- 
ritory includes  the  magnificent  Bay  of  San  Francisco,  on  the  Pacific,  and  the  rich 
gold  region,  toward  which  emigrants  by  thousands  have  been  hurrying  since  Decem- 
ber, 1848. 


POLK.  423 

which  his  mother  and  widow  are  most  consistent  and  valued  members. 
But  he  had  never  himself  united  with  the  church  by  a  public  profession  of 
his  faith,  though,  like  the  lamented 'Harrison,  it  had  been  his  intention  to 
do  so  during  his  administration. 

A  week  before  his  death,  Mr.  Polk  sent  for  the  Rev.  Dr.  Edgar,  of  the 
Presbyterian  church,  and  said  to  him,  with  great  solemnity  :  "  Sir,  if  I  had 
suspected,  twenty  years  ago,  that  I  should  come  to  my  death-bed  imjyre- 
pared,  it  would  have  made  me  a  wretched  man;  yet  I  am  about  to  die, 
and  have  not  made  preparation.  I  have  not  even  been  baptized.  Tell  me, 
sir,  can  there  be  any  ground  for  a  man  thus  situated  to  hope  ?  "  In  their 
subsequent  conversation,  Mr.  Polk  evir.ced  a  very  thorough  knowledge  of 
the  Scriptures,  which  he  said  he  had  read  a  great  deal,  and  deeply  rever- 
enced as  Divine  truth;  in  a  word,  he  had  been  theoretically  a  Christian. 

He  expressed  an  earnest  desire  to  be  baptized ;  saying  that  he  had  been 
accidentally  prevented  from  it  in  infancy  ;  that  he  had  several  times  seri- 
ously intended  it  while  in  office  ;  but  the  cares  and  perplexities  of  public 
life  hardly  allowed  time  for  the  requisite  solemn  preparation  ;  and  so  pro- 
crastination had  ripened  into  inaction,  till  it  was  now  almost  too  late  to  act. 
Mr.  Polk  being  much  fatigued  by  the  interview,  the  baptism  was  postponed 
to  the  next  evening.  In  the  mean  time,  he  recollected  that,  during  his 
governorship,  he  had  promised  his  warm  personal  and  political  friend,  the 
Rev.  Mr.  McFerren,  of  the  Methodist  church,  that,  when  he  made  a  public 
profession  of  his  religious  faith,  he,  Mr.  McF.,  should  baptize  him.  True 
to  his  promise,  he  accordingly  received  the  sacred  rite  at  the  hands  of  that 
reverend  gentleman.*  About  half  an  hour  before  his  death,  his  venerable 
mother  entered  the  room,  and  kneeling  by  his  bedside,  in  the  presence  of 
Major  Polk,  brother  of  the  Ex-President,  and  the  other  members  of  the 
family,  she  most  solemnly  and  feelingly  commended  the  departing  soul  of 
her  son  to  "  the  King  of  kings  and  Lord  of  lords."  The  day  following, 
the  mansion  of  the  Ex-President  was  shrouded  in  mourning,  within  and 
without;  and  the  corpse,  dressed  in  a  plain  suit  of  black,  with  a  copy  of 
the  constitution  of  the  United  States  at  its  feet,  lay  in  one  of  the  drawing- 
rooms,  to  receive  the  last  look  of  thousands  of  friends  and  neighbors,  and 
to  give  opportunity  for  the  ceremonies  with  which  Masonry  honors  the 
remains  of  members  of  its  order. 

The  body  was  subsequently  sealed  in  a  copper  coffin,  and  enclosed  in 
another,  bearing  on  a  silver  plate  the  simple  inscription,  "J,  K.  Polk,  born 
Nov.  1795.  Died  June  15,  1849."  In  his  will,  Mr.  Polk  bequeathed  to 
the  State  a  lawn  in  front  of  his  residence,  to  be  kept  sacred  as  his  burial- 
place.  Pending  the  erection  of  a  tomb  and  appropriate  cenotaph  upon  the 
spot  designated  by  himself,  his  remains  were  deposited  in  the  vault  of  the 
Gruiidy  family.  These  arrangements  having  been  completed,  on  the  22d 
of  May,  1850,  the  remains  were  removed,  with  appropriate  and  interesting 
ceremonies,  from  their  temporary  to  their  final  resting-place ;  and  the 
body  of  the  President  from  Tennessee  now  lies  "  fittingly  entombed  in 
the  heart  of  its  capital." 

*  The  statement  made  by  a  correspondent  of  the  New  York  Herald,  viz.,  that 
Mr.  Polk  desired  baptism  of  Dr.  Edgar,  and  afterwards  recollected  that  he  had 
previously  given  a  promise  to  Rev.  Mr.  McFerren,  is,  by  Dr.  Edgar  and  Rev.  Mr. 
McFerren,  pronounced  wholly  destitute  of  truth. 


ZACHARY    TAYLOR. 

TiiK  immeiliate  ancestors  of  General  Taylor  held  rank  among  the  first 
families  in  Virginia,  and  were  connected  with  those  whose  names  are 
enviably  conspicuous  in  the  past  history  of  our  country,  such  as  Madison, 
Lee,  Barbour,  Conway,  Gaines,  Pendleton,  &c. 

His  father,  Ricliard' Taylor,  was  a  man  of  singular  moral  and  physical 
courage,  and  when  very  young,  he  traversed  the  wilderness  west  from 
Virginia  to  the  Mississippi  river,  a  region  never  before  trodden  by  the  foot 
of  the  white  man.  He  went  alone,  without  either  a  companion  or  a  guide, 
and  having  explored  the  Father  of  Waters  as  for  south  as  Natchez,  he 
turned  his  face  eastward,  and  walked  back  to  the  Old  Dominion,  fearless 
of  the  perils  amid  mountains,  and  rivers,  and  savage  beasts,  or  more  savage 
men.  He  was  afterward  a  colonel  of  the  Virginia  militia,  and  was  always 
highly  esteemed  in  that  capacity,  during  the  Revolution,  for  his  courage 
and  manliness  of  character.  At  the  age  of  thirty-five  years,  he  married 
Sarah  Strother,  a  young  lady  of  excellent  family,  and  fifteen  years  his 
junior. 

Their  third  child  was  the  subject  of  this  memoir,  whom  they  named 
Zachary,  in  memory  of  a  maternal  ancestor.  He  was  born  in  Orange 
county,  Virginia,  on  the  twenty-fourth  day  of  November,  1784.  In  1785, 
Colonel  Taylor  emigrated  to  Kentucky,  in  pursuance  of  a  long-cherished 
design.  He  had  been  preceded  by  his  brother,  Hancock  Taylor,  who  had 
made  long  and  toilsome  surveys  in  the  valleys  of  the  Ohio  and  Mississippi, 
and  who,  just  previous  to  his  death,^  selected  for  his  farm,  upon  which  to 
locate,  the  site  of  the  present  city  of  Louisville. 

Colonel  Taylor  settled  in  Jefferson  county,  about  five  miles  from  Louis- 
ville, and  among  the  hardy  emigrants  and  the  perils  of  border  life  the 
childhood  of  Zachary  was  passed.  As  has  been  justly  remarked,  these 
hardships  and  dangers  "  were  as  familiar  to  him  as  ease  and  security  to 
the  child  of  metropolitan  luxury."! 

Louisville  soon  became  a  place  of  some  note,  and  with  its  advancement 
the  fortune  of  Colonel  Taylor  increased  ;  and  when  it  became  a  "  port  of 
entry,"  he  was  appointed  collector  by  Washington,  with  whom  he  was 
personally  intimate  before  leaving  Virginia. 

The  sparse  population  of  Kentucky  at  the  period  of  Zachary's  childhood 
rendered  the  support  of  efficient  schools  impossible,  and  the  care  of  his 
early  education  devolved  upon  his  parents.  The  consequence  was,  that 
his  early  years  were  more  devoted  to  observation,  and  the  reception  of 
lessons  in  physical  exploits,  than  to  study ;  yet  this  deficiency  was  after- 

*  He  was  surprised  and  killed  by  a  party  of  Indians,  near  the  falls  of  the  Ohio, 
t  Fry's  Life  of  General  Taylor. 

55 


426  TAYLOR.   ' 

wards  compensated  by  an  active  and  untiring  mind,  that  mastered  every 
problem  presented  to  it. 

After  the  successful  expedition  of  General  Wayne,  in  1794,  against  the 
Western  Indians,  and  the  comparative  security  of  the  settlements,  emigra- 
tion rapidly  increased  the  population  of  Kentucky,  and  agriculture  and 
commerce  started  hand  in  hand  in  building  up  the  prosperity  of  the  Great 
West.  Young  Taylor  having  been  trained  to  agriculture,  pursued  it 
perseveringly  and  industriously  ;  yet  he  felt  an  irresistible  desire  to  enter 
the  army,  as  a  life  more  congenial  to  his  taste,  for  he  was  really  a  "  chip 
of  the  old  block,"  nurtured,  as  he  had  been,  among  the  alarms  and  perils 
that  excited  and  surrounded  the  hardy  emigrants.  A  stepping-stone  to 
the  service  soon  offered.  When  Aaron  Burr's  operations  at  the  West 
excited  suspicion  and  alarm,  young  Taylor,  with  one  or  two  of  his 
brothers,  formed  a  volunteer  corps  to  oppose  his  supposed  treasonable 
designs.     Their  services  were  not  needed,  and  Zachary  returned  to  his  farm. 

On  the  death  of  his  brother.  Lieutenant  Taylor,  who  was  an  officer  in 
the  regular  service  of  the  United  States,  Zachary  obtained  the  vacancy,* 
and  received  a  commission  from  President  Jefferson,  May  3,  1808,  as  first 
lieutenant  in  the  seventh  regiment  of  United  States  infantry.  He  was 
then  twenty-four  years  of  age,  and  in  possession  of  a  competent  fortune ; 
but  he  chose  to  relinquish  the  quiet  life  of  a  farmer,  and  engage  in  the 
perilous  vocation  of  a  soldier.  He  was  ordered  to  report  himself  to 
General  Wilkinson,  then  at  New  Orleans,  which  act  nearly  cost  him  his 
life.  He  was  attacked  there  by  yellow  fever,  and  was  obliged  to  return 
home  and  recruit  his  health.  During  his  parole,  he  devoted  himself  assid- 
uously to  the  study  of  his  profession,  and  his  proficiency  was  soon  made 
manifest  by  circumstances. 

For  a  long  time  the  aggressions  of  England  had  been  engendering 
hatred  in  the  public  mind  of  America,  and  the  crowning  act  of  her  indig- 
nities was  the  excitement  of  the  Indian  tribes  against  the  frontier  settle- 
ments, by  emissaries  sent  among  them.  Tecumseh,  and  his  brother 
OUiwachica,  called  the  Prophet,  had  been  fully  won  to  the  English  interest, 
and  our  government  discovered  that  a  general  league  was  forming  against 
the  Americans,!  among  the  tribes  hitherto  apparently  friendly,  and  it  was 
resolved  to  take  early  steps  to  avert  the  gathering  storm.  General  Harri- 
son, then  Governor  of  the  North-Western  Territory,!  was  ordered  to  march 
a  competent  force  into  the  Indian  country.  To  this  expedition  Lieutenant 
Taylor  was  attached,^  and  at  the  bloody  battle  of  Tippecanoe,  May  7,  1811, 
his  gallant  services  won  the  highest  esteem  of  his  commander.  They 
were  appreciated  by  President  Madison,  who  soon  after  gave  him  a  cap- 
tain's commission. 

*  This  was  accomplished  through  the  influence  of  his  father,  and  his  relatives,  James 
jMadiscm  and  Major  Edmund  Taj'lor. 

t  British  promises  and  British  gold  had  bribed  the  savages  to  prepare  for  a  general 
extermination  of  all  the  whites  on'the  frontiers.  This  fiendish  act  of  the  British  gov- 
ernment has  ever  been  execrated,  as  one  of  the  most  inhuman  on  record. 

I  This  territory  included  the  present  States  of  Ohio,  Michigan,  Indiana,  and  Illinois. 

^  He  was  married  in  1810  to  Miss  Smith,  of  one  of  the  first  families  in  Maryland, 
and  sister  of  the  late  Major  S.  R.  Smith,  of  the  marine  corps.  He  left  his  young  wife 
and  infant  when  he  went  to  the  camp. 


TAYLOR.  427 

During  the  winter,  active  hostilities  ceased,  and  early  in  the  spring  of 
1S12  Captain  Taylor  was  placed  in  command  of  Fort  Harrison,  on  the 
Wabash,  and  at  this  period  commences  his  career  as  a  military  cornmandor. 
Fully  aware  of  the  extent  of  the  savage  league,  and  of  the  great  abilities 
of  Tocumseh  and  his  associates,  Captain  Taylor  at  once  prepared  for  a 
desperate  encounter,  which  he  knew  must  soon  take  place.  He  also  knew 
tliat  the  Indians  were  aware  of  his  weakness,  and  he  used  his  utmost 
vigilance  to  prevent  a  surprise. 

Three  months  after  war  with  great  Britain  was  formally  declared,  thi 
tribes  were  banded  for  the  service  of  exterminating  the  whites,  and  their 
minds  were  inflamed  to  the  highest  pitch.  Fort  Harrison  was  the  first 
object  of  attack,  and,  although  Tecumseh  knew  that  the  garrison  was 
weak,*'  he  preferred  to  exercise  cunning,  and  gain  by  stratagem  what  he 
might,  perhaps,  have  accomplished  by  overwhelming  force. t  Accordingly, 
on  the  evening  of  the  fourth  of  September,  1812,  a  deputation  from  the 
Prophet  approached  the  fort,  with  a  white  flag  of  peace.  But  Captain 
Taylor  was  not  deceived,  and  he  made  preparations  for  an  assault.  At 
night  a  watch  was  set,  and  the  remainder  retired  to  rest.  About  eleven 
o'clock  at  night  the  report  of  a  musket  was  heard,  and  Captain  Taylor, 
springing  from  his  bed.  found  the  savage  foe  upon  him.  The  sentinels 
were  driven  in  from  their  posts,  the  lower  building  (a  block  house)  of 
the  fort  was  on  fire,  and  the  entire  destruction  of  the  garrison  seemed 
inevitable. 

The  commander  did  not  lose  his  self-possession,  and  while  he  directed 
a  part  of  his  force  to  extinguish  the  flames,  the  other  returned  the  fire  from 
the  fort.  It  was  too  dark  to  see  the  foe,  and  many  of  the  shot  were 
ineffectual.  For  seven  long  hours,  the  savages,  with  hideous  yells,  in 
anticipation  of  triumph,  maintained  the  attack;  but  at  length,  appalled  by 
the  continued  musket  shots  from  the  fort,  that  thinned  their  ranks,  and 
doubtless  believing  the  garrison  to  be  much  stronger  than  they  anticipated, 
they  moved  off  down  the  river  about  six  o'clock  in  the  morning,  after 
destroying  all  the  provisions  of  the  garrison,  and  killing  or  carrying  otl'al]  the 
horses  and  cattle.  Captain  Taylor  lost  only  three  men,  while  the  Indians 
evidently  suffered  severely.  In  a  despatch,  dated  September  10th,  Captain 
Taylor  gave  to  General  Harrison  an  admirable  account  of  the  battle,  in 
which  his  modesty,  and  soimd  common  sense,  are  alike  conspicuous. 
^  The  Indians  were  dispirited  at  this  defeat,  yet  the  garrison  expected 
another  attack,  and  Captain  Taylor  sent  to  General  Harrison  an  ear- 
nest application  for  relief,  as  they  were  reduced  to  great  need  by  sickness 
and   lack  of  provisions. t     A   large  force  was   immediately   sent,  under 

*  Captain  Taylor's  force  consisted  of  only  about  fifty  men,  and  nearly  two  thirds  of 
those  were  invalids  from  the  effects  of  fever.  H«  himself  was  just  recovering  from  a 
severe  attack. 

t  Captain  Taylor  had  evidence  of  their  proximity  and  intentions,  by  the  murder  of 
two  young  men  in  a  field  near  the  fort,  on  the  third,  whose  scalps  were  borne  away  as 
tropiiies. 

I  Captain  Taylor's  first  attempt  to  communicate  with  his  general  at  Vincennes  failed, 
owing  to  the  vigilance  of  the  foe,  who  kept  watchftres  burning  upon  the  banks  of  the 
river.  He  despatched  messengers  by  land,  and  they  reached  their  destination  in  safety. 
The  little  garrison  was  rescued  from  starvation,  four  days  after  the  battle,  by  Colonel 
Russel,  and  a  party  of  Rangers,  who  were  sent  to  their  relief. 


428  TAYLOR. 

General  Hopkins,  and  the  gallant  little  band  were  saved  from  destruc- 
tion.* 

This  battle,  although  few  were  engaged,  exhibited  all  the  types  of 
bravery  and  military  skill  on  the  part  of  the  commander  which  the 
generals  of  vast  annies  might  be  proud  of:  and  the  same  indomitable 
courage  and  consummate  management  which  have  so  distinguished  Gen- 
eral TayloT  in  Mexico,  were  there  not  only  shadowed  forth,  but  actually 
exhibited. 

The  whole  country  rang  with  praises  of  the  achievement  and  its  brave 
actors,  and  the  President  at  once  conferred  upon  Captain  Taylor  the  rank 
of  Major,  by  brevet.! 

The  Indians,  although  defeated  at  Fort  Harrison,  still  persisted  in  their 
depredations,  destroying  property  and  murdering  the  inhabitants  whenever 
opportunity  offered.  On  the  arrival  of  General  Hopkins,  he  organized  an 
expedition  against  them,  and  commenced  his  march  about  the  middJe  of 
October.  But  his  volunteers  evinced  insubordination,  which,  in  a  few 
days,  became  so  general,  that,  at  a  council  of  officers,  General  Hopkins 
resolved  to  abandon  the  expedition.  He  resumed  it,  however,  in  the 
course  of  November,  and  several  skirmishes  ensued,  in  which  Major 
Taylor  was  conspicuous,  and  was  officially  commended  for  his  bravery. 
The  winter  closed  in,  both  parties  ceased  hostilities,  and  during  the 
remainder  of  the  war  no  opportunity  offered  for  our  yotsng  officer  to  distin- 
guish himself.  After  the  close  of  the  war,  the  injustice  of  government 
caused  him  to  throw  up  his  commission  and  quit  the  service;  and  he 
retired  to  his  family,  and  reengaged  in  agricultural  pursuits. J 

The  influence  of  powerful  friends,  and  the  knowledge  of  his  great  ser- 
vices, resulted  in  his  being  reinstated  in  the  year  1815,  by  President 
Madison,  and  in  1S16  he  was  again  called  from  the  bosom  of  his  family 
to  endure  the  privations  of  the  camp.  He  was  ordered  to  Green  Bay,  at 
which  port  he  remained  in  command  four  years.  In  1819,  he  was 
promoted  to  the  rank  of  lieutenant-colonel.  From  that  period  until  1832, 
he  was  in  the  constant  service  of  his  country  on  the  Western  and  North- 
Western  frontiers,  except  during  temporary  absences,  on  account  of  the 
illness  of  his  wife.  In  1822,  he  erected  Fort  Jesup,  and  opened  a  mili- 
tary road  to  that  port.  In  1824,  he  was  ordered  to  Washington,  and  was 
made  one  of  a  board  of  commissioners  for  planning  and  erecting  Jefferson 
Barracks.  In  1826,  he  was  one  of  a  board  of  officers  of  the  army  and 
militia,  (of  which  General  Scott  was  president,)  appointed  to  consider  and 
submit  to  the  Secretary  of  War  a  system  for  the  organization  of  the  militia 
of  the  United  States.  Soon  after  the  adjournment  of  the  board,  he  resumed 
his  duties  on  the  North-Western  frontier,  but  without  occasion  to  meet  a  foe 

*  General  Harrison,  in  a  letter  to  the  Governor  of  Kentucky,  said,  "The  firm  and 
almost  unparalleled  defence  of  Fort  Harrison,  by  Captain  Zachary  Taylor,  has  raised 
for  him  a  fabric  of  character  not  to  be  effaced  by  eulogy." 

I  This  is  a  French  word,  and  signifies  a  royal  act  in  writing,  conferring  some  privilege 
or  distinction.  It  is  applied  in  England  and  America,  in  military  affairs,  to  a  commis- 
sion giving  nominal  rank  higher  than  that  for  which  pay  is  received.  Thus,  a  braver 
major  serves  and  draws  pay  as  a  captain. 

I  Many  promotions  made  during  the  war  were  annulled  at  its  close ;  and  in  this 
sweeping  depreciation  Major  Taylor  was  not  overlooked.  He  was  again  reduced  to 
the  rank  of  captain,  which  indignity  he  would  not  brook. 


TAYLOR.  429 

in  coiiil>;it.  For  five  years  he  was  there,  but  not  in  idleness;  for  when 
unemployed  in  his  duties  as  a  strict  disciplinarian,  he  was  studiously  en- 
gao;ed  in  perfecting  himself  in  his  profession. 

In  1832,  Taylor  received  a  commission  from  President  Jackson,  appoint- 
ing him  Colonel,  and  in  this  capacity  his  skill  and  bravery  were  (listin- 
guished  in  the  border  war  known  as  the  Black  Hawk  war.*  That  gallant 
chief,  with  his  brother,  the  Prophet,  having  defeated  an  American  volun- 
teer force  near  Rock  River,  May  14,  1S32,  the  people  of  Illinois  became 
greatly  alarmed,  and  the  Secretary  of  War  ordered  about  a  thousand  regu- 
lar soldiers  to  the  scene  of  action.  General  Scott  took  command  of  the 
army,  and  for  three  months  a  most  bloody  strife  ensued.  In  July,  General 
Atkinson  arrived  at  the  scene  of  action,  with  two  thousand  five  hundred 
men,  including  four  hundred  regulars,  under  Colonel  Taylor.  Towards 
the  close  of  the  month,  the  Indians  having  commenced  a  retreat  into  the 
wilderness.  General  Atkinson  ordered  a  pursuit,  and  thirteen  hundred 
men,  under  Colonel  Taylor,  were  detached  for  the  service.  With  singular 
perseverance,  he  succeeded  in  overtaking  the  Indians  near  the  junction  of 
the  Mississippi  and  Iowa  rivers,  where  a  desperate  conflict  ensued,  which 
resulted  in  the  total  rout  of  the  savages.  In  the  course  of  a  month  there- 
after, Black  Hawk,  who  escaped,  was  betrayed  into  the  hands  of  Colonel 
Taylor,  by  faithless  allies,  and  with  his  capture,  or  rather  custody,  the  war 
ended.  Colonel  Taylor  conveyed  the  old  chief  and  his  fellow-prisoners  to 
Jefferson  Barracks.  Taylor  was  soon  after  ordered  to  Prairie  du  Chien, 
to  the  command  of  Fort  Crawford,  a  fortress  built  under  his  superintend- 
ence. There  he  remained  until  1S36,  when  government  ordered  him  to 
Florida,  to  assist  in  reducing  the  Seminole  Indians  to  submission. t 

The  war  with  the  Seminoles  began  in  1835,  and  when  Colonel  Taylor 
reached  Florida  it  had  been  prosecuted  with  indifferent  success.  General 
Jesup  then  had  command  in  Florida,  and  had  made  fruitless  attempts  to 
bring  the  war  to  a  close.  All  friendly  conferences  with  the  chiefs  having 
failed,  it  was  determined,  in  the  autumn  of  1837,  to  take  more  active 
measures  against  the  Indians.  Unlimited  scope  was  given  to  Colonel 
Taylor  to  capture  or  destroy  the  savages,  wherever  they  might  be  found. 
Accordingly,  Taylor,  with  about  eleven  hundred  men,  left  Fort  Gardiner, 
Dec.  20,  1837,  and  through  dense  thickets  of  palmetto  and  cypress,  and 
the  luxuriant  herbage  of  a  wet  soil,  they  made  their  way  towards  the  ever- 
glades, where  the  foe  was  concealed. 

*  Black  Hawk  was  a  chief  of  the  Sac  Indians,  and  his  slaiip;hter  of  the  white  settlers 
upon  the  frontier  was,  in  a  measure,  we  are  sorry  to  say,  induced  by  the  perfidy  of 
our  own  people;  his  flag  of  truce  having  been  twice  fired  upon,  and  the  bearer  each 
time  killed. 

t  The  Seminole  Indians,  occupying  a  portion  of  Florida,  were  required  by  the  United 
States  government  to  emigrate  to  the  west  of  the  Mississippi.  They  refused  to  com- 
ply, and  a  daring  chief,  who  rose  to  influence  from  a  private  mnn  of  his  tribe,  named 
Osceola,  took  the  leadership,  and  openly  declared  against  ihe  whites.  Murders  were 
committed  on  the  frontiers,  and  at  one  time  even  St.  Augustine  was  threatened  by  the 
savages.  General  Clinch  liad  command  of  the  United  States  troops  in  that  section,  and 
on  the  23d  of  December,  183.5,  two  companies,  under  Major  Dade,  while  marclnng  to 
join  the  camp  of  General  Clinch,  were  surprised  by  the  Indians,  and  were  all  massa- 
cred, after  a  terrible  resistance,  except  three  men.  Open  war  now  commenced  Jlany 
Creeks  joined  the  Seminoles,  and  the  United  States  government  was  (ihlig<\l  \o  send  a 
strong  force  there. 


430  TAYLOR. 

On  the  25th  of  December,  they  reached  a  cypress  swamp,  where  they 
had  evidence  that  a  large  body  of  the  enemy  were  near.  They  crossed 
the  swamp,  and  reached  a  large  prairie,  upon  the  opposite  side  of  which, 
in  a  dense  "hammock,"  according  to  the  statement  of  an  Indian  prisoner, 
the  enemy  were  encamped.  Taylor  disposed  his  army  in  battle  array, 
and  hurried  towards  the  hammock,  or  morass.  They  had  penetrated  but 
a  short  distance,  when  they  were  suddenly  attacked  by  several  hundred 
red  warriors,  with  their  rifles.  The  shock  was  a  terrible  one,  and  several 
olficers  were  killed  or  severely  wounded  at  the  first  fire.  Seeing  their 
leaders  fall,  the  volunteers  at  first  gave  way,  but  their  places  were  soon 
filled  by  the  regulars,  who  eagerly  pressed  on.  The  sixth  infantry,  that 
engaged  in  the  thickest  of  the  fight,  were  led  by  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Thompson,  as  brave  an  officer  as  ever  drew  sword.  He  received  two  bul- 
let wounds  at  the  first  fire,  but  kept  on  at  the  head  of  his  regiment  until 
a  third  ball  deprived  him  of  life.*  The  battle  at  this  point  lasted  for  more 
than  an  hour,  when  the  savages  were  driven  from  their  position,  to  their 
camp  on  the  border  of  Lake  Okee-cho-bee.  Finding  themselves  hotly 
pursued,  and  likely  to  be  overcome,  the  Indians  fired  one  volley  of  rifle 
balls,  and  fled,  closely  pursued  by  the  regulars  and  volunteers,  until  night 
closed  in.  This  battle  of  Okee-cho-bee  will  ever  be  memorable,  in  our 
annals  of  Indian  wars,  as  one  of  the  most  remarkable  for  bravery  and  skill 
on  both  sides.  The  loss  of  the  Indians  could  not  be  ascertained,  but  it 
was  known  to  be  great,  while  our  own  loss  amounted  to  fourteen  officers, 
and  one  hundred  and  twenty-four  privates,  killed  and  wounded — about  one 
fifth  of  the  whole  number  of  white  troops  engaged.! 

Being  thus  pursued  into  their  very  strongholds,  and  there  defeated,  the 
Indians  were  discouraged,  and  the  battle  of  Okee-cho-bee  gave  a  death- 
blow to  the  power  and  daring  defiance  of  the  Seminoles.  Many  of  them 
surrendered,  and,  although  outrages  were  frequently  committed  by  small 
parties  of  savages,  for  a  year  or  two  afterwards,  they  were  never  fully  or- 
ganized as  a  nation,  or  tribe,  in  opposition  to  the  whites. 

Colonel  Taylor  was  highly  complimented  by  the  Secretary  of  War ; 
received  the  thanks  of  the  President  of  the  United  States,  officially  com- 
municated by  General  Macomb,  then  commander-in-chief  of  the  armies  of 
the  United  States  ;  and  was  soon  after  promoted  to  the  rank  of  Brigadier- 
General,  by  brevet,  for  "  distinguished  services  in  the  battle  of  Okee-cho- 
bee,  in  Florida." 

Soon  after  his  promotion,  he  was  honored  with  the  command  of  the 
troops  in  Florida,  General  Jesup  having  been  recalled,  at  his  own  request. 
For  two  years  more,  he  toiled  on  amid  the  morasses  and  fevers  of  that 
region,  frequently  skirmishing  with  the  Indians,  but  quite  unable  entirely 
to  "  conquer  a  peace."  At  his  own  request,  he  was  relieved  from  the  com- 
mand, and  was  succeeded  by  General  Armistead,  in  April,  1840.1 

*  Major  Sconce,  Captain  Childs,  Lieutenants  Rogers,  Haas,  and  Gordon,  were  killed 
in  the  first  terrible  onslaught.  Several  others  soon  after  perished,  among  whom  were 
Adjutant  Center,  Captain  Van  Swearengin,  and  Lieutenant  Brooks. 

t  The  humanity  and  kindness  of  Colonel  Taylor  were  signally  manifested  on  this 
occasion  in  the  case  of  the  wounded  and  dying,  and  excited  the  love  of  his  comrades 
as  keenly  as  it  did  their  admiration  of  his  courage. 

^  Towards  the  close  of  1839,  General  Taylor  approved  of  the  movement  of  the  local 


TAYLOR.  431 

But  relief  from  arduous  duty  in  Florida  did  not  prove  relief  from  ser- 
vices less  important  and  lionorable.  His  distingfuished  talents  were  too 
well  known  and  appreciated,  to  allow  him  to  remain  idle,  or  to  be  stationed 
at  a  post  of  inactivity.  He  was  therefore  immediately  appointed  to  the 
command  of  the  First  Department  of  the  United  States  army  in  the  South- 
west. This  department  included  the  four  States  at  the  extreme  south- 
western part  of  the  Union.,  Alabama,  Mississippi,  Arkansas,  and  Louisiana. 
He  made  his  head-quarters  at  Fort  Jesup,  until  1S41,  when  he  was 
ordered  to  Fort  Gibson,  to  relieve  General  Arbuckle,  where  he  remained 
nearly  five  years,  constantly  engaged  in  the  disciplining  of  the  troops,  and 
other  services  pertaining  to  his  station. 

When,  on  the  first  of  March,  1845,  the  Congress  of  the  United  States 
passed  an  act  for  the  admission  of  Texas  into  the  Union,  and  the  Mexican 
minister  at  Washington  (General  Almonte)  entered  his  protest  against  the 
act,  in  the  name  of  his  government,  and  asfved  for  his  passports,  it  became 
evident  that  the  adoption  of  the  new  foster  child  would  be  the  cause  of 
trouble  with  our  sister  republic.  It  being  evident,  from  the  character  of 
the  Mexican  government,  and  the  faithlessness  of  her  ruler,  that  diplomacy 
could  not  be  depended  upon  to  produce  a  reconciliation,  our  government 
felt  a  necessity  of  turning  its  attention  to  the  military  arm  as  a  protection 
for  the  citizens  of  Texas  from  the  violence  of  Mexican  armies,  which,  it 
was  believed,  would  be  put  in  motion  towards  the  north,  as  soon  as  the 
final  action  of  our  government  on  the  subject  of  the  annexation  of  Texas 
should  be  known.  Accordingly,  early  in  May,  1845,  General  Taylor 
received  an  order  from  the  Secretary  of  War,  to  place  all  the  forces  then 
under  his  command,  or  that  should  thereafter  be  put  under  his  control,  in 
the  most  eligible  position  for  an  immediate  entrance  into  Texas,  if  neces- 
sary for  its  defence. 

The  instructions  from  the  War  Department  to  General  Taylor  were 
confidential,*  and  the  extensive  range  of  operations  left  to  his  discretion 
is  a  proof  of  the  unlimited  confidence  which  the  government  reposed  in  his 
judgment  and  ability.  Another  communication  was  sent  to  him  in  June, 
(which  reached  him  early  in  July,)  informing  him  that  the  acceptance  of 
the  terms  of  annexation  by  Texas  would  doubtless  take  place  on  the  4th  of 
July  ensuing,  and  ordering  him  to  advance  with  his  troops  to  the  mouth 
of  the  Sabine  river,  or  such  other  point  on  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  or  upon  its 

authorities  of  Florida,  in  the  procurement  of  bloodhounds  from  Cuba,  to  hunt  the 
Indians.  The  nature  of  this  act,  when  fully  understood,  exculpates  General  Taylor 
and  those  concerned  from  the  charges  of  barbarous  cruelty  which,  at  the  time,  were 
brought  against  them.  The  dogs  were  used,  not  to  worry  and  kill  the  savages,  by  any 
means,  '•  but,"  in  the  language  of  General  Taylor  himself,  in  a  letter  to  the  War  Depart- 
ment, "only  to  ascertain  where  the  Indians  could  be  found— not  to  injure  them." 
They  were  muzzled,  and  in  many  instances  controlled  by  leashes,  and  were  u.sed  only 
to  scent  out  the  hiding-places  of  the  foe,  lor  it  was  impossible  for  the  troops  to  find 
them,  while,  under  cover  of  night,  they  were  murdering  and  plundering  the  inhabitants 
along  the  frontier.  The  dogs  proved  incompetent  for  the  purpose,  and  the  scheme  was 
abandoned. 

*  From  the  phraseology  of  the  orders.  General  Taylor  fully  understood  their  mean- 
Lnw.  The  Secretary  said,  that  the  moment  Texas  accepted,  by  a  convention  of  the  peo- 
ple, the  terms  of  annexation  offered  by  the  United  States,  she  would  be  regarded  as  "a 
pari  of  the  United  States,  so  far  as  to  be  entitled  from  this  government  to  a  dcfaice  from 
foreign  invasion,"  &c. — Order  of  Secretary  Marcy,  May,  1845. 


432  TAYLOR. 

navigable  tributaries,  as  would  be  most  eligible  for  the  purpose  of  proceed- 
ing to  the  western  frontier  of  the  new  State,  on  or  near  the  Rio  Grande 
del  Norte  (the  Great  North  river.)  The  order  limited  his  operations, 
however,  to  a  simple  defence  of  the  territory  of  Texas,  but  including  in 
that  territory  the  disputed  region  between  the  Nueces  and  the  Rio  Grande  ; 
the  former  being  claimed  by  Mexico  as  the  extreme  western  limit  of  the 
State  of  Texas. 

In  a  letter  from  the  War  Department,  sent  soon  after  the  order  for  his 
march  towards  the  Gulf,  the  Secretary  said,  "  Should  Mexico  assemble  a 
large  body  of  troops  on  the  Rio  Grande,  and  cross  it  with  considerable 
force,  such  a  movement  must  be  regarded  as  an  invasion  of  the  United 
States,  and  the  commencement  of  hostilities.  You  will,  of  course,  use  all 
the  authority  which  has  been,  or  may  be,  given  you,  to  meet  such  a  state 
of  things.  Texas  must  be  protected  from  hostile  invasion  ;  and  for  that 
purpose  you  will  of  course  employ,  to  the  utmost  extent,  all  the  means  you 
possess,  or  can  command." 

As  soon  as  General  Taylor  received  these  instructions,  he  proceeded  with 
a  force  of  fifteen  hundred  men  to  New  Orleans,  where  he  embarked,  and 
early  in  August  reached  St.  Joseph's  Island,  from  which  point  he  again 
emkirked  for  Corpus  Christi,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Nueces,  and  there  he 
established  his  head-quarters,  in  September,  1S45. 

Soon  after  his  arrival  at  Corpus  Christi,  General  Taylor  was  reinforced 
by  seven  companies  of  infantry,  under  Major  Brown,  and  two  volunteer 
artillery  companies,  under  Major  Gaily.  With  this  force,  he  remained  at 
Corpus  Christi  during  the  winter.*  Early  in  the  spring,  the  camp  at 
Corpus  Christi  was  broken  up,  and  a  portion  of  the  "Army  of  Occupation  " 
proceeded  to  the  Rio  Grande,  opposite  Matamoras,  and  another  portion  to 
Point  Isabel. 

The  winter  had  been  spent  in  thorough  discipline,  and  all  the  troops, 
regular  and  volunteer,  had  become  greatly  attached  to  their  commander, 
and  were  glad  of  an  opportunity  to  be  employed  in  more  active  service  than 
camp  duty.  The  march  of  the  army  towards  Matamoras  was  a  dreary 
one  indeed,  and  they  suffered  every  endurable  privation  in  passing  over 
the  barren  prairies.  They  were  threatened  by  Mexicans  on  the  route ; 
and  when  approaching  Point  Isabel,  a  deputation  of  citizens  met  them,  and 
presented  to  General  Taylor  a  protest,  signed  by  the  Prefect  of  the  North- 
ern District  of  the  Department  of  Tamaulipas,  against  the  presence  of  his 
army.  He  promised  them  an  answer  when  he  should  arrive  upon  the  Rio 
Grande,  and  then  passed  on.  When  he  arrived  at  Point  Isabel,  he  found 
his  supplies  there,  which  he  had  sent  by  water,  and  having  made  a  proper 
disposition  of  his  forces,  proceeded  with  a  large  body  towards  the  Rio 
Grande,  opposite  Matamoras,  where  he  arrived  on  the  29th  of  March,  1846. 

After  pitching  their  tents,  they  began  the  erection  of  defensive  works, 

*  In  the  mean  while,  our  government  made  overtures  to  the  Blexican  government, 
proposing  an  amicable  settlement  of  all  existing  difficulties  ;  and  lo  these  overtures,  in 
which  an  ofTer  to  send  a  minister  to  Mexico  was  made,  a  favorable  answer  was  re- 
ceived. A  minister  was  sent,  but  when  he  arrived,  a  revolution,  headed  by  General 
Paredes,  was  in  progress,  which  proved  successful,  and  the  new  government,  at  the 
head  of  which  was  the  successful  general,  refused  to  receive  him.  Negotiations  were 
then  abandoned,  and  defensive  preparations  made  on  our  Texan  frontier. 


TAYLOR.  433 

find  in  a  few  days  quite  a  formidable  fortification  was  raised,  frontinj^ 
Matamoras.*  In  the  mean  while,  Paredes  had  sent  General  Ampudia  to 
take  command  of  the  Mexican  army  on  the  Rio  Grande.  He  arrived  on 
the  11th  of  April,  and  the  next  day  he  sent  the  following  communication 
to  General  Taylor,  by  a  deputation  of  officers  bearing  a  flag :  — 

Fourth  Military  Division, 
General-in-  Chief. 

To  explain  to  you  the  many  grounds  for  the  just  grievances  felt  by  the 
Mexican  nation,  caused  by  the  United  States  government,  would  be  a  loss 
of  time,  and  an  insult  to  your  good  sense  ;  I  therefore  pass  at  once  to  such 
explanations  as  I  consider  of  absolute  necessity. 

Your  government,  in  an  incredible  manner  —  you  will  even  permit  me 
to  say,  an  extravagant  one,  if  the  usage  and  general  rules  established  and 
received  among  all  civilized  nations  are  regarded  —  has  not  only  insulted, 
but  has  exasperated  the  Mexican  nation,  bearing  its  conquering  banner  to 
the  left  bank  of  the  Rio  Bravo  del  Norte  ;  and  in  this  case,  by  explicit  and 
definite  orders  of  my  government,  which  neither  can,  will,  nor  should, 
receive  new  outrages,  I  require  you  in  all  form,  and,  at  latest,  in  the  per- 
emptory term  of  twenty-four  hours,  to  break  up  your  camp  and  retire  to 
the  other  bank  of  the  Nueces  river,  while  our  governments  are  regulating 
the  pending  questions  in  relation  to  Texas.  If  you  insist  on  remaining 
upon  the  soil  of  the  Department  of  Tamaulipas,  it  will  clearly  result  that 
arms,  and  arms  alone,  must  decide  the  question  ;  and  in  that  case,  I  advise 
you  that  we  accept  the  war  to  which,  with  so  much  injustice  on  your  part, 
you  provoke  us,  and  that,  on  our  part,  this  war  shall  be  conducted  con- 
formably to  the  principles  established  by  the  most  civilized  nations ;  that 
is  to  say,  that  the  law  of  nations  and  of  war  shall  be  the  guide  of  my 
operations ;  trusting  that  on  your  part  the  same  will  be  observed. 

With  this  view,  I  tender  you  the  considerations  due  to  your  person  and 
respectable  office. 

God  and  Liberty !  ^^^^^  ^^  Ampudu. 

Heau-quarters  at  Matamoras,      ) 
2  o'clock  p.  M.,  April  12,  1846.  \ 

Sr.  General-in-Chief  of  the  U.  S.  Army,  Don  Z.  Taylor. 


General  Taylor  immediately  replied  to  this  communication,  as  follows : 


Head-quarters  Army  of  Occupation, 
Camp  near  Matamoras,  Texas,  April  12,  1S46. 
Senor : — 

I  have  had  the  honor  to  receive  your  note  of  this  date,  in  which  you 
summon  me  to  withdraw  the  forces  under  my  command  from  their  present 
position,  and  beyond  the  river  Nueces,  until  the  pending  question  between 
our  governments,  relative  to  the  limits  of  Texas,  shall  be  settled. 

*  The  fortificatioiiL  was  called  Fort  Brown,  in  honor  of  Major  Brown,  the  command- 
ing oflicer.  It  was  erected  under  the  superintendence  of  Captain  Manslield,  and  was 
large  enough  to  accommodate  about  two  thousand  men. 

56 


434  TAYLOR. 

I  need  hardly  advise  you,  that,  charged  as  I  am,  in  only  a  military  ca- 
pacity, with  the  performance  of  specific  duties,  I  cannot  enter  into  a  discus- 
sion of  the  international  question  involved  in  the  advance  of  the  American 
army.  You  v\rill,  however,  permit  me  to  say,  that  the  government  of  the 
United  States  has  constantly  sought  a  settlement,  by  negotiation,  of  the 
question  of  boundary;  that  an  envoy  was  despatched  to  Mexico  for  that 
purpose,  and  that,  up  to  the  most  recent  dates,  said  envoy  had  not  been 
received  by  the  actual  Mexican  government,  if  indeed  he  has  not  received 
his  passports  and  left  the  Republic.  In  the  mean  time,  I  have  been  ordered 
to  occupy  the  country  up  to  the  left  bank  of  the  Rio  Grande,  until  the 
boundary  shall  be  definitely  settled.  In  carrying  out  these  instructions,  1 
have  carefully  abstained  from  all  acts  of  hostility,  obeying,  in  this  regard, 
not  only  the  letter  of  my  instructions,  but  the  plain  dictates  of  justice  and 
humanity. 

The  instructions  under  which  I  am  acting  will  not  permit  me  to  retro- 
grade from  the  position  I  now  occupy.  In  view  of  the  relations  between 
our  respective  governments,  and  the  individual  sufTering  which  may  result, 
I  regret  the  alternative  which  you  ofTer;  but  at  the  same  time  wish  it 
understood  that  I  shall  by  no  means  avoid  such  alternative,  leaving  the 
responsibility  with  those  who  rashly  commence  hostilities.  In  conclusion, 
you  will  permit  me  to  give  you  the  assurance  that,  on  my  part,  the  laws 
and  customs  of  war  among  civilized  nations  shall  be  carefully  observed. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

Z.  Taylor, 
Brevet  Brig.  Gen.  U.  S.  A.  Co?nmanding. 

Sr.  Gen.  D.  Pedro  de  Ampudia. 

Ampudia  was  soon  after  succeeded  by  General  Arista,  the  commander- 
in-chief  of  the  northern  division  of  the  Mexican  army,  whose  reported 
reinforcements  made  it  probable  that  some  decisive  action  would  soon  take 
place;  consequently  the  defences  of  Fort  Brovi^n  were  carried  on  vigorously. 
On  the  19th,  it  was  reported  to  General  Taylor,  that  two  vessels,  with  sup- 
plies for  the  Mexicans  in  Matamoras,  were  at  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  Grande. 
He  immediately  ordered  a  blockade  of  the  river,  and  enforced  it  by  placing 
the  U.  S.  brig  Lawrence  and  a  revenue  cutter  to  guard  its  mouth.*  At 
this  act  Arista  took  umbrage,  and  having  sent  a  note  of  remonstrance  to 
General  Taylor,  and  receiving  no  satisfactory  answer,  he  prepared  to  make 
an  attack  upon  Fort  Brown. 

In  the  mean  while  it  became  evident  that  Point  Isabel  was  also  a  place 
of  contemplated  attack,  and  rumors  were  rife  that  a  large  Mexican  force 
were  crossing  the  rivert  for  that  purpose.  This  report,  and  the  informa- 
tion received  by  the  hands  of  Captain  Walker,  of  the  Texan  Rangers,  from 
Major  Monroe,  the  commander  at  Point  Isabel,  of  the  attack  of  a  party  of 

*  When  General  Taylor  was  ordered  to  the  Rio  Grande,  a  small  naval  force  was 
sent  to  the  Gulf  to  protect  the  Texan  coast. 

I  To  ascertain  the  truth  of  these  reports,  General  Taylor  sent  out  a  scouting  party, 
under  Captain  Thornton,  up  the  river,  and  a  squadron  of  dragoons,  under  Captain  Kerr, 
down  the  river.  The  former  were  surprised  by  a  party  of  Mexicans,  and  nearly  all 
were  taken  prisoners.  Lieutenant  Mason  was  killed  in  the  affray  ;  Captain  Thornton 
escaped  by  an  extraordinary  leap  of  his  horse  over  a  hedge. 


TAYLOR.  435 

Mexicans  upon  a  wagon  train,  gave  General  Taylor  much  anxiety,  for  all 
his  army  supplies  were  at  the  Point.  He  accordingly  sent  a  despatch  to 
the  Governors  of  Louisiana  and  Texas,  asking  an  immediate  reinforcement 
of  four  regiments  of  volunteers  from  each  State.  Pending  the  result  of 
this  requisition,  General  Taylor  resolved  to  march  to  the  relief  of  Point 
Isabel  with  his  whole  army,  except  a  sufficient  force  of  infantry  and  artil- 
lery, which  were  to  occupy  Fort  Brown,  then  placed  in  a  position  to  sustain 
a  bombardment. 

On  the  morning  of  the  first  of  May,  1846,  General  Taylor  commenced 
his  march  toward  Point  Isabel,  which  place  he  reached  in  safety.  The 
Mexican  general  supposed  this  movement  was  a  retreat,  and  at  once  ordered 
his  troops  across  the  Rio  Grande,  not  doubting  that,  if  he  could  not  cut  off 
the  retreat  of  the  main  body  of  the  American  army,  he  would  speedily 
cause  the  handful  in  garrison  in  Fort  Brown  to  surrender. 

During  the  night  of  the  4th,  the  Mexicans  erected  a  battery  in  the  rear 
of  Fort  Brown,  and  the  next  morning  opened  a  tremendous  fire  upon  the 
fort.  Simultaneously  with  this  attack,  the  batteries  at  Matamoras  poured 
in  upon  them  sliells  in  abundance.  The  fire  was  kept  up  incessantly  from 
each  point  until  the  afternoon  of  the  6th,  when  Arista  sent  a  summons  to 
surrender.*  This  was  refused,  and  the  firing  commenced  again.  For 
four  days  the  fort  withstood  the  iron  storm,  and  on  the  fifth  the  thunder  of 
artillery  from  the  north-east  proclaimed  to  the  beleaguered  garrison  that  aid 
was  approaching  in  answer  to  their  signal-guns  of  distress. 

That  booming  of  cannon  proved  to  be  more  than  mere  answers  to  signal- 
guns  ;  it  was  the  thunder  of  combat  upon  the  field  of  Palo  Alto.  General 
Taylor,  who  reached  Point  Isabel  in  safety,  had  heard  the  signals  of  dis- 
tress at  Fort  Brown,  and  at  the  head  of  two  thousand  three  hundred  men, 
and  a  supply  train  of  nearly  three  hundred  wagons,  he  started  for  the 
relief  of  the  gallant  garrison.  Early  the  next  morning,  scouts  gave  notice 
that  a  Mexican  force  was  drawn  up  in  battle  array,  at  the  verge  of  the 
prairie  over  which  they  were  marching,  to  oppose  his  progress.  He  imme- 
diately prepared  for  action,  and  at  two  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  gave  orders 
to  advance.  It  was  soon  ascertained  that  the  enemy's  force  was  about  six 
thousand  strong;  but,  undaunted,  the  brave  Taylor  pressed  forward  to 
conflict.  The  battle  was  a  terrible  one,  and  lasted  until  nearly  sunset.  It 
resulted  in  the  complete  victory  of  the  Americans.  The  Mexicans  dis- 
persed and  retreated  behind  the  chapparal,t  and  that  night  the  gallant 
Americans  slept  upon  the  battle-field. 

During  the  engagement,  Major  Ringgold,  one  of  the  bravest  officers  in 
the  army,  while  doing  terrible  execution  upon  the  enemy  with  his  flying 
artillery,  was  struck  by  a  cannon  ball,  which  entered  one  thigh,  passed 
through  his  horse,  and  out  through  his  other  thigh,  and  both  horse  and 

*  The  bomb-proof  shelters,  erected  by  I\lajor  Brown,  made  the  shots  and  shells  of 
the  enemy  almost  inefficient.  The  gallant  commander,  however,  was  killed  at  the 
commencement,  and  was  succeeded  by  Captain  Hawkins. 

f  Chapparal  is  the  name  given  by  the  Mexicans  to  the  thick  undergrowth  of  their 
stunted  forests,  which  makes  an  almost  impenetrable  barrier.  The  place  where  this 
battle  was  fought  is  called  Palo  Alto,  or  liigh  trees,  which  abounded  near,  and  which, 
with  the  undergrowth,  form  the  chapparal.  The  trees  are  high  only  by  comparison, 
for  they  are  of  stinted  growth. 


436  TAYLOR. 

rider  fell  to  the  ground  mortally  wounded.  The  loss  of  the  Americans 
was  nine  killed  and  forty-four  wounded.  That  of  the  Mexicans  was 
reported  at  six  hundred. 

The  next  morning,  May  9th,  General  Taylor,  having  sent  the  wounded 
back  to  Point  Isabel,  resumed  his  march  for  the  Rio  Grande,  but  fully 
prepared  for  an  expected  attack  from  the  enemy,  who  had  rallied,  and  had 
been  reinforced  during  the  night.  Passing  through  an  opening  in  the 
chapparal,  they  came  to  a  prairie,  indented  by  a  ravine,  called  Resaca  de  la 
Palma.*  Within  that  natural  trench  they  found  the  Mexicans  prepared 
for  battle.  They  had  formed  a  battery  in  such  a  position  that  it  could 
completely  sweep  the  road,  and  were  otherwise  strongly  posted.  After 
some  very  severe  skirmishing.  General  Taylor  ordered  Captain  May  to 
charge  the  battery  upon  the  road  with  his  dragoons,  and  capture  the  artil- 
lery. The  command  was  hardly  given,  before  the  gallant  May,  rising  in 
his  stirrups,  called  out,  "  Remember  your  regiment !  Men,  follow !  "  and 
dashing  forward,  amid  the  shower  of  balls  that  came  from  the  battery,  made 
his  horse  leap  the  barrier.  A  few  of  his  men  followed  in  the  mighty  leap  ; 
the  gunners  were  killed  or  dispersed,  and  General  La  Vega,  who  was 
about  applying  a  match  to  a  piece,  was  made  prisoner,  and  amid  the  iron 
hail  of  the  enemy,  was  carried  in  triumph  within  the  American  lines. 
Still  the  battle  raged  on,  and  soon  the  combatants  closed  in,  and  the  strife 
was  terrible.  The  almost  impenetrable  chapparal  was  alive  with  the 
enemy,  from  whence  they  kept  up  a  deadly  fire  ;  but  at  length  the  camp 
and  head-quarters  of  General  Arista,  the  commander-in-chief,  were  cap- 
tured, and  the  enemy  was  completely  routed.! 

In  this  engagement,  only  seventeen  hundred  Americans  took  part,  while 
the  number  of  the  enemy  was  about  seven  thousand  chosen  troops,  and 
nearly  two  thousand  irregulars.  The  American  loss  consisted  of  one 
hundred  and  ten,  killed  and  wounded  ;  that  of  the  Mexicans  was  more 
than  one  thousand.  Arista  saved  himself  by  flight,  and,  quite  unattended, 
he  made  his  way  across  the  Rio  Grande.  General  La  Vega  and  a  few 
other  officers  were  sent  on  parole  to  New  Orleans. 

Immediately  after  the  battle  of  Resaca  de  la  Palma,  General  Taylor 
returned  to  Point  Isabel,  to  make  some  arrangements  for  the  future  with 
Commodore  Conner,  and  then  proceeded  to  Fort  Brown,  to  commence  offen- 
sive operations.  For  one  hundred  and  sixty  hours  the  fort  had  withstood 
an  almost  incessant  fire  from  the  enemj',  without  receiving  much  damage. 
Taylor  at  once  prepared  to  bombard  Matamoras,  where,  he  understood,  the 
enemy  were  again  collecting.  On  the  17th,  Arista  sent  a  deputation  to 
Taylor,  to  ask  for  an  armistice  until  the  two  governments  should  arrange 
the  dispute.  The  pretence  was  too  thin  for  the  eagle  eye  of  "  Rough  and 
Ready ;  "  he  saw  through  it  all,  and  refused  the  boon.  But  during  the 
conference  of  the  deputation.  Arista  succeeded  in  removing  a  good  deal  of 

*  This  ravine,  which  is  about  four  feet  deep  and  two  hundred  feet  wide,  forms  the 
bed,  in  the  rainy  season,  of  continuous  pools.  Upon  its  brink  the  pahnetto  flourishes. 
In  dry  weather,  the  water  disappears,  and  i''rom  this  cause,  and  the  presence  of  palms, 
the  Mexicans  call  the  place  Resaca  de  la  Palma. 

■j-  Nev^er  was  the  rout  of  an  army  more  complete.  The  plate  and  other  pnvate 
property  of  Arista,  correspondence,  arms,  ammunition,  and  equipments  for  several 
thousand  men,  and  two  thousand  horses,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  victors. 


TAYLOR.  437 

ammunition  and  stores  from  the  city,  and  daring  the  nii^ht  he  retreated 
with  his  troops  to  the  open  country  towards  Monterey.  Hearing  of  this, 
Taylor  withheld  his  bomb-shells,  and  on  the  ISth  he  crossed  the  river  with 
a  laro-c  detachment  of  his  army,  and  entered  Matamoras  in  triumph.  The 
American  flag  was  unfurled  upon  its  battlements,  and  for  the  first  time  the 
American  army  was  encamped  upon  undisputed  Mexican  soil. 

The  day  succeeding  the  occupation  of  Matamoras,  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Garknd,  with  the  cavalry  of  the  army,  was  sent  in  pursuit  of  Arista;  but 
their  iirnorance  of  the  country,  and  the  general  barrenness,  which  aflbrded 
scarcely  any  provender  for  the  horses,  forced  them  to  return  after  pursuing 
the  flying  enemy  full  sixty  miles,  and  most  of  the  time  within  twenty-four 
hours'  march  of  them.  , 

General  Taylor  remained  at  Matamoras  from  May  until  September  5th, 
awaitino-  the  orders  of  his  government,  receiving  reinforcements,  and 
making  preparations  for  marching  against  Monterey,  a  strongly  fortified 
town  in  the  interior.*  In  the  mean  while  Congress  had  highly  approved 
of  his  course,  voted  an  appropriation  often  millions  of  dollars,  and  author- 
ized the  raising,  by  volunteer  enlistment,  an  army  of  fifty  thousand  men. 
By  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate,  the  President  of  the  United 
States  transmitted  to  General  Taylor  a  commission  as  Major-General  by 
brevet. 

The  force  organized  by  General  Taylor  to  advance  on  Montereyt  con- 
sisted of  six  thousand  six  hundred  and  forty  men.  Besides  these,  he 
reserved  about  two  thousand  men  to  garrison  Camargo,  and  more  for  points 
further  in  the  rear,  under  the  general  command  of  General  Patterson. 
General  Ampudia  commanded  at  Monterey,  and  hearing  of  the  prepara- 
tions of  Taylor  to  attack  it,  he  greatly  strengthened  its  defences,  and  felt 
quite  secure  within  its  walls.  He  had  eight  thousand  troops  under  his 
command,  besides  the  armed  citizens ;  and  he  had,  also,  supplies  of  every 
kind  in  abundance. 

General  Taylor  arrived  within  sight  of  INJonterey  on  the  19th  of  Sep- 
tember, and,  on  the  night  of  the  20th,  General  Worth's  advanced  column 
bivouacked  on  the  road,  with  a  heavy  and  cold  rain  pouring  upon  them, 
unprotected  by  tent  or  blanket.  The  attack  commenced  on  the  21st  by 
General  Worth,  and  continued,  in  connection  with  other  divisions  of  the 
army,  all  the  next  day.  On  the  23d,  the  assault  became  general,  and  a 
dreadful  conflict  ensued  in  the  streets  of  the  city.  From  the  strong  stone 
houses,  volleys  of  musketry  dealt  death  in  all  directions  among  our  soldiers; 
but  they  were  resolved  on  victory,  and  victory  they  achieved.  On  the 
fourth  day  of  the  siege,  Ampudia  sent  a  flag  of  truce,  asking  a  brief  sus- 
pension of  hostilities,  for  the  purpose  of  a  parley.  The  request  was 
granted,  and  the  Mexican  general  proposed  to  evacuate  the  city.  General 
Taylor  would  not  consent  to  an  evacuation,  but  insisted  upon  a  complete 
surrender  of  the  town  and  garrison,  the  latter  as  prisoners  of  war.     It  was 

*  On  the  very  day  that  General  Taylor  entered  Matamoras.  the  United  States  squad- 
ron arrived  off  Vera  Cruz,  and  conimenced  the  blockade  of  that  and  other  ports  on  the 
Gulf. 

f  Monterey  is  the  capital  of  the  State  of  New  Leon,  and,  at  the  time  in  question,  it 
contained  about  fifteen  thou.sand  inhabitants.  It  is  one  of  the  strongest  holds  in  Mex- 
ico, and  during  the  revolution  of  1823  it  bade  defiance  to  the  royal  arms  of  Old  Spain. 


438  TAYLOR 

finally  agreed,  on  the  24th,  that  the  city  should  be  surrendered  to  Taylor, 
and  the  Mexican  troops  were  allowed  to  evacuate  the  next  day.  As  soon 
as  they  were  gone,  General  Worth's  division  was  quartered  in  the  city,  and 
quiet  reigned  among  the  inhabitants.  In  this  siege  the  Americans  lost,  in 
killed,  wounded,  and  missing,  five  hundred  and  sixty-one.  The  loss  of 
the  Mexicans  is  not  correctly  known,  but  was  much  more  than  that  of  the 
Americans.* 

After  the  capitulation.  General  Taylor  found  his  force  at  Monterey  re- 
duced to  about  five  thousand  five  hundred  effective  men  ;  and  the  distance 
between  him  and  the  volunteers  at  different  points  on  the  Eio  Grande  made 
it  quite  improbable  that  he  could  soon  receive  reinforcements.  Hdving 
despatched  an  account  of  the  siege  and  terms  of  capitulation  to  his  gov- 
ernment, General  Taylor  awaited  an  answer,  and  instructions  for  his  future 
movements.  He  called  upon  his  government  for  ample  reinforcements, 
and  recommended  the  landing  of  25,000  troops  at  Vera  Cruz.  He  finally 
received  such  instructions  from  the  Secretary  of  War,  that  he  informed 
the  Mexican  general-in-chief  that  the  armistice  would  cease  on  the  13th 
of  November. 

On  the  12th  of  November,  General  Worth's  division  left  Monterey  for 
Saltillo,t  and  General  Taylor,  with  the  rest  of  the  army,  except  a  sufficient 
garrison,  took  up  their  line  of  march  on  the  13th. t  On  the  15th  of  Decem- 
ber, General  Taylor  set  out  for  Victoria,  intending  to  march  to  and  attack 
Tampico ;  but  on  the  evening  of  the  17th,  he  received  a  despatch  from 
General  Worth,  announcing  the  rumor  that  Santa  Anna,  with  a  large  force, 
was  about  to  make  a  demonstration  on  Saltillo.  He  therefore  deemed  it 
prudent  to  return  to  Monterey,  to  be  ready  to  reinforce  General  Worth  at 
Saltillo,  in  case  the  rumor  should  prove  true.  On  the  20th,  he  received  a 
despatch  from  Saltillo,  announcing  the  arrival  of  General  Wool's  division, 
and  that  the  rumored  attack  of  Santa  Anna  was  a  fable.  He  again  pro- 
ceeeded  to  Victoria,  and  on  the  29th  that  place  was  occupied  by  General 
Quitman,  without  resistance^ 

While  General  Taj^lor  was  preparing  for  a  vigorous  winter  campaign, 
and  concentrating  his  forces  for  the  purpose.  General  Scott  arrived,  and, 
under  the  instructions  of  the  government,  prepared  for  an  immediate  attack 
upon  Vera  Cruz.  For  this  purpose,  he  was  obliged  to  draw  upon  General 
Taylor  for  a  large  number  of  his  best  officers,  and  a  great  portion  of  his 
regular  troops,  leaving  him  in  the  painful  position  of  acting  only  on  the 
defensive.  His  force  was  reduced  to  about  five  thousand  men.  of  which 
only  five  hundred  were  regulars. 

Santa  Anna,  who  had  been  elected  Provisional  President  of  Mexico  in 
December,  began  immediately  to  concentrate  a  large  force  at  San  Luis 
Potosi,  to  oppose  the  further  progress  of  General  Taylor,  should  he  be  rein- 
forced and  attempt  to  penetrate  the  country  beyond  Monterey,  or  drive 
him  from  that  strong  position.      In  this  movement  he  displayed  great 

*  For  details  of  this  siege,  see  Fry's  Life  of  General  Taylor. 

t  Saltillo  is  the  capital  of  the  State  of  Coahuila,  and  is  situated  about  sixty-five 
miles  south-west  from  Monterey. 

I  The  governor  of  the  State  offered  no  resistance,  but  sent  to  General  Taylor  a  sol- 
emn protest  against  the  act  of  the  United  States  government  in  thus  taking  military 
possession  of  his  domain. 


TAYLOR.  439 

energy,  and  before  the  end  of  January  he  had  about  twenty-one  thousand 
troops  at  San  Luis.  On  the  first  of  February,  he  began  his  march  toward 
Sahillo,  confident  in  his  numerical  strength,  and  avowedly  determined  to 
drive  the  Americans  beyond  the  Rio  Grande.  He  arrived  at  Encarnacion 
on  tlie  20th  of  February,  and  on  the  21st  advanced  on  Saltillo.  Genenjl 
Wool,  who  was  at  Saltillo,  had  kept  General  Taylor  advised  of  the  move- 
ments of  the  Mexican  army  ;  and  when  the  old  hero  was  assured  that  Santa 
Anna  was  rapidly  approaching,  he  resolved,  weak  as  his  numbers  were,  to 
have  a  battle  with  him.  So,  on  the  31st  of  January,  he  left  Monterey 
with  all  his  tmops,  except  fifteen  hundred,  whom  he  left  in  garrison  there, 
and  on  the  2d  of  February  he  reached  Saltillo.  He  proceeded  to  Agua 
Nueva  on  the  4th,  twenty  miles  south  of  Saltillo,  on  the  San  Luis  road, 
where  he  encamped  until  the  21st.  Learning  that  the  Mexicans  were 
advancing  in  large  force,  he  fell  back  to  Angostura,  a  narrow  defile  in  the 
mountains,  directly  facing  the  hacienda^  of  Buena  Vista.  He  there  en- 
camped in  battle  array,  and  awaited  the  arrival  of  Santa  Anna.t 

General  Taylor  showed  much  skill  and  judgment  in  the  selection  of  his 
battle-ground,  it  being  strongly  fortified  by  nature,  the  road  upon  which 
the  Mexicans  advanced  passing  through  a  narrow  gorge  in  the  mountains, 
—  a  sort  of  Thermopylce.  On  the  morning  of  the  22d  of  February,  (the 
birth-day  of  Washington,)  the  vast  army  of  Mexicans  appeared  in  view, 
and  about  eleven  o'clock  they  were  within  two  miles  of  the  American  lines, 
where  they  halted.  Santa  Anna  immediately  sent  a  white  flag  to  General 
Taylor,  and  the  following  despatch  by  the  bearer :  — 

Camp  at  Encatada,  February  22d,  1847. 

God  and  Liberty ! 

You  are  surrounded  by  20,000  men,  and  cannot,  in  any  human  proba- 
bilit}^  avoid  suflTering  a  rout  and  being  cut  to  pieces  with  your  troops  ;  but 
as  you  deserve  consideration  and  particular  esteem,  I  wish  to  save  you  from 
such  a  catastrophe,  and  for  that  purpose  give  you  this  notice,  in  order  that 
you  may  surrender  at  discretion,  under  the  assurance  that  you  will  be 
treated  with  the  consideration  belonging  to  the  Mexican  character;  to 
which  end,  you  will  be  granted  an  hour's  time  to  make  up  your  mind,  to 
commence  from  the  moment  that  my  flag  of  truce  arrives  in  your  camp. 

With  this  view,  I  assure  you  of  my  particular  consideration. 

Antonio  Lopez  de  Sant^  Anna. 
To  General  Z.  Taylor,  commanding  the  forces  of  the  United  States. 

General  Taylor,  who  is  always  "  ready,"  did  not  take  the  hour  allotted 
to  him  to  make  up  his  mind,  but  instantly  sat  down  and  wrote  the  follow- 
ing reply :  — 

Head-quarters,  Army  of  Occupation,  ) 
Near  Buena  Vista,  Feb.  22d,  1847.     } 
Sir  :  —  Li  reply  to  your  note  of  this  date,  summoning  rne  to  surrender 

*  Hacienda  is  the  name  given  to  a  plantation  or  estate.  The  meaning  of  Buena 
Vista  is  pleasant  view. 

f  According  to  Mexican  accounts,  Santa  Anna  had  21,340  men,  while  General  Tay- 
lor had  only  4073,  about  one-fifth  as  many. 


440  TAYLOR. 

my  forces  at  discretion,  I  beg  leave  to  say  that  I  decline  acceding  to  your 
request. 

With  high  respect,  I  am,  sir,  your  obedient  servant, 

Z.  Taylor,  Major-General  U.  S.  Army, 

This  correspondence  opened  the  ball,  and  very  soon  after  the  return  of 
Santa  Anna's  messenger,  both  armies  made  vigorous  preparations  for 
conflict.  The  Mexicans  unexpectedly  withheld  their  attack  until  the  next 
morning.  The  American  troops  bivouacked  without  fires,  and  slept  upon 
their  arms  that  night.  During  the  night,  the  enemy  endeavored  to  form  a 
cordon  of  troops  around  our  gallant  little  army,  and  detachments  were 
posted  upon  the  mountain-sides  above  them.  The  action  commenced  early 
on  the  morning  of  the  23d,  and  was  kept  up,  with  dreadful  slaughter  dur- 
ing the  whole  day.  Until  nearly  night,  it  was  a  matter  of  great  doubt 
who  would  be  the  victor ;  but  the  enemy  was  finally  routed  from  every 
position,  and  darkness  brought  the  conflict  to  a  close.  The  weather  that 
night  was  severely  cold,  and  the  exhausted  Americans  slept  upon  the  battle- 
field without  fires,  expecting  to  renew  the  contest  in  the  morning;  but  it 
was  ascertained  that  Santa  Anna  had  fallen  back  to  Agua  Nueva,  aboui 
eight  miles  distant.  In  the  course  of  a  few  days,  his  large  army  was  almost 
totally  dispersed.  The  dead  and  dying  Mexicans  were  strewed  thickly 
along  the  path  of  their  chief's  retreat,  and  they  left  more  than  five  hundred 
of  their  comrades  dead  upon  the  field.  The  American  loss  was  two  hun- 
dred and  sixty-seven  killed,  four  hundred  and  fifty-six  wounded,  and  twen- 
ty-three missing.  The  Mexican  loss  was  nearly  two  thousand.  The 
Americans  lost  twenty-eight  officers,  among  whom  was  Captain  Lincoln, 
assistant  adjutant-general,  Colonels  Hardin  and  M'Kee,  and  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Clay,  a  son  of  the  distinguished  statesman,  Henry  Clay. 

If  anything  had  been  wanting  to  sustain  the  claim  of  General  Taylor  to 
the  character  of  a  great  general,  the  battle  of  Buena  Vista*  was  amply 
sufficient  to  set  all  questions  at  rest.  Taking  into  account  the  disparity  of 
numbers,  and  the  fact  that  a  large  portion  of  his  army  consisted  of  volun- 
teers—many  of  them  raw  recruits  —  we  think  this  battle  maybe  inscribed 
upon  the  page  of  history  as  one  of  the  nrost  remarkable  on  record. 

After  a  few  offensive  and  defensive  movements  in  the  vicinity  of  the 
battle-ground  of  Buena  Vista,  General  Taylor  returned  to  his  camp  at 
Walnut  Springs,  where  he  remained  quite  inactivet  until  December,  1847, 
when  he  returned  home.  At  New  Orleans,  and  every  other  place  on  his 
route  to  his  family  at  Baton  Eouge,  Louisiana,  he  was  received  with  the 
most  enthusiastic  demonstrations  of  respect  and  admiration.  The  service 
m  Mexico  not  needing  his  aid,  he  remained  in  the  quiet  seclusion  of  his 

*  Once  before,  Buena  Vista  was  the  theatre  of  a  bloody  battle.  In  1823  twelve 
thousand  Spanish  regulars  were  cut  to  pieces  by  eighteen  thousand  Mexicans,  in  the 
war  wuh  Spam  for  Mexican  independence. 

t  Toward  the  close  of  1846,  General  Scott  was  ordered  to  take  supreme  command 
of  the  army  in  Mexico.  He  reached  the  Rio  Grande  about  the  first  of  January,  1847 
and  commenced  operations  by  capturing  Vera  Criu:.  From  that  time,  all  the  irnilitarv 
movements  of  consequence  in  Mexico  were  upon  the  line  of  Scott's  expedition  against 
the  capital  General  Taylor  had  little  else  to  do  than  to  maintain  securely  the  vantage- 
ground  he  had  gamed  in  his  previous  battles. 


TAYLOR.  441 

family  until  called  to  fill  the  highest  civil  station  in  the  gift  of  his  country- 
men —  tlie  Presidency  of  the  United  States. 

After  the  hrilliant  achievements  at  Monterey  and  Buena  Vista,  so 
strongly  dill  admiration  for  the  skill,  wisdom,  and  bravery  of  General 
Taylor"  talce  possession  of  the  minds  of  his  countrymen,  that  a  spontaneous 
desire  seetne^i  to  have  been  awakened  in  every  section  of  the  Union,  to 
reward  him  by  making  him  president  of  the  republic,  the  honor  of  whose 
arms  he  had  so  nobly  sustained. 

Having  been  iuforinally  nominated  very  extensively  by  the  press,  and 
by  many  public  meetings,  with  little  distinction  of  party,  General  Taylor 
was  addressed  from  all  quarters  for  the  purpose  of  drawing  out  his  political 
opinions  on  the  chief  topics  of  interest  to  the  country.  To  these  letters, 
his  replies  were  brief  and  general;  at  first  declining  any  definite  move- 
ment in  the  matter,  until  the  country  should  be  relieved  from  her  difficul- 
ties with  Mexico.  Subsequently,  however,  he  expressed  a  willingness  to 
become  a  candidate,  provided  he  were  not  to  be  considered  the  candidate 
of  a  party,  nor  bound  by  party  pledges.  In  a  letter  to  Dr.  Bronson,  of 
South  Carolina,  he  uses  the  following  language:  — "  If  I  were  called  to 
the  presidential  chair,  by  the  general  voice  of  the  people,  vvrithout  regard 
to  their  political  differences,  I  should  deem  it  my  duty  to  accept  the 
office.  But  while  I  freely  avow  my  attachment  to  the  administrative  policy 
of  our  early  presidents,  I  desire  it  to  be  understood,  that  I  cannot  submit 
even  in  thus  accepting  it,  to  the  exaction  of  any  other  pledge  as  to  the 
course  I  should  pursue,  than  that  of  discharging  its  functions  to  the  best 
of  my  ability,  and  strictly  in  accordance  with  the  requirements  of  the  con- 
stitution. It  affords  me  great  pleasure  fully  to  concur  with  you  in  your 
high  and  just  estimate  of  the  virtues,  of  both  head  and  heart,  of  the  dis- 
tinguished citizens  (Messrs.  Clay,  Webster,  Adams,  McDuflie,  and  Cal- 
houn) mentioned  in  your  letter.  I  have  never  exercised  the  privilege  of 
voting ;  but  had  I  been  called  upon,  at  the  last  presidential  election,  to  do 
so,  I  should  most  certainly  have  cast  my  vote  for  Mr.  Clay." 

Several  months  later,  in  answer  to  earnest  and  repeated  calls.  General 
Taylor  set  forth  his  opinions  upon  several  important  points,  in  the  follow- 
ing letter,  which  exerted  a  powerful  influence  in  securing  his  nomination  • 

"Baton  Rouge,  April  22,  1848. 

"  Dear  Sir  :  —  My  opinions  have  been  so  often  misconceived  and  misrepresented, 
that  I  deem  it  due  to  myself,  if  not  to  my  friends,  to  make  a  brief  exposition  of  them 
upon  the  topics  to  which  you  have  called  my  attention. 

"  I  have  consented  to  the  use  of  my  name  as  a  candidate  tor  the  presidency.  I  have 
frankly  avowed  my  own  distrust  of  my  fitness  for  this  high  station  :  but  having,  at  the 
solicitation  of  many  of  my  countrymen,  taken  my  position  as  a  candidate,  I  do  not  feel 
at  liberty  to  surrender  that  position  until  my  friends  manifest  a  wish  that  I  should 
retire  from  it.  I  will  then  most  gladly  do  so.  I  have  no  private  purposes  to  accomplish, 
no  party  projects  to  build  up,  no  enemies  to  punish — nothing  to  serve  but  my  country. 

"  I  have  been  very  often  addressed  by  letter,  and  my  opinions  have  been  asked  upon 
almost  every  question  that  might  occur  to  tlie  writers  as  affecting  the  interests  of  their 
country  or  their  party.  1  have  not  always  responded  to  these  inquiries,  for  various 
reasons. 

'•  I  confess,  while  1  have  great  cardinal  principles  which  will  regulate  my  political 
lifi3,  I  am  not  sufficiently  familiar  with  all  the  minute  details  of  political  legislation  to 
give  solemn  pledges  to  exert  myself  to  carry  out  this  or  defeat  that  measure.  I  have 
no  concealment.     I  hold  no  opinion  which  I  would  not  readily  proclaim  to  my  assem- 

57 


442  TAYLOR. 

bled  countrymen ;  but  crude  impressions  upon  matters  of  policy,  which  may  be  right 
to-day  and  wrong  to-morrow,  are  perhaps  not  the  best  test  of  fitness  for  office.  One 
who  cannot  be  trusted  without  pledges,  cannot  be  confided  in  merely  on  account  of 
them. 

"  1  will  proceed,  however,  now  to  respond  to  your  inquiries. 

"  1.  I  reiterate  vv'hat  I  have  so  often  said :  I  am  a  Whig.  If  elected,  I  would  not  be 
the  mere  president  of  a  party.  I  would  endeavor  to  act  independent  of  party  domi- 
nation. I  should  feel  bound  to  administer  the  government  untrammelled  by  party 
schemes. 

"  2.  The  Veto  Powek.  —  The  power  given  by  the  constitution  to  the  executive  to 
interijose  his  veto  is  a  high  conservative  power  ;  but,  in  my  opinion,  should  never  be 
exercised,  except  in  cases  of  clear  violation  of  the  constitution,  or  manifest  haste  and 
want  of  consideration  by  Congress.  Indeed,  I  have  thought  that  for  many  years  past 
the  known  opinions  and  i\ishes  of  the  executive  have  exercised  undue  and  injurious 
influence  upon  the  legislative  department  of  the  government ;  and,  for  this  cause,  I 
have  thought  our  system  was  in  danger  of  undergoing  a  great  change  from  its  true 
theory.  The  personal  opinions  of  the  individual  who  may  happen  to  occupy  the  execu- 
tive chair  ought  not  to  control  the  action  of  Congress  upon  questions  of  domestic  pol- 
icy;  nor  ought  his  objections  to  be  interposed  where  questions  of  constitutional  power 
have  been  settled  by  the  various  departments  of  government,  and  acquiesced  in  by  the 
people. 

"3.  Upon  the  subject  of  the  tariff,  the  currency,  the  improvement  of  our  great  high- 
ways, rivers,  lakes,  and  harbors,  the  will  of  the  people,  as  expressed  through  their  repre- 
sentatives in  Congress,  ought  to  be  respected  and  carried  out  by  the  executive. 

"  4.  The  Mexican  War.  —  I  sincerely  rejoice  at  the  prospect  of  peace.  My  life  has 
been  devoted  to  arms,  yet  I  look  upon  war,  at  all  times  and  under  all  circunistances,  as 
a  national  calamity,  to  be  avoided  if  compatible  with  the  national  honor.  The  princi- 
ples of  our  government,  as  well  as  its  true  policy,  are  opposed  to  the  subjugation  of 
other  nations,  and  the  dismemberment  of  other  countries,  by  conquest.  In  the  lan- 
guage of  the  great  Washington,  '  W^hy  should  we  quit  our  own  to  stand  on  foreign 
ground?'  In  the  Mexican  war,  our  national  honor  has  been  vindicated  ;  and  in  dic- 
tating terms  of  peace,  we  may  well  afford  to  be  forbearing,  and  even  magnanimous,  to 
a  fallen  foe. 

"These  are  my  opinions  upon  the  subjects  referred  to  by  you,  and  any  reports  or 
publications,  written  or  verbal,  from  any  source,  differing  in  any  essential  particular 
from  what  is  here  written,  are  unauthorized  and  untrue. 

"  I  do  not  know  that  I  shall  again  write  upon  the  subject  of  national  politics.  I 
shall  engage  in  no  schemes,  no  combinations,  no  intrigues.  If  the  American  people 
have  not  confidence  in  me,  they  ought  not  to  give  me  their  suffrages.  If  they  do  not, 
you  know  me  well  enough  to  believe  me,  when  I  declare  I  shall  be  content.  I  am  too 
old  a  soldier  to  murmur  against  such  high  authority. 

'^Z.  TAYLOR. 

"ToCapt.  J.  S.  Allison." 

With  this  explicit  avowal  of  Whig-  principles,  and  yet  of  persistent  de- 
termination to  keep  free  from  mere  party  fetters,  General  Taylor's  name 
was  presented  to  the  Whig  National  Convention,  which  assembled  at 
Philadelphia,  June  7th,  1848. 

The  convention  embraced  many  strong  friends  of  Clay,  Scott,  Webster, 
Clayton,  and  McLean  ;  and  it  had  not  been  generally  supposed  that  Tay- 
lor's name  would  be  strongly  urged  upon  its  notice. 

Yet,  on  the  first  ballot,  he  took  the  lead  of  all  others,  and  on  the  fourth, 
was  declared  the  nominee  of  the  convention,  by  the  very  decisive  vote  of 
171  for  Taylor,  to  109  for  all  others.  The  Hon.  Millard' Fillmore,  of  New 
York,  was  nominated  for  Vice-President,  by  the  same  convention.  The 
popular  vote,  at  the  campaign  of  1848,  was  as  follows  :  Taylor,  1,360,752; 
Cass,  1,219,962;  Van  Buren,  291,342;  and  the  vote  of  the  electors,  on 
the  7th  of  November,  was,  Taylor  163 ;  Cass,  127. 


TAYLOR 


443 


The  4th  of  March,  1819,  falling  upon  Sunday,  the  ccrctnonios  of  inau- 
guration were  deferred  to  the  5th,  when  General  Taylor  was  inducted  into 
the  presidential  ofhce  and  honors,  with  the  usual  ceremonies  —  the  oath  of 
office  being  administered  by  the  Hon.  Chief  Justice  Taney. 

At  twelve  o'clock,  he  delivered  to  the  (J.  S.  Senate  and  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives, and  thousands  of  assembled  citizens,  from  the  portico  of  the 
Capitol,  the  following 

INAUGURAL  ADDRESS. 

Elected  by  the  American  people  to  the  highest  office  known  to  our  laws,  I  appear 
here  to  take  the  oath  prescribed  b)^  the  constitution ;  and,  in  compliance  with  a  time- 
honored  custom*  to  address  those  who  are  now  assembled. 

The  confidence  and  respect  shown  by  my  countrymen,  in  calling  me  to  be  the  Chief 
Magistrate  of  a  republic  holding  a  high  rank  anioiig  the  nations  of  the  earth,  have  in- 
spired me  with  feelings  of  the  most  profound  gratitude;  but,  when  I  reflect  that  the 
acceptance  of  the  olRce  wliich  their  partiality  has  bestowed  imposes  the  discharge  of 
the  most  arduous  duties,  and  involves  the  weightiest  obligations,  I  am  conscious  that 
the  position  which  I  have  been  called  to  fill,  though  sufficient  to  satisfy  the  loftiest  am- 
bition, is  surrounded  by  fearful  responsibilities.  Happily,  however,  in  the  performance 
of  my  new  duties,  I  shall  not  be  without  able  cooperation.  The  legislative  and  judi- 
cial branches  of  the  government  present  prominent  examples  of  distinguished  civil  at- 
tainments and  matured  experience;  and  it  shall  be  my  endeavor  to  call  to  my  assist- 
ance in  the  executive  departments  individuals  whose  talents,  integrity,  and  puritv  of 
character,  will  furnish  ample  guarantees  for  the  faithful  and  honorable  performance  of 
the  trusts  to  be  committed  to  their  charge.  With  such  aids,  and  an  honest  purpose  to 
do  whatever  is  right,  I  hope  to  execute  diligently,  impartially,  and  for  the  best  inter- 
ests of  the  country,  the  manifold  duties  devolved  upon  me. 

In  the  discharge  of  these  duties,  my  guide  will  be  the  Constitution  which  I  this  day 
swear  to  "  preserve,  protect,  and  defend."  For  the  interpretation  of  that  instrument,  I 
shall  look  to  the  decisions  of  the  judicial  tribunals  established  by  its  authority,  and  to 
the  practice  of  the  government  under  the  earlier  presidents,  who  had  so  large  a  share 
in  its  formation.  To  the  example  of  those  illustrious  patriots,  I  shall  always  defer  with 
reverence ;  and  especially  to  his  example  who  was,  by  so  many  titles,  "  the  Father  of  his 
Country." 

To  command  the  army  and  navy  of  the  United  States ;  with  the  advice  and  con 
sent  of  the  Senate,  to  make  treaties  and  to  appoint  ambassadors  and  other  officers  ;  to 
give  to  Congress  information  of  the  state  of  the  Union,  and  recommend  such  measures 
as  he  shall  judge  to  be  necessary;  and  to  take  care  that  the  laws  shall  be  faithfully 
executed  :  these  are  the  most  important  functions  intrusted  to  the  President  by  the  con- 
stitution ;  and  it  may  be  expected  that  I  shall  briefly  indicate  the  principles  which  will 
control  me  in  their  execution. 

Chosen  by  the  body  of  the  people,  under  the  assurance  that  my  administration 
would  be  devoted  to  the  welfare  of  the  whole  country,  and  not  to  the  support  of  any 
particular  section  or  merely  local  interest,  I  this  day  renew  the  declarations  I  have 
heretofore  made,  and  proclaim  my  fixed  determination  to  maintain,  to  the  extent  of  my 
ability,  the  government  in  its  original  purity,  and  to  adopt,  as  the  basis  of  my  public 
policy,  those  great  republican  doctrines  which  constitute  the  strength  of  our  national 
existence. 

In  reference  to  the  army  and  navy,  lately  employed  with  so  much  distinction  on 
active  service,  care  shall  be  taken  to  insure  the  highest  condition  of  efficiency  ;  and,  in 
furtherance  of  that  object,  the  military  and  naval  schools,  sustained  by  the  liberality  of 
Congress,  shall  receive  the  .special  attention  of  the  Executive. 

As  American  freemen,  we  cannot  but  sympathize  in  all  efforts  to  extend  the  bless- 
ings of  civil  and  political  liberty ;  but,  at  the  same  time,  we  are  warned  by  the  ad- 
monitions of  history  and  the  voice  of  our  own  beloved  Washington  to  abstain  from 
entangling  alliances  with  foreign  nations.  In  all  disputes  between  conflicting  govern- 
ments, it  is  our  interest  not  less  than  our  duty  to  remain  strictly  neutral;  while  our 
geographical  position,  the  genius  of  our  institutions  and  our  people,  the  advancing 


444  TAYLOR. 

spirit  of  civilization,  and,  above  all,  the  dictates  of  religion,  direct  as  to  tb?  cultivation 
of  peaceful  and  friendly  relations  with  all  other  powers.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  no  in- 
ternational questicKi  can  now  arise  which  a  government,  confident  in.  its  own,  strength, 
a-nd  resolved  to  protect  its  own  just  rights,  may  not  settle  by  wise  negotiation;  and  it 
eminently  becomes  a  government  like  our  own,  founded  on  the  morality  and  intelli- 
gence of  its  citizens,  and  upheld  by  their  affections,  to  exhaust  every  resort  of  honor- 
able diplomacy  before  appealing  to  arms.  In  th^e  con^duct  of  our  foreign  relations,  I 
shall  contbrm  to  these  views,  as  I  beheve  them  essential  to  the  best  interests  aad  the 
true  honor  of  the  country. 

The  appointm;g  power  vested  in  the  President  imposes  dclicajte  and  oneroas  duties. 
So  far  as  it  is  possible  to  beinfonned,  I  shall  make  honesty,  capacity,  and  fidelity  in- 
dispensable prerequisites  to  the  bestowal  of  otfice,  and  the  absence  ol'  eitbjer  of  these 
qualities  shall  be  deemed  sufficient  cause  for  removal. 

It  shall  be  my  study  tO'  recommend  such  constitutional  measures  to  Congress  as 
may  be  necessary  and  proper  to  secure  encouragement  and  protection  to  the  great  in- 
terests of  agriculture,  commerce  and  manufactures;  to  improve  our  rivers  and  har- 
bors; to  proride for  the  speedy  extinguishment  of  the  public  deb!;  to  enforce  a  strict 
accountability  on  the  part  of  all  officers  of  the  government,  and  the  utmost  econo'my  in 
all  public  expenditures.  But  it  is  for  the  wisdom  of  Congress  itself,  m  which  all  legis- 
lativ^e  powers  are  vested  by  the  constitution,  to  regulate  these  and  other  matters  of 
domestic  policy.  I  shall  look  with  confidence  to  the  enlightened  patri'jtism  of  that 
body  to  adopt  such  measures  of  conciliation  as  may  harmonize  conflicting  interests, 
and  tend  to  perj^etuate  that  Union  which  shonld  be  the  paramount  object  of  onr  hopes 
and  affections.  In  any  action  calculated  to  promote  an  object  so  near  the  heart  of 
every  one  who  truly  loves  his  country,  I  wirl  zealously  unite  with  the  coordinate 
branches  of  the  government. 

In  conclusion,  I  congratulate  you,  my  fellow-citizens,  spon  the  high  sta-te  of  pros- 
perity to  which  the  goodness  of  Divine  F'rovidence  has  conducted  our  common  country.  _ 
Let  us  invoke  a  continuance  of  the  same  Protecting  Care  which  has  led  us  from  small' 
beginnings  to  the  eminence  we  this  day  occupy,  and  let  us  seek  to  deserve  that  con- 
tinuance, by  prudenc-e  and  moderation  in  our  councils;  by  well-directed  attempts  to 
assuage  the  bitterness  which  too  often  marics  unavoidable  diflferenees  of  opinion  ;  by 
the  promulgation  and  practice  of  just  and  liberal  principles;  and  by  an  enlarged 
patriotism,  which  shall  acknowledge  no  limits  bitt  those-  of  our  own  wide-spread  R? 
puWie. 

Im  person^  the  Gei^eral  ia  about  the  middle  height^  slig-htly  iacliiied  to 
corpu'lency.  His  legs  are  proportionably  too  short  for  his  body,  so  that  Ive 
appears  a  taller  man  on  horseback  tk^an  on  foot.  Benevolence  is  a  strik- 
ing characteristic  of  his  countenance,  and  in  thrs  respect  his  face  is  the 
true  inde.x  of  his  heart.  He  is  kind,  forbearing,,  and,  humane..  As  a  sin- 
gle instance  of  the  tenderness  of  his  heart,  we  will  mention  a  fact  related 
by  a  correspondent;  of  the  New  Orleans  Picayane,  and  then  leave  the  old 
hero-  to  the  love  and  veneration  of  the  reader.  "  The  parting  scenCr"  says 
the  writer,  "between  General  Taylor  and  the  Mississippi  regiment,  (after 
the  battle  of  Buena  Vista,)  was  affecting  in  the  extreme.  As  the  men 
marched  by  him  to^  return  to  their  homes,  overpo-ive?ed  with  a  recollection 
of  the  high  deeds  which  had  endeared  them  to  him,  and  with  their  demon- 
strations of  respect  and  affection,  he  attempted  in  vain  to  address  them. 
With  tears  streaming  down  his  furrowed  cheeks,  all  he  could  say  was, 
'  Go  on,  boys — go  on — I  can't  speak  ! "  . 

General  Taylor  has  entered  upon  his  administration,  strong  in  the  con- 
fidence of  a  large  majority  of  his  comitrymen,  at  a  time  when  our  country 
is  at  peace  with  all  the  world,  and,  we  will  fain  believe,  sincerely  desirous 
to  remain  so ;  at  a  time  when  her  agricultural,  mineral,  manufacturing 
and  commercial  resources  are  being  develaped  beyond  all  former  precedent; 


TAYLOR.  445 

when  our  greatly  augmented  territory  is  offering  a  wid-c  and  fruitful  field 
to  domestic  enterprise,  and  an  alluring  refuge  to  the  oppressed  and  de- 
spairing of  other  lands,  distracted  by  revolutions,  or  devastated  by  war. 
pestilence,  or  famine.  He  has  surrounded  himself  with  a  cabinet  of 
acknowledged  honesty  and  ability.  He  has  all  the  requisite  means  of 
success.  It  must  be  left  for  future  historians  to  say  whether  his  ad- 
ministration shall  have  fulfilled  the  high  promise  of  its  beginning,  by 
devoting  itself  not  to  mere  personal  or  party  interests,  but  to  the  highest 
welfare  of  the  whole  country.  GOD  grant  that  it  may  be  the  ushering  in 
of  a  new  era  of  lofty  patriotism,  of  universal  liberty  protected  by  law,  of 
genuine  progress  and  abiding  prosperity  —  an  administration  worthy  of  a 
land  and  a  people  so  richly  blest  of  Heaven ! 


For  sixteen  months,  the  enthusiastic  expectations  from  the  administra- 
tion of  President  Taylor,  which  had  been  cherished  throughout  the  whole 
country  with  singular  unanimity,  seemed  likely  to  be  fully  realized.  The 
fears  which  some  had  entertained,  lest  one  bred  to  arms,  and  the  greater 
part  of  whose  life  had  been  passed  in  the  camp,  should  prove  unequal  to 
the  exigencies  of  diplomatic  and  political  affairs,  were  soon  proved  to  be 
groundless.  The  same  noble  qualities  that  had  been  cherished  and  devel- 
oped in  the  camp,  on  the  field  of  honorable  battle,  and  in  the  walks  of 
private  life,  availed  him  in  the  administration  of  his  great  office.  Called 
to  the  presidential  chair  in  a  time  of  stormy  sectional  excitement,  serious- 
ly threatening  the  permanency  of  the  Union,  he  bore  himself  aloof  from 
party  trammels  and  sectional  prejudices,  exercised  his  authority  mildly, 
yet  with  unyielding  firmness,  and  by  his  faithful,  patriotic  devotion  to  the 
interests  of  the  whole  country,  showed  himself  to  be  the  President  not  of 
the  South  or  North,  the  East  or  West,  but  of  the  Union.  The  honest  in- 
tegrity of  motive,  the  unselfish  devotion  to  the  public  interests,  that  he 
had  shown  in  accepting  his  unsought  and  undesircd  office,  were  displayed 
in  every  emergency  it  devolved  upon  him,  in  every  act  to  which  it  called 
him.  The  hotter  the  conflict  of  parlies,  the  more  clearly  shone  forth  his 
incorruptible  integrity  of  motive,  his  clearness  and  quickness  of  percep- 
tion, his  sound,  practical  good  sense,  his  self-control,  patience,  courage, 
fidelity,  untiring  energy,  and  unselfish  patriotism.  All  true  friends  of  the 
Union,  of  whatever  party  or  section,  soon  learned  to  look  to  Taylor  as 
the  only  human  pilot  who  could  guide  the  ship  of  state  safely  over  the 
troubled  waters.  All  admit  that  he  sincerely  labored  to  cultivate  peaceful 
and  friendly  relations  with  foreign  powers,  so  far  as  was  consistent  with 
national  honor  and  dignity,  and  to  maintain  the  union  and  prosperity  of 
the  Slates  at  home. 

But  in  the  midst  of  his  years,  and  full  of  honors,  at  a  crisis  in  his  coun- 
try"'s  history  which  seemed  imperiously  to  demand  his  presence,  he  who 
had  never  surrendered  to  any  human  foe  was  suddenly  called  to  bow 
before  the  summons  of  "  the  last  enemy." 


446  TAYLOE. 

On  the  4th  of  July,  1850,  General  Taylor  participated  with  the  citizens 
of  the  federal  District  in  the  ceremonies  appropriate  to  that  anniversary, 
at  the  base  of  the  monument  the  nation  is  rearing  to  the  memory  of 
Washington.  Exposure  to  the  burning  heat  on  that  occasion  brought 
on  an  attack  of  cholera  morbus,  which  soon  passed  into  bilious-remittent 
fever.  His  constitution  was  vigorous  by  nature,  and  had  been  remarkably 
preserved  by  his  active  and  strictly  temperate  habits;  but  the  exposures 
and  arduous  toils  of  his  later  military  life  had  so  much  impaired  it,  that  the 
best  of  medical  treatment  was  found  unavailing,  and,  after  a  most  painful 
illness  of  five  days,  at  the  executive  mansion,  surrounded  by  his  family 
and  some  of  the  members  of  his  Cabinet,  he  died,  at  thirty-five  minutes 
past  ten  o'clock,  on  the  evening  of  the  9th  of  July,  1850.  His  last  words 
were,  "  I  am  prepared  ;  I  have  endeavored  to  do  my  duty."  His  last 
official  act  was  the  signing  of  the  Convention  between  the  United  States 
and  Great  Britain. 

Scarcely  had  the  news  of  his  sickness  reached  the  distant  States,  even 
by  telegraph,  before  it  was  followed  by  that  of  his  death.  Not  only  the 
city  of  Washington,  but  every  city  and  village  of  the  country,  was  shroud- 
ed in  mourning.  Funeral  solemnities  were  observed  in  all  the  larger 
towns.  Not  merely  were  the  usual  military  and  naval  honors  rendered, 
the  customary  orders  issued  by  the  heads  of  Departments,  and  eulogiums 
pronounced  by  distinguished  and  eloquent  members  of  both  branches  of 
Congress,  but  the  pulpit,  the  bar,  the  press,  the  whole  nation,  united  in  a 
spontaneous  tribute  of  respect,  gratitude,  and  affection  to  one  who  had 
served  his  country  so  well,  both  in  the  field  and  the  cabinet.  ^  The  Amer- 
ican people,  standing  as  stricken  children  around  a  father's  bier,  mourned 
his  loss  with  a  depth,  sincerity,  and  unanimity  of  affection  which  has 
probably  been  called  forth  by  no  other  death  since  that  of  Washington. 

On  the  announcement  of  the  President's  death  to  Congress  by  Vice 
President  Fillmore,  eloquent  and  impressive  eulogies  were  pronounced 
by  Messrs.  Downs,  Webster,  Cass,  Pearce,  King,  and  Berrien,  of  the  Sen- 
ate ;  and  Messrs.  McLane,  Conrad,  Winthrop,  Baker,  Bayly,  Hilliard,  John 
A.  King,  and  Marshall,  of  the  House.  Committees  were  appointed  by 
both  branches  to  confer  with  the  family,  the  authorities  of  the  city,  and 
the  Judiciary  and  Executive  Departments,  in  arranging  the  funeral  solem- 
nities. On  the  12th,  the  remains  were  placed  in  the  East  Room  of  the 
President's  House.  At  two,  P.  M.,  the  doors  were  thrown  open  to  the 
public,  and  thousands  entered,  in  impressive  silence,  to  take  a  last  look  at 
the  face  of  the  departed  hero,  and  to  strew  his  bier  whh  flowers. 

On  Saturday,  the  13th,  at  noon,  the  funeral  services  were  held.  A 
select  choir  sung  the  anthem,  "  Blessed  are  the  dead  who  die  in  the  Lord." 
The  Episcopal  service  was  read  by  Rev.  Drs.  Pyne  and  Butler.  A  beau- 
tiful and  touching  address  was  delivered  by  Rev.  Dr.  Pyne,  of  the  Epis- 
copal church,  with  which  the  President  had  been  accustomed  to  worship. 
This  was  followed  by  a  dirge,  and,  at  two  o'clock,  the  immense  civic  and 
military  procession  moved  to  the  Congressional  Burying-ground,  where 
the  remains  were  interred  with  military  honors.  The  body,  in  a  rich  but 
simple  coffui,  covered  with  black  silk  velvet,  was  borne  upon  a  funeral 
car  of  very  imposing  structure,  having  black,  massive  wheels,  like  those 


TAYLOR.  447 

of  the  ancient  Roman  chariots,  and  an  arched  canopy  extending  from 
front  to  rear.  All  was  enveloped  in  fine  black  cloth,  entwined  with  white 
satin,  havino-  large  silver  spangles  in  each  rosette.  The  canopy  was  sur- 
mounted with  a  large  golden  eagle,  covered  with  ci'ape.  At  the  corners 
of  the  car  were  golden  urns,  also  shrouded  in  crape.  Eight  gray  horses 
drew  the  car,  each  led  by  a  youth  habited  in  a  white  frock,  with  crape 
around  the  waist  and  a  white  turban  upon  the  head. 

The  funeral  car  was  followed  by  "  Old  Whitey,"  the  war-horse  of  Gen- 
eral Taylor,  that  had  borne  him  through  the  battles  of  Mexico,  and  had 
been  an  object  of  his  special  care  and  regard  while  President. 

The  progress  of  the  procession  to  the  grave,  a  distance  of  about  three 
miles,  was  thronged  by  an  immense  concourse  of  spectators,  who  spon- 
taneously uncovered  their  heads  as  the  funeral  car  passed  by.  The  most 
perfect  order  and  decorum  prevailed,  and  the  whole  scene  passed  away 
without  disturbance  or  accident. 

President  Taylor  had  four  children —  a  son  and  three  daughters.  One 
daughter,  the  wife  of  Senator  Jefferson  Davis,  of  Mississippi,  died  before 
him.  The  other  children,  with  his  widow,  still  live  to  mourn  the  loss  of 
one  whose  pure  domestic  character  exhibited  all  that  was  lovely,  to  share 
the  sympathies  and  affections  of  a  grateful  country,  and  to  inherit  "  a 
good  name,  rather  to  be  chosen  than  great  riches." 

It  must  be  some  consolation  to  them,  in  their  irretrievable  loss,  to  hear 
the  unbought,  spontaneous  eulogy  which  has  been  bestowed  upon  his 
memory  by  men  of  all  parties  and  from  all  sections  of  the  country,  to 
remember  his  unstained  morality,  his  incorruptible  public  and  private  in- 
tegrity, his  fervent  patriotism,  his  calm  and  cheerful  hope  in  death. 

It  must  be  some  consolation  to  them,  that  all  should  assent  to  the  truth 
of  the  portraiture,  when  one  who  had  most  mtimately  known  him  charac- 
terizes him  thus  :  "  Great,  without  pride  ;  cautious,  without  fear ;  brave, 
without  rashness  ;  stern,  without  harshness  ;  modest,  without  bashfulness  ; 
sagacious,  witliout  cunning ;  apt,  without  flippancy ;  intelligent,  without 
the  pedantry  of  learning ;  benevolent,  without  ostentation  ;  sincere  and 
honest  as  the  sun,  'the  noble  old  Roman'  has  fallen  as  falls  the  summer 
tree  in  the  bloom  of  its  honors,  before  the  blight  of  autumn  has  seared  a 
leaf  that  adorns  it.  The  image  of  his  great  character  is  indelibly  im- 
pressed upon  the  hearts  of  his  countrymen,  and  the  lines  thereof 

<  By  just  degrees  will  every  moment  rise, 
Fill  the  wide  earth,  and  gain  upon  the  skies.'  " 

It  must  be  some  consolation  to  them,  that  another  could  truly  say  of 
him,  "  A  warrior,  he  loved  peace ;  a  man  of  action,  he  sighed  for  retire- 
ment. Amid  the  events  which  crowned  him  with  fame,  he  counselled  a 
withdrawal  of  our  troops.  And  whether  at  the  head  of  armies,  or  in  the 
chair  of  state,  he  appeared  as  utterly  unconscious  of  his  great  renown  as 
if  no  banners  had  drooped  at  his  word,  or  as  if  no  gleam  of  glory  shone 

through  his  whitened  hair The  oUigalion  of  duty  appears 

to  have  been  the  true  basis  of  his  character.  In  boyhood  and  in  age, — 
as  captain  and  as  general,  —  whether  defending  a  fort  against  savages  or 
exercising  the   functions  of  the  Chief   Magistracy,  —  duty,  rather   than 


448  TAYLOR. 

glory,  self-approval  rather  than  renown,  have  prompted  the  deeds  which 
have  made  him  immortal." 

It  must  be  matter  of  consolation  to  them,  to  hear  a  man  like  Daniel 
Webster  say  of  their  depai-ted  husband  and  father,  "  I  suppose  that  no 
case  ever  happened,  in  the  very  best  days  of  the  Roman  republic,  when- 
ever a  man  found  himself  clothed  with  the  highest  authority  of  the  state, 
under  circumstances  more  repelling  all  suspicion  of  personal  application, 
all  suspicion  of  pursuing  any  crooked  path  in  politics,  or  all  suspicion  of 
having  been  actuated  by  sinister  views  and  purposes,  than  in  the  case  of 
the  worthy,  and  eminent,  and  distinguished,  and  good  man  whose  death 
we  now  deplore. 

"  He  has  left  to  the  people  of  his  country  a  legacy  in  this  :  He  has 
left  them  a  bright  example,  which  addresses  itself  with  peculiar  force  to 
the  young  and  rising  generation ;  for  it  tells  them  that  there  is  a  path  to 
the  highest  degree  of  renown  —  straight,  onward,  steady,  without  change 
or  deviation." 

The  removal  of  such  a  man  at  such  a  time  is  one  of  those  events 
which  teach  us  the  vanity  of  dependence  upon  human  might  or  wisdom, 
since  He  rules  among  the  nations  who  setteth  up  and  casteth  down 
whom  He  will.  Happy  will  it  be  for  our  country  if  He  in  mercy  shall 
raise  up  for  us  others  who  shall  bear  so  meekly  the  honors,  and  sustain 
so  nobly  the  burdens,  of  her  highest  office  ! 


MILLARD     FILLMORE. 

John  Fillmore,  the  great-grandfather  of  Millard  Fillmore,  and  the 
common  ancestor  of  all  of  that  name  in  the  United  States,  was  of  English 
origin,  and  was  born  about  the  year  1702,  in  Ipswich,  Massachusetts,  and 
feeling  a  strong  propensity  for  a  seafaring  life,  at  the  age  of  about  nine- 
teen went  on  board  a  fishing  vessel  which  sailed  from  Boston,  The  vessel 
had  been  but  a  few  days  out  when  it  was  captured  by  a  noted  pirate  ship, 
commanded  by  Captain  Phillips,  and  young  Fillmore  was  kept  as  a  pris- 
oner. He  remained  on  board  the  pirate  ship  nine  months,  enduring  every 
hardship  which  a  strong  constitution  and  firm  spirit  were  capable  of 
sustaining ;  and,  though  frequently  threatened  with  instant  death  unless  he 
would  sign  the  piratical  articles  of  the  vessel,  he  steadily  refused  until 
two  others  had  been  taken  pris6ners,  who  also  refusing  to  join  the  crew, 
the  three  made  an  attack  upon  the  pirates,  and,  after  killing  several,  took 
the  vessel  and  brought  it  safe  into  Boston  harbor.  The  narrative  of  this 
adventure  has  been  for  many  years  in  print,  and  details  one  of  the  most 
daring  and  successful  exploits  on  record.  The  surviving  pirates  were 
tried  and  executed,  and  the  heroic  conduct  of  the  captors  was  acknowl- 
edged by  the  British  government.  John  Fillmore  afterwards  settled  in 
that  part  of  the  town  of  Norwich  now  called  Franklin,  in  Connecticut, 
where  he  died. 

His  son,  Nathaniel  Fillmore,  settled  at  an  early  day  in  Bennington, 
Vermont,  then  called  the  Hampshire  Grants, -where  he  lived  till  his  death, 
in  1814.  He  ^erved  in  the  French  war,  and  was  a  true  Whig  of  the 
revolution,  proving  his  devotion  to  his  country's  cause  by  gallantly  fight- 
ing as  a  lieutenant  under  General  Stark  in  the  battle  of  Bennington. 

Nathaniel  Fillmore,  his  son,  and  father  of  Millard,  was  born  at  Ben- 
nington, on  the  19th  of  April,  1771,  and  early  in  life  removed  to  what  is 
now  called  Summer  Hill,  Cayuga  county.  New  York,  where  Millard  was 
born,  on  the  7th  of  January,  1800.  Nathaniel  was  a  farmer,  and  soon 
after  lost  all  his  property  by  a  bad  title  to  one  of  the  military  lots  he  had 
purchased.  About  the  year  1802,  he  removed  to  the  town  of  Sempro- 
nius,  (now  Niles,)  in  the  same  county,  and  resided  there  until  1819,  when 
he  removed  to  Erie  county,  where  he  still  lives,  cultivating  a  small  farm 
with  his  own  hands.  He  was  a  strong  and  uniform  supporter  of  Jeffer- 
son, Madison,  and  Tompkins,  and  is  now  a  firm  Whig. 

His  mother,  Phebe  Millard,  the  daughter  of  Doctor  Abiathar  Millard, 
was  born  in  Pittsfield,  Massachusetts.  She  was  a  woman  of  limited  edu- 
cation, but  of  a  very  high  order  of  intellect,  united  with  a  native  grace 
and  beauty,  and  exquisite  sensibility,  that  distinguished  her  among  her 
sex.  She  died  in  1831,  and  consequently  did  not  live  to  enjoy  —  what 
only  a  fond  mother  can  appreciate  —  the  national  reputation  of  her  son. 
58 


450  FILLMORE. 

The  narrow  means  of  his  father  deprived  Millard  of  any  advantages  of 
education  beyond  what  were  afforded  by  the  imperfect  and  ill-taught  com- 
mon schools  of  the  country.  Books  were  scarce  and  dear,  and,  at  the  age 
of  fourteen,  when  more  favored  youths  are  far  advanced  in  their  classical 
studies,  or  enjoying  in  colleges  the  benefit  of  well-furnished  libraries, 
young  Fillmore  had  read  but  little  except  his  common  school-books  and 
the  Bible.  At  that  period  he  was  sent  into  the  then  wilds  of  Livingston 
county  to  learn  the  clothier's  trade.  He  remained  there  about  four 
months,  and  was  then  placed  with  another  person  to  pursue  the  same 
business  and  wool-carding  in  the  town  where  his  father  lived.  A  small 
village  library,  that  was  formed  there  soon  after,  gave  him  the  first  means 
of  acquiring  general  knowledge  through  books.  He  improved  the  oppor- 
tunity thus  offered  ;  the  appetite  grew  by  what  it  fed  upon.  The  thirst  for 
knowledge  soon  became  insatiate,  and  every  leisure  moment  was  spent  in 
reading.  Four  years  were  passed  in  this  way,  working  at  his  trade,  and 
storing  his  mind,  during  such  hours  as  he  could  command,  with  the  con- 
tents of  books  of  history,  biography,  and  travels.  At  the  age  of  nineteen 
he  fortunately  made  an  acquaintance  with  the  late  Walter  Wood,  Esq., 
one  of  the  most  estimable  citizens  of  Cayuga  county.  Judge  Wood  was 
a  man  of  wealth  and  great  business  capacity :  he  had  an  excellent  law 
library,  but  did  little  professional  business.  He  soon  saw  that  under  the 
rude  exterior  of  the  clothier's  boy  were  powers  that  only  required  proper 
development  to  raise  the  possessor  to  high  distinction  and  usefulness,  and 
advised  him  to  quit  his  trade  and  study  law.  In  reply  to  the  objection  of 
a  lack  of  education,  means,  and  friends,  to  aid  him  in  a  course  of  pro- 
fessional studies.  Judge  Wood  kindly  offered  to  give  him  a  place  in  his 
office,  to  advance  money  to  defray  his  expenses,  and  wait  until  success  in 
business  should  furnish  the  means  of  repayment.  The  offer  was  accepted. 
The  apprentice  boy  bought  his  time,  entered  the  office  of  Judge  Wood, 
and  for  more  than  two  years  applied  himself  closely  to  business  and  study. 
He  read  law  and  general  literature,  and  studied  and  practised  surveying. 

Fearing  he  should  incur  too  large  a  debt  to  his  benefactor,  he  taught 
school  for  three  months  in  the  year,  and  acquired  the  means  of  partially 
supporting  himself.  In  the  fall  of  1821,  he  removed  to  the  county  of 
Erie,  and  the  next  spring  entered  a  law  office  in  Buffalo.  There  he  sus- 
tained himself  by  teaching,  and  continued  his  legal  studies  until  the  spring 
of  1823,  when  he  was  admitted  to  the  Common  Pleas,  and  being  too  diffi- 
dent of  his  then  untried  powers  to  enter  into  competition  with  the  older 
members  of  the  bar  in  Buffalo,  he  removed  to  Aurora  in  that  county, 
where  he  commenced  the  practice  of  law.  In  1826,  he  was  married  to 
Abigail  Powers,  the  youngest  child  of  the  Rev.  Lemuel  Powers,  deceased, 
by  whom  he  has  two  children,  a  son  and  a  daughter.  She  is  a  lady  of 
great  worth,  modest  and  unobtrusive  in  her  deportment,  and  highly  es- 
teemed for  her  many  virtues.  Mrs.  Fillmore  is  descended  on  the  maternal 
side  from  Henry  Leland,  one  of  the  early  settlers  of  Massachusetts. 

In  1827,  Mr.  Fillmore  was  admitted  as  an  attorney,  and  in  1829,  as  a 
counsellor  in  the  Supreme  Court.  Previous  to  this  time  his  practice  had 
been  very  limUed,  but  his  application  to  juridical  studies  had  been  con- 
stant and  severe  ;   and  it  is  not  to  be  doubted  that  during  these  few  years 


FILLMORE.  451 

of  comparative  seclusion,  he  acquired  that  general  knowledge  of  the  fun- 
damental principles  of  the  law  which  has  mainly  contributed  in  after  life 
to  give  him  an  elevated  rank  among  the  members  of  that  liberal  profes- 
sion. His  legal  acquirements  and  skill  as  an  advocate  soon  attracted  the 
attention  of  his  professional  brethren  in  Buffalo,  and  he  was  offered  a 
highly  advantageous  connection  with  an  older  member  of  the  bar  in  that 
city,  which  he  accepted,  and  removed  there  in  the  spring  of  1830,  in 
which  place  he  continued  to  reside  until  his  election  as  Comptroller,  and 
removal  to  Albany,  in  the  winter  of  1847. 

His  first  entrance  into  public  life  was  in  January,  1829,  when  he  took 
his  seat  as  a  member  of  the  Assembly  from  Erie  county,  to  which 
office  he  was  reelected  the  two  following  years.  The  Democratic 
party  in  those  three  sessions,  as  for  many  years  before  and  after,  held 
triumphant  sway  in  both  houses  of  the  Legislature,  and  but  little  opportu- 
nity was  afTorded  a  young  member  of  the  opposition  to  distinguish  himself. 
But  talent,  integrity,  and  assiduous  devotion  to  public  business  will  make 
a  man  felt  and  respected,  even  amid  a  body  of  opposing  partisans ;  and 
Mr.  Fillmore,  although  in  a  hopeless  minority,  so  far  as  any  question  of 
a  political  or  party  bearing  was  involved,  on  all  questions  of  a  general 
character  soon  won  the  confidence  of  the  House  in  an  unexampled 
degree.  It  was  a  common  remark  among  the  members,  "  If  Fillmore 
says  it  is  right,  we  will  vote  for  it." 

The  most  important  measure  of  a  general  nature  that  came  up  during 
his  service  in  the  State  Legislature,  was  the  bill  to  abolish  imprisonment 
for  debt.  In  behalf  of  that  great  and  philanthropic  measure,  Mr.  Fill- 
more took  an  active  part,  urging  with  unanswerable  arguments  its  justice 
and  expediency,  and,  as  a  member  of  the  committee  on  the  subject,  aid- 
ing to  perfect  its  details.  That  portion  of  the  bill  relating  to  the  Justices' 
Courts  was  draughted  by  him,  the  remainder  being  the  work  of  the  Hon. 
John  C.  Spencer.  The  bill,  which  was  introduced  by  Silas  M.  Stilvvell, 
of  New  York,  met  with  a  fierce,  unrelenting  opposition  at  every  step  of 
its  progress,  and  to  Millard  Fillmore,  with  his  then  coadjutors,  are  the 
people  indebted  for  expunging  from  the  statute-book  that  relic  of  a  bar- 
barous age  —  imprisonment  for  debt. 

He  was  elected  to  Congress  in  the  fall  of  1832,  and  took  his  seat  in 
the  stormy  session  immediately  succeeding  the  removal  of  the  deposits 
from  the  United  States  Bank.  In  those  days,  the  business  of  the  House, 
and  debates,  were  led  by  old  and  experienced  members ;  new  ones, 
unless  they  enjoyed  a  wide-spread  and  almost  national  reputation,  rarely 
taking  an  active  and  conspicuous  part.  Little  chance,  therefore,  was 
afforded  Mr.  Fillmore,  a  member  of  the  opposition,  young  and  unassuming, 
of  displaying  those  qualities  that  so  eminently  fitted  him  for  legislative 
usefulness.  But  the  school  was  one  admirably  qualified  more  fully  to 
develop  and  cultivate  those  powers  which,  under  more  favorable  circum- 
stances, have  enabled  him  to  render  such  varied  and  important  services 
to  his  country.  As  he  has  ever  done  in  all  the  stations  he  has  filled,  he 
discharged  his  duty  with  scrupulous  fidelity,  never  omitting,  on  all  proper 
occasions,  any  effort  to  advance  the  interests  of  his  constituents  and  the 
country,  and  winning  the  ^'espect  and  confidence  of  all. 


452  FILLMORE. 

At  the  close  of  his  term  of  service  he  resumed  the  practice  of  his  pro- 
fession, which  he  pursued  with  distinguished  reputation  and  success, 
until,  yielding  to  the  public  voice,  he  consented  to  become  a  candidate, 
and  was  reelected  to  Congress  in  the  fall  of  1836.  In  the  25th  Con- 
gress Mr.  Fillmore  took  a  more  active  part  than  he  did  during  his  first 
term,  and  on  the  assembling  of  the  next  Congress,  to  which  he  was 
reelected  by  a  largely  increased  majority,  he  was  assigned  a  prominent 
place  on  what,  next  to  that  of  Ways  and  Means,  it  was  justly  anticipated 
would  become  the  most  important  committee  of  the  House  —  that  on 
Elections.  It  was  in  this  Congress  that  the  famous  contested  New  Jersey 
case  came  up.  It  would  swell  this  biographical  sketch  to  too  great  a 
length  to  enter  upon  the  details  of  that  case. 

The  prominent  part  which  Mr.  Fillmore  took  in  it,  his  patient  in- 
vestigation of  all  its  complicated,  minute  details,  the  clear,  convincing 
manner  in  which  he  set  forth  the  facts,  the  lofty  and  indignant  eloquence 
with  which  he  denounced  the  meditated  act,  all  strongly  directed  public 
attention  to  him  as  one  of  the  ablest  men  of  that  Congress,  distinguished 
as  it  was  for  the  eminent  ability  and  statesmanship  of  many  of  its  mem- 
bers. The  agitation  in  Congress  of  this  New  Jersey  election  case,  and 
the  currency  measures  adopted  by  the  administration  of  Mr.  Van  Buren, 
were  among  the  causes  which  contributed  to  the  overthrow  of  the  demo- 
cratic party  and  the  triumph  of  the  whigs  in  the  presidential  election  of 
1840,  and  the  majority  obtained  by  them  of  members  elected  to  both 
Houses  in  the  27th  Congress. 

On  the  assembling  of  the  27th  Congress,  to  which  Mr.  Fillmore  was 
reelected  by  a  majority  larger  than  was  ever  before  given  in  his  district, 
he  was  placed  at  the  head  of  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means.  The 
duties  of  that  station,  always  arduous  and  responsible,  were  at  that  time 
peculiarly  so.  A  new  administration  had  come  into  power,  and  found 
public  affairs  in  a  state  of  the  greatest  derangement.  Accounts  had  been 
wrongly  kept ;  peculation  of  every  kind  abounded  in  almost  every  depart- 
ment of  the  government;  the  revenue  was  inadequate  to  meet  the  ordinary 
expenses  ;  the  already  large  existing  debt  was  rapidly  swelling  in  magni- 
tude ;  commerce  and  manufactures  were  depressed  ;  the  currency  was 
deranged  ;  banks  were  embarrassed  ;  and  general  distress  pervaded  the 
community.  To  bring  order  out  of  disorder  ;  to  replenish  the  national 
treasury  ;  to  provide  means  that  would  enable  the  government  to  meet  the 
demands  against  it,  and  to  pay  off  the  debt ;  to  revive  the  industry  of  the 
country,  and  restore  its  wonted  prosperity,  —  these  were  the  tasks  devolved 
upon  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means.  To  increase  their  difficulties, 
the  minority,  composed  of  the  defeated  party,  instead  of  aiding  to  repair 
the  existing  evils,  uniformly  opposed  almost  every  measure  brought  for- 
ward for  relief,  and  often  their  unavailing  efforts  were  successfully  aided 
by  the  Executive,  Mr.  Tyler.  But  with  an  energy  and  devotion  to  the 
public  weal  worthy  of  all  admiration,  Mr.  Fillmore  applied  himself  to  the 
task,  and,  sustained  by  a  majority  in  Congress  whose  industry  and  zeal 
in  the  public  service,  under  peculiar  embarrassments,  have  seldom  been 
equalled,  and  never  surpassed,  he  succeeded  in  its  accomplishment. 

The  measures  he  brought  forward,  and  sustained  with  matchless  ability, 


FILLMORE.  453 

speedily  relieved  the  government  from  its  embarrassment,  and  have  fully 
justified  the  most  sanguine  expectations  of  their  benign  influence  upon  the 
country  at  large.  A  new  and  more  accurate  system  of  keeping  accounts, 
rendering  them  clear  and  intelligible,  was  introduced.  The  favoritism  and 
peculation  which  had  so  long  disgraced  the  departments,  and  plundered 
the  treasury,  were  checked  by  the  requisition  of  contracts.  The  credit 
of  the  government  was  restored,  ample  means  were  provided  for  the  exi- 
gencies of  the  public  service,  and  the  j)ayment  of  the  national  debt  incurred 
by  the  preceding  administration.  Commerce  and  manufactures  revived, 
and  prosperity  and  hope  once  more  smiled  upon  the  land.  The  labor  of 
devising,  explaining,  and  defending  measures  productive  of  such  happy 
results,  was  thrown  chiefly  on  Mr.  Fillmore.  He  was  ably  sustained  by 
his  political  friends  in  Congress  ;  but  on  him,  nevertheless,  the  main 
responsibility  rested. 

After  his  long  and  severe  labors  in  the  committee-room,  —  labors  suffi- 
ciently arduous  to  break  down  any  but  one  of  an  iron  constitution, —  sus- 
tained by  a  spirit  that  nothing  could  conquer,  he  was  required  to  give  his 
unremitting  attention  to  the  business  of  the  House,  to  make  any  explanation 
that  might  be  asked,  and  be  ready  with  a  complete  and  triumphant  refuta- 
tion of  every  cavil  or  objection  that  the  ingenuity  or  sophistry  of  his  oppo- 
nents could  devise.  All  this,  too,  was  required  to  be  done  with  promptness, 
clearness,  dignity,  and  good  temper.  For  the  proper  performance  of  these 
varied  duties  few  men  are  more  happily  qualified  than  Mr.  Fillmore.  At 
that  fortunate  age  when  the  physical  and  intellectual  powers  are  displayed 
in  the  highest  perfection,  and  the  hasty  impulses  of  youth,  without  any  loss 
of  its  vigor,  are  brought  under  control  of  large  experience  in  public  afiliirs, 
w^ith  a  mind  capable  of  descending  to  minute  details,  as  well  as  conceiving 
a  grand  system  of  national  policy,  calm  and  deliberate  in  judgment,  self- 
possessed  and  fluent  in  debate,  of  dignified  presence,  never  unmindful  of 
the  courtesies  becoming  social  and  public  intercourse,  and  of  political  in- 
tegrity unimpeachable,  he  was  admirably  fitted  for  the  post  of  Leader  of 
the  majority  in  the  27th  Congress. 

Just  before  the  close  of  the  first  session  of  this  Congress,  Mr.  Fillmore, 
in  a  letter  addressed  to  his  constituents,  signified  his  intention  not  to  be  a 
candidate  for  reelection.  He  acknowledged  with  gratitude  and  pride  the 
cordial  and  generous  support  given  him  by  his  constituents  ;  but  the  severe 
labor  devolved  upon  him  by  his  official  duties  demanded  some  relaxation, 
and  private  affairs,  necessarily  neglected  in  some  degree  during  several 
years  of  public  service,  called  for  attention.  Notwithstanding  his  declared 
intention  to  withdraw  from  the  station  he  filled  with  so  much  honor  and 
usefulness,  the  convention  of  his  district,  unanimously,  and  by  acclama- 
tion, renominated  him,  and  urgently  pressed  upon  him  a  compliance  with 
their  wishes.  Mr.  Fillmore  was  deeply  affected  by  this,  added  to  many 
former  proofs  of  confidence  and  regard  on  the  part  of  those  who  had 
known  him  longest  and  best ;  but  he  firmly  adhered  to  the  determination 
he  had  expressed,  and  at  the  close  of  the  term  for  which  he  was  elected, 
returned  to  his  home  more  gratified  at  his  relief  from  the  cares  of  official 
life  than  he  had  ever  been  at  the  prospect  of  its  highest  rewards  and 
honors.     But  though  keenly  enjoying  the  freedom  from  public  responsi- 


454  FILLMORE. 

bilities,  and  the  pleasures  of  social  intercourse  in  which  he  was  now  per- 
mitted to  indulge,  the  qualities  of  mind  and  habits  of  systematic,  close 
attention  to  business,  that  so  eminently  fitted  him  for  a  successful  con- 
gressional career,  were  soon  called  into  full  exercise  by  the  rapidly 
increasing  requirements  of  professional  pursuits,  never  wholly  given  up. 
There  is  a  fascination  in  the  strife  of  politics,  its  keen  excitements,  and  its 
occasional  but  always  tempting,  brilliant  triumphs,  that,  when  once  felt, 
few  men  are  able  to  resist  so  completely  as  to  return  with  relish  to  the 
comparatively  tame  and  dull  occupations  of  private  life.  But  to  the  calm 
and  equable  temperament  of  Mr.  Fillmore,  repose,  after  the  stormy  scenes 
in  which  he  had  been  forced  to  take  a  leading  part,  was  most  grateful. 
He  had  ever  regarded  his  profession  with  affection  and  pride,  and  he 
coveted  more  the  just,  fairly-won  fame  of  the  jurist,  than  the  highest 
political  distinction.  He  welcomed  the  toil,  therefore,  which  a  large  prac- 
tice in  the  higher  courts  imposed  upon  him,  and  was  as  remarkable  for  the 
thoroughness  with  which  he  prepared  his  legal  arguments,  as  he  was  for 
patient,  minute  investigation  of  the  dry  and  difficult  subjects  it  was  so  often 
his  duty  to  elucidate  and  defend  in  the  House  of  Representatives. 

In  1844,  in  obedience  to  a  popular  wish  too  strong  to  be  resisted,  he 
reluctantly  accepted  the  Whig  nomination  for  Governor  of  New  York.  The 
issue  of  that  conflict,  in  which  he  shared  in  the  signal  defeat  of  his  party, 
has  become  history,  and  though  deeply  pained  at  the  result,  he  was  only 
so  in  view  of  the  consequences  to  the  nation,  which  he  believed  would 
follow  the  defeat  of  the  Whig  presidential  ticket,  and  the  accession  to 
power  of  the  Democratic  party,  pledged  to  measures  which  he  deprecated. 
For  his  own  defeat,  Mr.  Fillmore  had  no  regrets.  He  had  no  aspirations 
for  the  high  and  honorable  office  for  which  he  had  been  a  candidate,  and 
with  the  failure  of  his  election  he  trusted  would  end  any  further  demand 
upon  him  to  serve  in  public  life. 

In  1847,  a  popular  call,  similar  to  that  of  '44,  was  again  made  upon 
him,  to  which  he  yielded  a  reluctant  assent,  and  was  elected  Comptroller 
of  the  State,  by  a  majority  larger  than  had  been  given  to  any  State  officer 
at  any  former  election  in  many  years.  There  were  some  peculiar  causes 
that  contributed  to  swell  his  majority  at  that  election,  but,  independent  of 
them,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  general  conviction  of  his  eminent 
fitness  for  the  office  would,  under  any  circumstances  of  the  opposing  party, 
have  given  him  a  great  and  triumphant  vote.  That  such  evidence  of  the 
confidence  and  esteem  of  his  fellow-citizens  was  gratifying  to  his  feelings 
cannot  be  doubted,  but  few  can  justly  appreciate  the  sacrifices  they  im- 
posed. The  duties  of  that  office  could  not  be  discharged  without  abandon- 
ing at  once  and  forever — for  who  ever  regained  a  professional  standing 
once  lost.^  —  a  lucrative  business  which  he  had  been  years  in  acquiring,  nor 
without  severing  all  those  social  ties,  and  breaking  up  all  those  domestic 
arrangements  which  rendered  home  happy,  and  bound  him  to  the  city 
where  the  best  portion  of  his  life  had  been  spent.  Yet,  feeling  that  the 
State  had  a  right  to  command  his  services,  he  cheerfully  submitted  to  its 
exactions,  and  on  the  1st  of  January,  1848,  removed  to  Albany,  where  he 
displayed,  in  the  performance  of  the  duties  of  his  arduous  and  responsible 
office,  the  high  ability  and  thorough  attention  which  have  always  charac- 
terized the  discharge  of  all  his  public  trusts. 


FILLMORE.  455 

We  now  approach  the  period  in  the  life  of  Mr.  Fillmore  when  the  entire 
Union  evinced  its  appreciation  of  his  talents  and  worth,  and  a  new  theatre 
was  presented  to  him  for  the  exercise  of  matured  judgment,  consummate 
prudence,  and  an  abiding  attachment  and  fidelity  to  the  Constitution  and 
Union,  not  excelled  since  the  days  of  the  revolution. 

In  the  winter  of  1844,  when  the  eyes  of  the  Whigs  were  turned  to 
Henry  Clay,  of  Kentucky,  as  their  leader  in  the  contest  of  that  year,  by 
a  numerous  portion  of  the  party  Mr.  Fillmore  was  looked  to  as  the  candi- 
date for  tiie  vice  presidency. 

The  Whigs  of  the  State  of  ^ew  York,  in  general  convention,  unani- 
mously nominated  Henry  Clay  for  President,  and  Millard  Fillmore  for 
Vice  President. 

At  the  Baltimore  convention,  which  met  in  May  of  that  year,  the  dele- 
gates from  New  York,  with  one  exception,  (the  late  Ambrose  Spencer, 
who  was  president  of  that  convention,)  supported  Mr.  Fillmore  ;  but  Mr. 
Frelinghuysen,  a  distinguished  citizen  of  New  Jersey,  received  the  nom- 
ination. 

The  startling  results  of  the  campaign  in  Mexico,  and  the  admiration 
and  regard  every  where  entertained  for  the  bravery,  cool  judgment,  and 
eminent  services  of  the  hero  of  Resaca  de  la  Palma,  Palo  Alto,  Monterey, 
and  Buena  Vista,  early  designated  General  Taylor  as  the  next  President 
of  the  United  States.  While  it  was  well  known  that  General  Taylor  had 
but  little  experience  in  the  civil  affairs  of  the  country,  the  confidence  in 
his  integrity,  sound  common  sense,  and  practical  wisdom,  was  unbounded  ; 
and  a  statesman,  ready  and  willing  cordially  to  cooperate  with  General 
Taylor  in  carrying  on  the  administration,  and  well  versed  in  the  details 
of  governmental  affairs,  was  universally  sought  for  by  the  Whig  party, 
which,  at  that  early  day,  it  was  clearly  perceived,  must  be  triumphant  in 
the  corning  contest. 

In  view  of  all  these  considerations,  the  Whigs  of  the  Union,  in  national 
convention,  selected  Millard  Fillmore  for  Vice  President,  and  thereafter 
the  names  of  Taylor  and  Fillmore  became  the  rallying  cry  of  that  party 
throughout  the  Union,  and  resulted  in  the  triumphant  election  of  the  Whig 
candidates. 

In  February,  1849,  Mr.  Fillmore  resigned  the  office  of  Comptroller  of 
the  State  of  New  York,  to  enter  upon  the  discharge  of  the  duties  of  Vice 
President. 

It  is  not  too  much  to  say,  that,  distinguished  as  were  the  predecessors 
of  Mr.  Fillmore,  in  the  office  of  Comptroller,  for  integrity  of  character, 
financial  talents,  and  a  faithful  regard  to  the  interests  of  the  State,  no  one 
of  them  left  the  office  with  a  higher  reputation  than  Mr.  Fillmore,  or  with 
a  more  general  conviction,  on  the  part  of  the  public,  that  all  the  duties  of 
the  station  had  been  discharged  with  ability  and  fidelity. 

Taking  the  oath  of  office  as  Vice  President,  his  address  to  the  Senate 
was  commended  as  well  for  the  modesty  and  dignity  of  its  delivery,  as 
for  the  sound  and  patriotic  principles  enunciated. 

The  session  of  Congress  which  commenced  in  December,  1849,  proved 
more  exciting  than  any  previous  one,  and  it  soon  became  apparent  to  every 
dispassionate  observer,  that  the  strength  of  our  institutions  was  then  to  be 


456  FILLMORE. 

tested  ;  and  that  upon  the  wisdom,  firmness,  discretion,  and  patriotism 
of  those  in  power  would  depend  the  continuance  of  the  Union  and  the 
Constitution. 

In  1826,  the  presiding  officer  of  the  Senate,  John  C.  Calhoun,  had 
assumed  the  position  that  the  Vice  President  had  no  power  to  call  a  sena- 
tor to  order  for  words  spoken  in  debate.  This  decision  had  been  acqui- 
esced in,  and  was  the  established  usage  of  the  Senate.  Vice  President 
Fillmore  resolved  to  resume  what  he  deemed  the  just  duties  of  the 
presiding  officer.  In  a  neat,  perspicuous  address  to  the  Senate,  on  a 
fitting  occasion,  he  announced  his  determination  to  maintain  decorum  in 
debate,  and  to  call  senators  to  order  for  any  offensive  words  used.  The 
Senate  evinced  its  appreciation  and  sanction  of  these  views  by  unani- 
mously ordering  them  to  be  entered  at  length  on  their  journal,  where  they 
stand  as  evidence  of  the  firmness  of  the  presiding  officer  of  the  Senate, 
and  his  determination  to  shrink  from  no  duty.  The  courtesy,  ability,  and 
dignity  exhibited  by  Mr.  Fillmore,  while  presiding  over  the  deliberations 
of  the  Senate,  received  universal  commendation. 

In  the  discharge  of  his  high  and  delicate  duties  the  Vice  President  was 
engaged,  when  the  country  was  startled  by  the  announcement  of  the 
sudden  illness  and  almost  immediate  decease  of  General  Taylor. 

At  this  critical  period,  the  most  difficult  and  exciting  questions  which 
had  ever  agitated  the  people  of  this  country  were  pending.  The  whole 
Union  was  aroused  ;  section  was  arrayed  against  section  ;  party  divisions 
were  broken  up  ;  and  a  universal  gloom  prevailed. 

The  Cabinet  resigned  ;  but  the  new  President,  with  dignity  and  delicacy, 
declined  to  consider  their  resignations  until  after  the  obsequies  to  the 
lamented  dead  had  been  performed. 

On  the  10th  of  July,  Mr.  Fillmore,  as  President,  took  the  oath  to 
"  preserve,  protect,  and  defend  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  ; "  and 
men  then  felt  that  that  solemn  promise  would  be  faithfully  kept ;  that  the 
crisis  was  passed  ;  and  that  the  Union  and  the  Constitution  would  remain 
to  them  and  their  posterity.  But  as  for  the  President  himself,  no  one 
familiar  with  the  circumstances  of  his  accession  could  doubt  that  the  day 
which  witnessed  it  was  the  most  trying  and  painful  of  his  life.  The 
firmest  heart  might  have  quailed  under  the  responsibilities  that  were  thus 
suddenly  thrown  upon  him.  Party  feuds,  personal  jealousies,  sectional 
animosities,  popular  discontents,  seditious  combinations,  prevailed  to  a 
degree  which  might  well  have  embarrassed  the  most  experienced  states- 
man, and  alarmed  the  boldest.  To  bring  order  from  the  political  chaos 
which  then  existed,  to  restore  alienated  relations,  to  harmonize  conflict- 
ing interests,  to  tranquillize  the  public  agitation,  was  a  task  which  re- 
quired forecast,  decision,  and  energy  of  no  ordinary  stamp.  To  accom- 
plish this  difficult,  this  almost  impossible  work,  it  was  necessary  for  the 
President  at  once  to  determine  upon  his  policy,  and  organize  his  Cabinet 
with  a  single  view  to  its  successful  prosecution.  A  mistake  would  be 
fatal  to  his  administration,  and  might  be  fatal  to  the  peace  of  the  country. 

Ten  days  after  taking  the  oath  of  office.  President  Fillmore  sent  to 
the  Senate  his  nominations  of  members  of  the  new  Cabinet.  On  the 
announcement  of  his  constitutional  advisers,  it  was  at  once  understood 


FILLMOllE.  467 

that  the  countenance  and  influence  of  the  arhninistration  were  no  longer 
to  be  withheld  from  the  measures  which  had  been  matured  in  Congress 
for  the  j)aeification  of  the  country.  To  say  that  tiiis  understanding 
l)rought  rehef  to  the  pubUc  mind  would  be  a  very  inadequate  expression 
of  the  fcehng  which  it  every  where  excited.  It  carried  to  all  quarters 
hope,  assurance,  confidence,  rejoicing.  The  people  saw,  or  thought  they 
saw,  the  beginning  of  the  end.  Within  two  months  after  the  appointment 
of  his  Cabinet,  President  Fillmore  signed  an  act  to  establisli  the  boundaries 
of  Texas,  and  a  territorial  government  for  New  Mexico  ;  an  act  for  the 
admission  of  the  State  of  California  into  the  Union  ;  an  act  to  establish  a 
territorial  government  for  Utah  ;  an  act  to  carry  out  the  constitutional 
provision  for  the  extradition  of  fugitives  from  labor ;  and  an  act  to  sup- 
press the  slave  trade  in  the  District  of  Columbia.  A  great  work  had  thus 
been  accomplished  ;  and  if  President  Fillmore  had  at  that  moment  termi- 
nated his  public  career,  he  would  have  established  a  just  title  to  the 
undying  gratitude  of  his  country. 

His  message  to  Congress  on  the  difficulties  with  Texas  presented 
views  so  calm,  just,  and  reasonable,  yet  firm  and  decided,  that  confidence 
in  the  administration  was  instantly  inspired,  and  this  message  was  re- 
garded as  the  bow  of  promise  and  hope.  The  settlement  of  that  vexed 
question  opened  the  way  for  the  speedy  adjustment  of  others. 

The  assembling  of  Congress  on  the  2d  of  December,  1850,  was 
looked  forward  to  with  anxiety,  as  it  was  well  known  that  then  the  annual 
Message  of  the  President  would  be  delivered,  disclosing  the  views  and 
principles  of  the  new  administration.  This  document  the  reader  will  find 
to  be  calm,  conciliatory,  yet  firm,  and  thoroughly  American  in  all  its 
parts  ;  showing  that  the  President  was  governed  by  an  earnest  desire  to 
conciliate  the  warring  sections  and  restore  harmony  to  the  Union. 

MESSAGE. 

Fellow-Citizens  of  the  Senate, 

and  of  the  house  of  representatives  : 

Being  suddenly  called,  in  the  midst  of  the  last  session  of  Congress,  by  a  jiainful 
dispensation  of  Divine  Providence,  to  the  re^^ponsible  station  which  I  now  hold,  I 
contented  myself  with  such  communications  to  the  Legislature  as  the  exigency  of 
the  moment  seemed  to  req[uire.  The  country  was  shrouded  in  mourning  lor  the 
loss  of  its  venerated  Chief  Magistrate,  and  all  hearts  were  penetrated  with  grief.. 
Neither  the  time  nor  the  occasion  appeared  to  require  or  to  justify,  on  my  part,  any 
general  expression  of  political  opinions,  or  any  announcement  of  the  principles 
which  would  govern  mc  in  the  discharge  of  the  duties  to  the  performance  of  which 
I  had  been  so  unexpectedly  called.  1  trust,  therefore,  that  it  may  not  be  deemed, 
inappropriate,  if  I  avail  myself  of  this  opportunity  of  the  reassembling  of  Congress 
to  make  known  my  sentiments,  in  a  general  manner,  in  regard  to  the  policy  which 
ought  to  be  pursued  by  the  Government,  both  in  its  intercourse  with  foreign 
nations,  and  in  its  management  and  administration  of  internal  affairs. 

Nations,  like  individuals  in  a  state  of  nature,  are  equal  and  independent,  pos- 
sessing certain  riglits,  and  owing  certain  duties  to  each  other,  arising  from  their 
necessary  and  unavoidable  relations ;  which  rights  and  duties  there  is  no  common 
human  authority  to  protect  and  enforce.  Still,  they  are  rights  and  duties,  binding 
in  morals,  in  conscience,  and  in  honor,  although  there  is  no  tribunal  to  which  an. 
injured  party  can  appeal  but  the  disinterested  judgment  of  mankind,  and  ultimately 
the  arbitrament  of  the  sword. 

69 


458  FILLMORE.    . 

Among  the  acknowledged  rights  of  nations,  is  that  which  each  possesses  of 
establishing  that  form  of  government  which  it  may  deem  most  conducive  to  the 
happiness  and  prosperity  of  its  own  citizens  ;  of  changing  that  form,  as  circum- 
stances may  require ;  and  of  managing  its  internal  affairs  according  to  its  own  will. 
The  people  of  the  United  States  claim  this  right  for  themselves,  and  they  readily 
concede  it  to  others.  Hence  it  becomes  an  imperative  duty  not  to  interfere  in  the 
government  or  internal  policy  of  other  nations  ;  and,  although  we  may  sympathize 
with  the  unfortunate  or  the  oppressed,  every  where,  in  their  struggles  for  freedom, 
our  principles  forbid  us  from  taking  any  part  in  such  foreign  contests.  We 
make  no  wars  to  promote  or  to  prevent  successions  to  thrones ;  to  maintain 
any  theory  of  a  balance  of  power ;  or  to  suppress  the  actual  government  which 
any  country  chooses  to  estabUsh  for  itself.  We  instigate  no  revolutions,  nor  suffer 
any  hostile  military  expeditions  to  be  fitted  out  in  the  United  States  to  invade  the 
territory  or  provinces  of  a  friendly  nation.  ITie  great  law  of  morality  ought  to 
have  a  national,  as  well  as  a  personal  and  individual  application.  We  should  act 
towards  other  nations  as  we  wish  them  to  act  towards  us ;  and  justice  and  con- 
science should  form  the  rule  of  conduct  between  governments,  instead  of  mere 
power,  self-interest,  or  the  desire  of  aggrandizement.  To  maintain  a  strict  neu- 
trality in  foreign  wars,  to  cultivate  friendly  relations,  to  reciprocate  every  noble 
and  generous  act,  and  to  perform  punctually  and  scrupulously  every  treaty  obliga- 
tion —  these  are  the  duties  which  we  owe  to  other  States,  and  by  the  perfonnance 
of  which  we  best  entitle  ourselves  to  like  treatment  from  them ;  or  if  that,  in  any 
case,  be  refused,  we  can  enforce  our  own  rights  with  justice  and  a  clear  conscience. 

In  our  domestic  policy,  the  Constitution  will  be  my  guide ;  and  in  questions  of 
doubt,  I  shall  look  for  its  interpretation  to  the  judicial  decisions  of  that  tribunal 
which  was  established  to  expound  it,  and  to  the  usage  of  the  Governme-nt,  sanc- 
tioned by  the  acquiescence  of  the  countiy.  I  regard  aU  its  provisions  as  equally 
binding.  In  all  its  parts  it  is  the  will  of  the  people,  expressed  in  the  most  solemn 
form,  and  the  constituted  authorities  are  but  agents  to  carry  that  will  into  effect. 
Every  power  which  it  has  granted  is  to  be  exercised  for  the  public  good ;  but  no 
pretence  of  utility,  no  honest  conviction,  even,  of  what  might  be  expedient,  can 
justify  the  assumption  of  any  power  not  granted.  The  powers  conferred  upon  the 
Government,  and  their  distribution  to  the  several  departments,  are  as  clearly 
expressed  in  that  sacred  instrument  as  the  imperfection  of  human  language  will 
allow  ;  and  I  deem  it  my  first  duty,  not  to  question  its  wisdom,  add  to  its  provisions, 
evade  its  requirements,  or  nullify  its  commands. 

Upon  you,  fellow-citizens,  as  the  representatives  of  the  States  and  the  people,  is 
wisely  devolved  the  legislative  power.  I  shall  comply  with  my  duty,  in  laying 
before  you,  from  time  to  time,  any  information  calculated  to  enable  you  to  discharge 
your  high  and  responsible  trust,  for  the  benefit  of  our  common  constituents. 

My  opinions  will  be  frankly  expressed  upon  the  leading  subjects  of  legislation ; 
and  if —  which  I  do  not  anticipate  —  any  act  pass  the  two  Houses  of  Congress  which 
should  appear  to  me  unconstitutional,  or  an  encroachment  on  the  just  powers  of 
other  departments,  or  with  provisions  hastily  adopted,  and  likely  to  produce  conse- 
quences injurious  and  unforeseen,  I  should  not  shrink  from  the  duty  of  returning 
it  to  you,  with  my  reasons,  for  your  further  consideration.  Beyond  the  due  per- 
formance of  these  constitutiona'l  obligations,  both  my  respect  for  the  Legislature 
and  my  sense  of  propriety  will  restrain  me  fi'om  any  attempt  to  control  or  influence 
your  proceedings.  With  you  are  the  power,  the  lionor,  and  the  responsibility  of  the 
legislation  of  the  country. 

The  Government  of  the  United  States  is  a  limited  Government.  It  is  confined 
to  the  exercise  of  powers  expressly  granted,  and  such  others  as  may  be  necessary 
for  carrying  those  powers  into  effect ;  and  it  is  at  all  times  an  especial  duty  to  guard 
against  any  infringement  on  tfio  just  rights  of  the  States.  Over  the  objects  and 
subjects  intrusted  to  Congress,  its  legislative  authority  is  supreme.  But  here  that 
authority  ceases,  and  every  citizen  who  truly  loves  the  Constitution,  and  desires  the 
continuance  of  its  existence  and  its  blessings,  will  resolutely  and  firmly  resist  any 
interference  in  those  domestic  affairs  which  the  Constitution  has  clearly  and 
unequivocally  left  to  the  exclusive  authority  of  the  States.  And  every  such  citizen 
■will  also  deprecate  useless  irritation  among  the  several  members  of  the  Union,  and 


V     F I L  L  M  O  R  E .  459 

all  reproach  and  crimination  tendiiifij  to  alienate  one  portion  of  the  country  from 
another.  The  beauty  of  our  system  of  Government  consists,  and  its  safety  and 
durability  must  consist,  in  avoidiuf^  mutual  collisions  and  encroachments,  aiid  in 
the  ref^ular  separate  action  of  all,  wlulc  each  is  revolving  in  its  own  distinct  orbit. 

The  Constitution  h.as  made  it  the  duty  of  the  President  to  take  care  that  the  laws 
be  faithfully  executed.  In  a  Government  like  ours,  in  which  all  laws  are  passed 
by  a  majority  of  the  representatives  of  the  people,  and  those  representatives  are 
chosen  for  such  short  periods  that  any  injuriou-s  or  obnoxious  law  can  very  soon 
be  repealed,  it  would  ap]icar  imlikcly  that  any  great  numbers  should  be  found 
ready  to  resist  the  execution  of  the  laws.  I5ut  it  must  be  Ijorne  in  niiud  that  the 
country  is  extensive,  that  there  may  be  local  interests  or  prejudices  rendering  a 
law  odious  in  one  part,  which  is  not  so  in  another,  and  that  the  thoughtless  and 
inconsiderate,  misled  by  their  passions,  or  their  imagiuations,  may  be  induced 
madly  to  resist  such  laws  as  they  disapprove.  Such  persons  should  recollect  that, 
■without  law,  there  can  be  no  real  practical  liberty ;  that,  when  law  is  trampled 
under  foot,  tyranny  rules,  whether  it  appears  in  the  form  of  a  military  dcsi)0tism 
or  of  popular  violence.  The  law  is  the  only  sure  protection  of  the  weak,  and  the 
only  ethcient  restraint  upon  the  strong.  When  impartially  and  faithfully  admin- 
istered, none  is  beneath  its  protection,  and  none  above  its  control.  You,  gentlemen, 
and  the  country  may  be  assured,  that  to  the  utmost  of  my  ability,  and  to  the  extent 
of  the  power  vested  in  me,  I  shall  at  all  times,  and  in  all  places,  take  care  that  the 
laws  be  faithfully  executed.  In  the  discharge  of  this  duty,  solennily  imposed  upon 
me  by  the  Constitution,  and  by  my  oath  of  office,  I  shall  shrink  from  no  responsi- 
bility, and  shall  endeavor  to  meet  events  as  they  may  arise,  with  firmness,  as  well 
as  with  prudence  and  discretion. 

The  appointing  power  is  one  of  the  most  delicate  with  which  the  Executive  is 
invested.  I  regard  it  as  a  sacred  tru^t,  to  be  exercised  with  the  sole  view  of 
advancing  the  prosperity  and  happiness  of  the  people.  It  shall  be  my  clibrt  to 
elevate  the  standard  of  official  employment,  by  selecting  for  places  of  importance 
individuals  fitted  for  the  posts  to  which  they  are  assigned,  by  their  known  integrity, 
talents,  and  virtues.  In  so  extensive  a  country,  with  so  great  a  population,  and 
where  few  persons  appointed  to  office  can  be  known  to  the  appointing  power, 
mistakes  Avill  soinctinics  unavoidably  happen,  and  unfortunate  appointments  be 
made,  notwithstanding  the  greatest  care.  In  such  cases,  the  power  of  removal 
maj'  be  projicrly  exercised ;  and  neglect  of  duty  or  malfeasance  in  office  will  be 
no  more  tolerated  in  individuals  appointed  by  myself  than  in  those  appointed 
by  others. 

I  am  happy  in  being  able  to  say  that  no  unfavorable  change  in  our  foreign  rela- 
tions has  taken  place  since  the  Message  at  the  opening  of  the  last  session  of  Congress. 
"We  are  at  peace  with  all  nations,  and  we  enjoy  in  an  eminent  degree  the  blessings 
of  that  peace,  in  a  prosperous  and  growing  commerce,  and  in  all  the  forms  of 
amicable  national  intercourse.  The  unexampled  growth  of  the  country,  the  present 
amount  of  its  population,  and  its  ample  means  of  self-iirotection,  assure  for  it  the 
respect  of  all  nations ;  while  it  is  trusted  that  its  character  for  justice,  and  a  regard 
to  the  rights  of  other  States,  will  cause  that  respect  to  be  readily  and  cheerfully 
paid. 

A  convention  was  negotiated  between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain,  m 
April  last,  for  facilitating  and  protecting  the  construction  of  a  ship-canal  between 
the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  Oceans,  and  for  other  purposes.  This  instrument  has  since 
been  ratified  by  the  contracting  parties,  the  exchange  of  ratifications  has  been  effected, 
and  proclamation  thereof  has  been  duly  made. 

In  addition  to  the  stipulations  contained  in  this  convention,  two  other  objects 
remain  to  be  accomplished  between  the  contracting  powers. 

First,  the  designation  and  establishment  of  a  free  port  at  each  end  of  the  canal. 

Second,  an  agreement  fixing  the  distance  from  the  shore  within  which  belligerent 
maritime  operations  shall  not  be  carried  on.  On  these  points  there  is  little  doubt 
that  the  two  Governments  wiU  come  to  an  understanding. 

The  company  of  citizens  of  the  United  States  who  have  acquired  from  the  State 
of  Nicaragua  the  privilege  of  constriicting  a  ship-canal  between  the  two  oceans, 
through  the  territory  of  that  State,  have  made  progress  in  their  preliminary  arrange- 


460  FILLMORE.    ♦ 

ments.  The  treaty  between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain,  of  the  19th  of 
April  last,  above  referred  to,  being  now  in  operation,  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  the 
guaranties  which  it  offers  will  be  sufficient  to  secure  the  completion  of  the  work 
with  all  practicable  expedition.  It  is  obvious  that  this  result  would  be  indefinitely- 
postponed,  if  any  other  than  peaceful  measures,  for  the  purpose  of  harmonizing 
conflicting  claims  to  territory  in  that  quarter,  should  be  adopted.  It  will  conse- 
quently be  my  endeavor  to  cause  any  further  negotiations  on  the  part  of  this  Gov- 
ernment, which  may  be  requisite  for  this  purpose,  to  be  so  conducted  as  to  bring 
them  to  a  speedy  and  successful  close. 

Some  unavoidable  delay  has  occurred,  arising  from  distance  and  the  difficulty  of 
intercourse  between  this  Government  and  that  of  Nicaragua  ;  but,  as  intelligence 
has  just  been  received  of  the  ajDpointment  of  an  Envoy  Extraordinary  and  Minister 
Plenipotentiary  of  that  Government  to  reside  at  Washington,  whose  arrival  may 
soon  be  expected,  it  is  hoped  that  no  further  impediments  will  be  experienced  in  the 
prompt  transaction  of  business  between  the  two  Governments. 

Citizens  of  the  United  States  have  undertaken  the  connection  of  the  two  oceans 
by  means  of  a  railroad  across  the  Isthmus  of  Tehuantepec,  under  grants  of  the 
Mexican  Governnient  to  a  citizen  of  that  Republic.  It  is  understood  that  a  thorough 
survey  of  the  course  of  the  commuidcation  is  in  preparation,  and  there  is  every 
reason  to  expect  that  it  will  be  prosecuted  with  characteristic  energy,  especially  when 
that  Government  shall  have  consented  to  such  stipulations  with  the  Government  of 
the  United  States  as  may  be  necessary  to  impart  a  feeling  of  security  to  those  who 
may  embark  their  property  in  the  enterprise.  Negotiations  are  pending  for  the 
accomplishment  of  that  object,  and  a  hope  is  confidently  entertained  that,  when  the 
Government  of  Mexico  shall  become  duly  sensible  of  the  advantages  which  that 
country  cannot  fail  to  derive  from  the  work,  and  learn  that  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  desires  that  the  right  of  sovereignty  of  Mexico  in  the  isthmus  shall 
remain  unimpaired,  the  stipulations  referred  to  will  be  agreed  to  with  alacrity. 

Ry  the  last  advices  from  Mexico  it  would  appear,  however,  that  that  Government 
entertains  strong  objections  to  some  of  tlie  stipulations  which  the  parties  concerned 
in  the  project  of  the  railroad  deem  necessary  for  their  protection  and  security.  Fur- 
ther consideration,  it  is  to  be  hoped,  or  some  modification  of  terms,  may  yet  reconcile 
the  differences  existing  between  the  two  Governments  in  this  respect. 

Fresh  instructions  have  recently  been  given  to  the  Minister  of  the  United  States 
in  Mexico,  who  is  prosecuting  the  subject  with  promptitude  and  ability. 

Although  the  negotiations  with  Portugal,  for  the  payment  of  claims  of  citizens 
of  the  United  States  against  that  Government,  have  not  yet  resulted  in  a  formal 
treaty,  yet  a  proposition  made  by  the  Government  of  Portugal  for  the  final  adjust- 
ment and  payment  of  those  claims  has  recenllj'  been  accepted  on  the  part  of  the 
United  States.  It  gives  me  pleasure  to  say  that  Mr.  Clay,  to  whom  the  negotiation 
on  the  part  of  the  United  States  had  been  intrusted,  discharged  the  duties  of  his 
appointment  with  ability  and  discretion,  always  acting  within  the  instructions  of 
his  Government. 

It  is  expected  that  a  regular  convention  will  be  immediately  negotiated  for  carry- 
ing the  agreement  between  the  two  Goverranents  into  effect. 

The  commissioner  appointed  under  act  of  Congress  for  carrying  into  effect  the 
convention  with  Brazil  of  the  27th  of  January,  1849,  has  entered  upon  the  per- 
formance of  the  duties  imposed  on  him  by  that  act.  It  is  hoped  that  those  duties 
may  be  completed  within  the  time  which  it  prescribes.  The  documents,  however, 
which  the  Imperial  Government,  by  the  tliird  article  of  the  convention,  stipulates 
to  furnish  to  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  have  not  yet  been  received. 
As  it  is  presumed  that  those  documents  will  be  essential  for  the  correct  disposition 
of  the  claims,  it  may  become  necessary  for  Congress  to  extend  the  period  limited 
for  the  duration  of  the  commission.  The  sum  stipulated  by  the  4th  article  of  the 
convention  to  be  paid  to  this  Government  has  been  received. 

The  collection  in  the  p  orts  of  the  United  States  of  discriminating  duties  upon  the 
vessels  of  Chili  and  the  r  cargoes  has  been  suspended,  pursuant  to  the  provisions 
of  the  act  of  Congress  (,f  the  24th  of  May,  1828.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  this  meas- 
ure will  impart  a  fresh  impulse  to  the  commerce  between  the  two  countries,  which, 
of  late,  and  especially  :ince  our  acquisition  of  California,  has,  to  the  mutual  advan- 
tage of  the  parties,  ber  n  much  augmented. 


'   FILLMORE.  461 

Peruvian  guano  has  become  so  desirable  an  article  to  the  a^jricultural  interest  of 
the  ITiiitod  States,  that  it  is  the  duty  of  the  Government  to  cinijloy  all  the  means 
properly  in  its  power  for  the  purpose  of  causini^that  article  to  be  imported  into  the 
country  at  a  reasonable  price.  Nothing  will  be  omitted  on  my  jjart  towards  accom- 
I)lishing  this  desirable  end.  I  am  persuaded  that  in  removing  any  restraints  on  this 
traffic,  tlie  I'cruviau  Government  will  promote  its  own  best  interests,  while  it  will 
ntibrd  a  proof  of  a  friendly  disposition  towards  this  country,  which  will  be  duly 
appreciated. 

The  treaty  between  the  United  States  and  Ilis  Majesty  the  King  of  the  Hawaiian 
Islands,  which  has  recently  been  made  public,  will,  it  is  believed,  have  a  beneficial 
effect  upon  the  relations  between  the  two  countries. 

The  relations  between  those  parts  of  the  Island  of  St.  Domingo  which  were  for- 
merly colonies  of  Sjjain  and  France,  resjicctively,  are  still  in  an  unsettled  condition. 
The  jn-oximity  of  that  island  to  the  United  States,  and  the  delicate  tjucstious 
involved  in  the  existing  controversy  there,  render  it  desirable  that  it  should  bo 
permanently  and  speedily  adjusted.  The  interests  of  humanity  and  of  general 
conuneree  also  demand  this  ;  and,  as  intimations  of  the  same  sentiment  have  been 
received  from  other  Governments,  it  is  hoped  that  some  plan  may  soon  be  devised 
to  effect  the  object  in  a  manner  likely  to  give  general  satisfaction.  The  Govern- 
ment of  the  United  States  will  not  fail,  by  the  exercise  of  all  proper  friendly  offices, 
to  do  all  in  its  power  to  put  an  end  to  the  destructive  war  which  has  raged  between 
the  different  parts  of  the  island,  and  to  secure  to  them  both  the  benefits  of  peace 
and  commerce. 

I  refer  you  to  the  report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  for  a  detailed  statement 
of  the  finances. 

The  total  receipts  into  the  Treasury,  for  the  year  ending  30th  of  June  last,  were 
forty-seven  million  four  hundred  and  twenty-one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  for- 
ty-eight dollars  and  ninety  cents,  (.i^47, 42 1,748  90.) 

The  total  expenditures  during  the  same  period  were  forty-three  million  two  thou- 
sand one  hundred  and  sixty-eight  dollars  and  ninety  cents,  (43,002,168  90.) 

The  public  debt  has  been  reduced,  since  the  last  annual  report  from  the  Treasury 
Department,  four  hundred  and  ninety-ffve  thousand  two  hundred  and  seventy-six 
dollars  and  seventy-nine  cents,  (49.5,276  79.) 

By  the  I9th  section  of  the  act  of  28th  January,  1847,  the  proceeds  of  the  sales  of 
the  public  lands  Avere  pledged  for  the  interest  and  principal  of  the  public  debt. 
The  great  amount  of  those  lands  subsequently  granted  by  Congress  for  the  military 
bounties  will,  it  is  believed,  very  nearly  supply  the  public  demand  for  several  years 
to  come,  and  but  little  reliance  can,  therefore,  be  placed  on  that  hitherto  fruitful 
source  of  revenue. 

Aside  fi-om  the  permanent  annual  expenditures,  which  have  necessarily  largely 
increased,  a  portion  of  the  public  debt,  amounting  to  eight  million  seventy-ffve 
thousand  nine  hundred  and  eighty-six  dollars  and  fffty-nine  cents  (8,07.5,986  .59) 
must  be  provided  for  within  the  next  two  fiscal  years.  It  is  most  desirable  that 
these  accruing  demands  should  be  met  without  resorting  to  new  loans. 

All  experience  has  demonstrated  the  wisdom  and  policy  of  raising  a  large  portion 
of  revenue,  for  the  support  of  Government,  from  duties  on  goods  imported.  The 
power  to  lay  these  duties  is  unquestionable,  and  its  chief  object,  of  course,  is  to  re- 
plenish the  Treasury.  But  if,  in  doing  this,  an  incidental  advantage  may  be  gained 
by  encouraging  the  industry  of  our  own  citizens,  it  is  our  duty  to  avail  ourselves  of 
that  advantage. 

A  duty  laid  upon  an  article  which  cannot  be  produced  in  this  country —  such  as 
tea  or  coffee  —  adds  to  the  cost  of  the  article,  and  is  chiefly  or  wholly  paid  by  the 
consumer.  But  a  duty  laid  upon  an  article  which  may  be  produced  here,  stimu- 
lates the  skill  and  industry  of  our  own  country  to  produce  the  same  article,  which 
is  brought  into  the  market  in  competition  with  the  foreign  article,  and  the  importer 
is  thus  compelled  to  reduce  his  price  to  that  at  which  the  domestic  article  can  be 
sold,  thereby  throwing  a  part  of  the  dutj'  upon  the  producer  of  the  foreign  article. 
The  continuance  of  this  process  creates  the  skill,  and  invites  the  capital,  which 
finally  enable  us  to  produce  the  article  much  cheaper  than  it  could  have  been  pro- 
cured from  abroad,   thcrebj'  benefiting  both  the   producer  and    the    consumer  at 


462  FILL  :M  ORE. 

home.  The  consequence  of  this  is,  that  the  artisan  and  the  agriculturist  are 
brought  together,  each  affords  a  ready  market  for  the  produce  of  the  other,  the 
-whole  counuy  becomes  prosperous,  and  the  ability  to  produce  every  necessary  of 
life  renders  us  independent  in  war  as  well  as  in  peace. 

A  high  tariff  can  never  be  permanent.  It  will  cause  dissatisfaction,  and  will  be 
changed.  It  excludes  competition,  and  thereby  invites  the  investment  of  capital 
in  manufactures  to  such  excess,  that  when  changed  it  brings  distress,  bankruptcy, 
and  ruin  upon  all  who  have  been  misled  by  its  faithless  protection.  What  the 
manufacturer  wants  is  uniformity  and  permanency,  that  he  may  feel  a  confidence 
that  he  is  not  to  be  ruined  by  sudden  changes.  liut  to  make  a  tariff  uniform  and 
l)crmanent,  it  is  not  only  necessary  that  the  law  should  not  be  altered,  but  that  the 
duty  should  not  fluctuate.  To  effect  this,  all  duties  should  be  specific,  wherever  the 
nature  of  the  article  is  such  as  to  admit  of  it.  Ad  valorem  duties  fluctuate  with  the 
price,  and  offer  strong  temptations  to  fraud  and  perjury.  Specific  duties,  on  the 
contrary,  are  equal  and  uniform  in  all  ports,  and  at  all  times,  and  offer  a  strong 
inducement  to  the  importer  to  bring  the  best  article,  as  he  pays  no  more  duty  upon 
that  than  upon  one  of  inferior  quality.  I  therefore  strongly  recommend  a  modifi- 
cation of  the  jjicsent  tariff,  which  has  prostrated  some  of  our  most  important  and 
necessary  manufactures,  and  that  specific  duties  be  imposed  sufficient  to  raise  the 
requisite  revenue,  making  such  discrimination  in  favor  of  the  industrial  pursuits  of 
our  own  country  as  to  tncourage  home  production  without  excluding  foreign  com- 
petition. It  is  also  important  that  an  unfortunate  provision  in  the  present  tariff, 
which  imjjoses  a  much  higher  duty  upon  the  raw  material  that  enters  into  our 
manufactures  than  upon  the  manufactured  article,  should  be  remedied. 

The  papers  accompanying  the  report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  will  disclose 
frauds  attempted  upon  llie  revenue,  in  variety  and  amount  so  great  as  to  justify 
tlic  cunclusioii  that  it  is  impossible,  under  any  system  of  ad  valorem  duties  levied 
upon  the  foreign  cost  or  value  of  the  article,  to  secure  an  honest  observance  and  an 
efieL-tual  administration  of  the  laws.  The  fraudulent  devices  to  evade  the  law, 
which  have  been  detected  by  the  vigilance  of  the  appraisers,  leave  no  room  to 
doubt  that  similar  impositions  not  discovered,  to  a  large  amount,  have  been  suc- 
cessfully practised  since  the  enactment  of  the  law  now  in  force.  This  state  of 
thiugs  has  already  had  a  prejudicial  influence  upon  those  engaged  in  foreign  com- 
merce. It  has  a  tendency  to  drive  the  honest  trader  from  the  business  of  importing, 
and  to  throw  that  importaiit  branch  of  employment  into  the  hands  of  unscrupulous 
and  dishonest  men,  who  are  alike  regardless  of  law  and  the  obligations  of  an  oath. 
iJy  these  means  the  plain  intentions  of  Congress,  as  expressed  in  the  law,  are  daily 
defeated.  Every  motive  of  policy  and  duty,  therefore,  impel  me  to  ask  the  earnest 
attention  of  Congress  to  this  subject.  If  Congress  should  deem  it  unwise  to  attempt 
any  important  changes  in  the  system  of  levying  duties  at  this  session,  it  will  become 
indispensable  to  the  protection  of  the  revenue  that  such  remedies  as,  in  the  judg- 
ment of  Congress,  may  mitigate  the  evils  complained  of,  should  be  at  once  apphed. 

As  before  stated,  specific  duties  would,  in  my  opinion,  afford  the  most  perfect 
remedy  for  this  evil ;  but  if  you  should  not  concur  in  this  view,  then,  as  a  partial 
remedy,  I  beg  leave  resijectfuUy  to  recommend  that,  instead  of  taking  the  invoice 
of  the  article  abroad  as  a  means  of  determining  its  value  here,  the  conx-ctness  of 
which  invoice  it  is  in  many  cases  impossible  to  verify,  the  law  be  so  changed  as  to 
require  a  home  valuation  or  appraisal,  to  be  regulated  in  such  manner  as  to  give,  as 
far  as  practicable,  uniformity  in  the  several  ports. 

There  being  no  mint  at  California,  I  am  infomied  that  the  laborers  in  the  mines 
are  compelled  to  dispose  of  their  gold  dust  at  a  large  discount.  This  appears  to  me 
to  be  a  heavy  and  unjust  tax  upon  the  labor  of  those  cmjjloyed  in  extracting  this 
precious  metal ;  and  I  doubt  not  you  vvill  be  disposed,  at  the  earliest  j^eriod  possible, 
to  reUeve  them  from  it  by  the  establishment  of  a  mint.  In  the  mean  time,  as  an 
assayer's  office  is  established  there,  I  would  respectfully  subnut  for  your  considera- 
tion the  propriety  of  authorizing  gold  bullion,  wliich  has  been  assa^-ed  and  stamped, 
to  be  received  in  payment  of  Uovernment  dues.  I  cannot  conceive  that  the  Treas- 
ury would  suffer  any  loss  by  such  a  provision,  which  will  at  once  raise  bullion  to  its 
par  value,  and  thereby  save  (if  1  am  rightly  informed)  many  millions  of  dollars  to 
the  laborers,  which  arc  now  paid  hi  brokerage  to  convert  this  precious  metal  into 


FILLMORE,  4G3 

available  funds.     This  discount  upon  their  hard  carninj^s  is  a  heavj'  tax,  and  every 
effort  should  he  made  by  the  Government  to  relieve  them  from  so  <,'roat  a  burden. 

More  than  three  fourths  of  our  jjopulation  arc  cn<5ai,'cd  in  the  cultivation  of  the 
soil.  The  commercial,  manufacturing,  and  navij^ating  interests  arc  all,  to  a  (^rcat 
extent,  de|jendent  on  the  aj^ricultural.  It  in,  therefore,  the  most  important  interest 
of  the  nation,  and  has  a  just  claim  to  the  fostering  care  and  protection  of  the  (iovern- 
nicnt,  so  far  as  they  can  bo  extendcnl  consistently  with  the  provisions  of  the  Consti- 
tution. As  this  cannot  be  done  by  the  ordinary  modes  of  lej^islation,  I  rcspoctfully 
recommend  the  establishmeiit  of  an  Agricultural  Bureau,  to  be  charged  with  thl- 
duty  of  giving  to  tiiis  leading  branch  of  American  industry  the  encouragement 
which  it  so  well  de-icrves.  In  view  of  the  immense  mineral  resources  of  our  coun- 
try, provision  should  also  bo  made  for  the  employment  of  a  competent  mincralo"ist 
and  chemist,  who  should  bo  required,  under  the  direction  of  the  head  of  the  bure'au, 
to  collect  specimens  of  the  various  minerals  of  our  country,  and  to  ascertain,  by 
careful  analysis,  their  respective  elements  and  properties,  and  their  adaptation  to 
useful  i)urposcs.  Ho  should  also  bo  reijuired  to  examine  and  report  ui)on  the  (jual- 
itics  of  different  soils,  and  the  manures  best  calculated  to  improve  their  productive- 
ness. By  publishing  the  results  of  such  experiments,  Avith  suitable  explanations, 
and  by  the  collection  and  distribution  of  rare  seeds  and  plants,  with  instructions  as 
to  the  best  system  of  cultivation,  much  may  be  done  to  promote  this  great  national 
interest. 

In  compliance  with,  the  act  of  Congress,  passed  on  the  23d  of  May,  18.50,  provid- 
ing, among  other  things,  for  taking  the  seventh  census,  a  superintendent  was  ap- 
pointed, and  all  other  measures  ado})tcd  which  were  deemed  necessary  to  insure  the 
prompt  and  faithful  performance  of  that  duty.  The  approi)riation  already  made 
will,  it  is  believed,  be  sufficient  to  defray  the  whole  expense  of  the  work  ;  but  fur- 
ther legislation  may  be  necessary  in  regard  to  the  compensation  of  some  of  the  mar- 
shals of  the  Territories.  It  will  also  be  proper  to  make  provision  by  law,  at  an  early 
day,  for  the  publication  of  suck  abstracts  of  the  returns  as  the  public  interests  may 
require. 

The  unprecedented  growth  of  our  Territories  on  the  Pacific  in  wealth  and  popu- 
lation, and  the  consequent  increase  of  their  social  and  commercial  relations  with  the 
Atlaiitic  States,  seem  to  render  it  the  duty  of  the  Government  to  use  all  its  consti-  ' 
tutiojial  power  to  improve  the  means  of  intercourse  with  them.  The  importance 
of  opening  "  a  line  of  communication,  the  best  and  most  expeditious  of  which  the 
nature  of  the  country  will  admit,"  between  the  valley  of  the  Mississippi  and  the 
Pacific,  was  brought  to  your  notice  by  my  predecessor,  in  his  annual  Message,  and 
as  the  reasons  which  he  presented  in  favor  of  the  measure  still  exist  in  full  force,  I 
beg  leave  to  call  your  attention  to  them,  and  to  repeat  the  recommendations  then 
made  by  him. 

The  uncertainty  which  exists  in  regard  to  the  validity  of  land  titles  iii  California, 
is  a  subject  wliich  demands  your  early  consideration.  Large  bodies  of  land  in  that 
State  are  claimed  under  grants  said  to  have  been  made  by  authority  of  the  Spanish 
and  Mexican  Governments.  Many  of  these  have  not  been  perfected,  others  have 
been  revoked,  and  some  are  believed  to  be  fraudulent.  But  until  they  shall  have 
been  judicially  investigated,  they  will  continue  to  retard  the  settlement  and  im- 
provement of  the  country.  I,  therefore,  respectfully  recommend  that  provision  be 
made  by  law  for  the  appointnient  of  commissioners  to  examine  all  such  claims  with 
a  view  to  their  linal  adjustment. 

I  also  beg  leave  to  call  your  attention  to  the  propriety  of  extending,  at  an  early 
day,  our  system  of  laud  laws,  with  such  modifications  as  may  be  necessary,  over  the 
State  of  California  and  the  Territories  of  Utah  and  New  Mexico.  The  mineral  lands 
of  California  will,  of  course,  form  an  exception  to  any  general  system  which  may 
be  adopted.  Various  methods  of  disposing  of  them  have  been  suggested.  I  was 
at  lirst  inclined  to  favor  the  system  of  leasing,  as  it  seemed  to  promise  the  largest 
revenue  to  the  Govcrmnent,  and  to  afford  the  best  security  against  monopolies  ;  but 
further  reflection,  and  our  experience  in  leasing  the  lead  mines  and  selling  lands 
upon  credit,  have  brought  my  mind  to  the  conclusion  that  there  would  be  great 
diihculty  in  collecting  the  rents,  and  that  the  relation  of  debtor  and  creditor,  be- 
tween the  citizens  and  the  Government,  would  be  attended  with  manv  mischievous 


464  FILLMORE. 

consequences.  I  therefore  recommend  that,  instead  of  retaining  the  mineral  lands 
under  the  permanent  control  of  the  Government,  they  be  divided  into  small  parcels, 
and  sold,  under  such  restrictions,  as  to  quantity  and  time,  as  will  insure  the  best 
price,  and  guard  most  effectually  against  combinations  of  capitahsts  to  obtain 
monopolies. 

The  annexation  of  Texas  and  the  acquisition  of  California  and  Xew  Mexico  have 
given  increased  importance  to  our  Indian  relaiions.  The  various  tribes  brought 
under  our  jurisdiction  by  these  enlargements  of  our  boundaries  are  estimated  to 
embrace  a  population  of  one  hundred  and  twenty-four  thousand. 

Texas  and  New  Mexico  are  surrounded  by  powerful  tribes  of  Indians,  who  are  a 
source  of  constant  terror  and  annoyance  to  the  inhabitants.  Separating  into  small 
predatory  bands,  and  always  mounted,  they  overrun  the  country,  devastating 
farms,  destroying  crops,  driving  oif  whole  herds  of  cattle,  and  occasionally  murder- 
ing the  inhabitants  or  carrying  them  into  captivity.  The  great  roads  leading  into 
the  country  are  infested  with  them,  whereby  travelling  is  rendered  extremely  dan- 
gerous, and  immigration  is  almost  entirely  arrested.  The  Mexican  frontier,  which, 
by  the  11th  article  of  the  treaty  of  Guadalupe  Hidalgo,  we  are  bound  to  protect 
against  the  Indians  within  our  border,  is  exposed  to  these  incursions  equally  with 
our  own.  The  military  force  stationed  in  that  country  (although  forming  a  large 
proportion  of  the  army)  is  represented  as  entirely  inadequate  to  our  own  protection 
and  the  fulfilment  of  our  treaty  stipulations  with  Mexico.  The  principal  deficiency 
is  in  cavalry,  and  I  recommend  that  Congress  should,  at  as  early  a  period  as  practica- 
ble, provide  for  the  raising  of  one  or  more  regiments  of  mounted  men. 

For  further  suggestions  on  this  subject,  and  others  connected  with  our  domestic 
interests,  and  the  defence  of  our  frontier,  I  refer  you  to  the  report  of  the  Secretary 
of  the  Interior  and  of  the  Secretary  of  War. 

I  commend  also  to  your  favorable  consideration  the  suggestion  contained  in  the 
last-mentioned  report,  and  in  the  letter  of  the  general-in-chief,  relative  to  the 
estabhshment  of  an  asylum  for  the  relief  of  disabled  and  destitute  soldiers.  This 
subject  appeals  so  strongly  to  your  sympathies,  that  it  would  be  superfluous  in  me 
to  say  any  thing  more  than  barely  to  express  my  cordial  approbation  of  the  pro- 
posed object.  ' 

The  navy  continues  to  give  protection  to  our  commerce  and  other  national  inter- 
ests in  the  different  quarters  of  the  globe,  and,  with  the  exception  of  a  single 
steamer  on  the  Northern  Lakes,  the  vessels  in  commission  are  distributed  in  sLx 
different  squadrons. 

The  report  of  the  head  of  that  Department  will  exhibit  the  services  of  these 
squadrons,  and  of  the  several  vessels  employed  in  each  during  the  past  year.  It  is 
a  source  of  gratification  that,  while  they  have  been  constantly  prepared  for  anj' 
hostile  emergency,  they  have  every  where  met  with  the  respect  and  courtesy  due  as 
well  to  the  dignity  as  to  the  peaceful  dispositions  and  just  purposes  of  the  nation. 

The  two  brigantines  accepted  by  the  Government  from  a  generous  citizen  of  New 
York,  and  placed  under  the  command  of  an  officer  of  the  navy,  to  proceed  to  the 
Arctic  Seas  in  quest  of  the  British  commander,  Sir  John  Franklin,  and  his  compan- 
ions, in  compliance  with  the  act  of  Congress,  approved  in  May  last,  had,  when  last 
heard  from,  penetrated  into  a  high  northern  latitude  ;  but  the  success  of  this  noble 
and  humane  enterprise  is  yet  uncertain. 

I  invite  your  attention  to  the  view  of  our  present  naval  establishment  and  re- 
sources presented  in  the  report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  and  the  suggestions 
thercm  made  for  its  improvement,  together  with  the  naval  policy  recommended  for 
the  security  of  our  Pacific  Coast,  and  the  protection  and  extension  of  our  commerce 
with  Eastern  Asia.  Our  facilities  for  a  larger  participation  in  the  trade  of  the  East, 
by  means  of  our  recent  settlements  on  the  shores  of  the  Pacific,  are  too  obvious  to 
be  overlooked  or  disregarded. 

The  questions  in  relation  to  rank  in  the  army  and  navy,  and  relative  rank  between 
officers  of  the  two  branches  of  the  service,  presented  to  the  Executive  by  certain 
resolutions  of  the  House  of  Kepresentatives,  at  the  last  session  of  Congress,  have 
been  submitted  to  a  board  of  officers  in  each  branch  of  the  service,  and  their  report 
may  be  e.xpected  at  an  early  day. 

I  also  earnestly  recommend  the  enactment  of  a  law  authorizing  officers  of  the 


F I  L  L  M  O  II E .  465 

army  and  navy  to  be  rclicvcfl  from  the  service,  -when  incompetent  for  it.s  vigorous 
and  active  duties,  taking  care  to  make  suitable  provision  for  those  who  liave  faith- 
fully served  their  country,  and  awarding  distinctions,  by  retaining  in  appropriate 
commands  those  who  have  been  particularly  conspicuous  for  gallantry  and  "ood 
conduct.  While  the  obligation  of  the  country  to  maintain  and  honor  those  wlio,  to 
the  exclusion  of  other  pursuits,  have  devoted  themselves  to  its  arduous  service, 
is  obvious,  this  obligation  should  not  be  permitted  to  interfere  with  the  efficiency  of 
the  service  itself. 

I  am  gratified  in  being  able  to  state,  that  the  estimates  of  expenditure  for  the 
navy  in  the  ensuing  year  arc  less,  by  more  than  one  million  of  dollars,  than  those 
of  the  present,  evcepting  the  appropriation  wliich  may  become  necessary  for  the 
construction  of  a  dock  on  the  coast  of  the  racilic,  propositions  for  which  are  now 
being  considered,  and  on  which  a  special  report  may  be  expected  early  in  your 
present  session. 

There  is  an  evident  justness  in  the  suggestion  of  the  same  report,  that  appropri- 
ations for  the  naval  service  i)roper  should  be  separated  from  those  for  fixed  and  per- 
manent objects,  such  as  building  docks  and  navy  yards,  and  the  fixtures  attached,  and 
from  the  extraordinary  objects  under  the  care  of  the  Department,  which,  however 
important,  arc  not  essentially  naval. 

A  revision  of  the  code  for  the  government  of  the  navy  seems  to  recjuire  the  im- 
mediate consideration  of  Congress.  Its  system  of  crimes  and  punishments  had 
undergone  no  change  for  half  a  century,  until  the  last  session,  though  its  defects 
have  been  often  and  ably  pointed  out,  and  the  abolition  of  a  particular  species  of 
corporal  punisliment,  which  then  took  place,  without  providing  any  substitute,  has 
left  the  service  in  a  state  of  defectiveness,  which  calls  for  prompt  correction.  I  there- 
fore recommend  that  the  whole  subject  be  revised  without  delay,  and  such  a  system 
established  for  the  enforcement  of  discii^line,  as  shall  be  at  once  humane  and  ef- 
fectual. 

The  accompanying  report  of  the  Postmaster  General  presents  a  satisfactory  view 
of  the  operations  and  condition  of  that  Department. 

At  the  close  of  the  last  fiscal  year,  the  length  of  the  inland  mail  routes  in  the 
United  States  (not  embracing  the  service  in  Oregon  and  California)  was  one  hundred 
and  seventy-eight  thousand  six  hundred  and  seventy-two  miles ;  the  annual  trans- 
portation thereon  forty-six  million  five  hundred  and  forty-one  thousand  four  huncked 
and  twenty- three  mUes  ;  and  the  annual  cost  of  such  transportation  two  million 
seven  hundred  and  twenty- four  thousand  four  hundred  and  twenty-six  dollars. 

The  increase  of  the  annual  transportation  over  that  of  the  preceding  year  was 
three  million  nine  hundred  and  ninety-seven  thousand  three  hundred  and  fifty-four 
miles,  and  the  increase  in  cost  was  three  hundred  and  forty-two  thousand  four 
hundred  and  forty  dollars. 

The  number  of  post-offices  in  the  United  States,  on  the  first  day  of  July  last,  was 
eighteen  thousand  four  hundred  and  seventeen  —  being  an  increase  of  sixteen  hun- 
dred and  seventy  during  the  preceding  year. 

The  gross  revenues  of  the  Department  for  the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1850, 
amounted  to  five  million  five  hundred  and  fifty- two  thousand  nine  hundred  and 
seventy-one  dollars  and  forty-eight  cents,  including  the  annual  appropriation  of 
two  hundred  thousand  dollars  for  the  franked  matter  of  the  departments,  and  ex- 
cluding the  foreign  postage  collected  for  and  payable  to  the  British  Government. 

The  expenditures  for  the  same  period  were  five  million  two  hundred  and  twelve 
thousand  nine  hundred  and  fifty-three  dollars  and  forty-three  cents  —  leaving  a 
balance  of  revenue  over  expenditures  of  three  hundred  and  forty  thousand  and 
eighteen  dollars  and  five  cents. 

1  am  happy  to  find  that  the  fiscal  condition  of  the  Department  is  such  as  to  justify 
the  I'ostmaster  General  in  recommending  the  reduction  of  our  inland  letter  postage 
to  tliree  cents  the  single  letter  when  prepaid,  and  five  cents  when  not  prepaid,  lie 
also  recommends  that  the  prepaid  rate  shall  be  reduced  to  two  cents  w^henever  the 
revenues  of  the  Department,  after  the  reduction,  shall  exceed  its  expenditures  by 
more  than  five  per  cent,  for  two  consecutive  years  ;  that  the  postage  upon  California 
and  other  letters  sent  by  our  ocean  steamers  shall  be  much  reduced ;  and  that  the 
rates  of  postage  on  newspapers,  pamphlets,  periodicals,  and  other  printed  matter 
shall  be  modified,  and  some  reduction  thereon  made.      /•/-. 


466  FILLMORE. 

It  cannot  be  doubted  that  the  proposed  reductions  will,  for  the  present,  dhninish 
the  revenues  of  the  Department.  It  is  believed  that  the  deficiency,  after  the  surplus 
already  accumulated  shall  be  exhausted,  may  be  almost  wholly  met,  either  by  aboUsh- 
ing  the  existing  privileges  of  sending  free  matter  through  the  mails,  or  by  paying  out 
of  the  Treasury  to  the  Post-Oflice  Department  a  sum  eqxdvalent  to  the  postage  of 
which  it  is  deprived  by  such  privileges.  The  last  is  supposed  to  be  the  preferable 
mode,  and  will,  if  not  entirely,  so  nearly  supply  that  deficiency  as  to  make  any  fur- 
ther appropriation  that  may  be  found  necessary  so  inconsiderable  as  to  form  no 
obstacle  to  the  proposed  reductions. 

I  entertain  no  doubt  of  the  authority  of  Congress  to  make  appropriations  for 
leading  objects  in  that  class  of  public  works  comprising  what  are  usually  called 
works  of  internal  improvement.  This  authority  I  suppose  to  be  derived  chiefly 
from  the  power  of  regulating  commerce' with  foreign  nations,  and  among  the  States, 
and  the  power  of  laying  and  collecting  imposts.  Where  commerce  is  to  be  carried 
on,  and  imposts  collected,  there  must  be  ports  and  harbors,  as  well  as  wharves  and 
custom-houses.  K  ships,  laden  with  valuable  cargoes,  approach  the  shore,  or  sail 
along  the  coast,  light-houses  are  suitable  points  for  the  protection  of  life  and  property. 
Other  facilities  and  securities  for  commerce  and  navigation  are  hardly  less  important ; 
and  those  clauses  of  the  Constitution,  therefore,  to  which  I  have  referred,  have 
received,  from  the  origin  of  the  Government,  a  liberal  and  beneficial  construction. 
Not  only  have  light-houses,  buoys,  and  beacons  been  established,  and  floating  lights 
maintained,  but  harbors  have  been  cleared  and  improved,  piers  constructed,  and 
even  breakwaters  for  the  safety  of  shipping,  and  sea  Avails  to  protect  harbors  from 
being  filled  up  and  rendered  useless  by  the  action  of  the  ocean,  have  been  erected 
at  very  great  expense.  And  this  construction  of  the  Constitution  appears  the  more 
reasonable  from  the  consideration,  that  if  these  works,  of  such  evident  importance 
and  utility,  are  not  to  be  accomplished  by  Congress,  they  camrot  be  accomplished  at 
all.  By  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution,  the  several  States  voluntarily  parted  with 
the  power  of  coUecting  duties  of  impost  in  their  own  ports  ;  and  it  is  not  to  be  ex- 
pected that  they  should  raise  money,  by  internal  taxation,  direct  or  indirect,  for  the 
benefit  of  that  commerce,  the  revenues  derived  from  which  do  not,  either  in  whole 
or  in  part,  go  into  their  own  treasuries.  Nor  do  I  perceive  any  difference  between 
the  power  of  Congress  to  make  appropriations  for  objects  of  this  kind  on  the  ocean 
and  the  power  to  make  appropriations  for  similar  objects  on  lakes  and  rivers,  when- 
ever they  are  large  enough  to  bear  on  their  waters  an  extensive  trafiic. 

The  magnificent  Mississippi  and  its  tributaries,  and  the  vast  lakes  of  the  north 
and  the  north-west,  appear  to  me  to  fall  within  the  exercise  of  the  power,  as  justly 
and  as  clearly  as  the  ocean  and  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  It  is  a  mistake  to  regard 
expenditures  judiciously  made  for  these  objects  as  expenditures  for  local  purposes. 
The  position,  or  site  of  the  work,  is  necessarily  local ;  but  its  utihty  is  general.  A 
ship-canal  around  the  Falls  of  St.  Mary,  of  less  than  a  mile  in  length,  thoiigh  local 
in  its  construction,  would  yet  be  national  in  its  purpose  and  its  benefits,  as  it  would 
remove  the  only  obstruction  to  a  navigation  of  more  than  a  thousand  miles,  affecting 
several  States,  as  well  as  our  commercial  relations  with  Canada.  So,  too,  the  break- 
water at  the  mouth  of  the  Delaware  is  erected,  not  for  the  exclusive  benefit  of  the 
States  bordering  on  the  bay  and  river  of  that  name,  but  for  that  of  the  whole  coast- 
wise navigation  of  the  United  States,  and  to  a  considerable  extent,  also,  of  foreign 
conamerce.  If  a  ship  be  lost  on  the  bar  at  the  entrance  of  a  southern  port  for  want 
of  sufiicient  depth  of  water,  it  is  very  likely  to  be  a  northern  ship  ;  and  if  a  steam- 
boat be  sunk  in  any  part  of  the  Mississippi,  on  account  of  its  channel  not  having 
been  properly  cleared  of  obstructions,  it  may  be  a  boat  belonging  to  either  of  eight 
or  ten  States.  I  may  add,  as  somewhat  remarkable,  that  among  all  the  thirty-one 
States  there  is  none  that  is  not,  to  a  greater  or  less  extent,  bounded  on  the  ocean,  or 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  or  one  of  the  great  lakes,  or  some  navigable  river. 

In  fulfilling  our  constitutional  duties,  fellow-citizens,  on  this  subject,  as  in 
carrying  into  eff'ect  all  other  powers  conferred  by  the  Constitution,  we  should 
consider  ourselves  as  deliberating  and  acting  for  one  and  the  same  country,  and 
bear  constantly  in  mind,  that  our  regard  and  our  duty  are  due,  not  to  a  particular 
part  only,  but  to  the  whole. 

I  therefore  recommend  that  appropriations  be  :nade  for  completing  such  works 


FILLMORE.  467 

as  have  boon  already  begun,  and  for  commencing  such  others  as  may  seem  to  the 
wisdom  of  Congress  to  l)e  of  public  and  general  importance. 

The  ditHcultics  and  delays  incident  to  the  settlement  of  private  claims  by  Con- 
gress, amount  in  many  cases  to  a  denial  of  justice.  There  is  reason  to  apprehend 
that  many  unfortunate  creditors  of  the  Government  have  thereby  been  unavoidably 
ruined.  Congress  has  so  much  business  of  a  public  character,  that  it  is  impossible 
it  should  give  much  attention  to  mere  private  claims,  and  their  accumulation  is 
now  so  great  that  many  claimants  must  despair  of  ever  being  able  to  obtain  a 
hearing.  It  may  well  be  doubted  whether  Congress,  from  the  nature  of  its  organ- 
ization, is  properly  constituted  to  decide  upon  such  cases.  It  is  impossible  that 
each  member  should  e.\aminc  the  merits  of  every  claim  on  which  he  is  compelled 
to  vote  ;  and  it  is  preposterous  to  ask  a  judge  to  decide  a  case  which  he  has  never 
heard.  Such  decisions  may,  and  frequently  must,  do  injustice  either  to  the  claimant 
or  the  Government,  and  I  perceive  no  better  remedy  for  this  growing  evil  than  the 
establishment  of  some  tribunal  to  adjudicate  upon  such  claims.  I  beg  leave, 
therefore,  most  respectfully,  to  recommend  that  provision  be  made  by  law  for  the 
appointment  of  a  commission  to  settle  all  private  claims  against  the  United  States ; 
and,  as  an  ex-  parte  hearing  must  in  all  contested  cases  be  very  unsatisfactory,  I  also 
recommend  the  appointment  of  a  solicitor,  whose  duty  it  shall  be  to  represent  the 
Government  before  such  commission,  and  protect  it  against  all  illegal,  fraudulent, 
or  unjust  claims  which  may  be  presented  for  their  adjudication. 

This  District,  which  has  neither  voice  nor  vote  in  your  deliberations,  looks  to 
you  for  protection  and  aid,  and  I  commend  all  its  wants  to  your  favorable  consider- 
ation, Avith  a  full  confidence  that  you  will  meet  them  not  only  with  justice,  but  with 
liberality.  It  should  be  borne  in  mind  that  in  this  city,  laid  out  by  Washington, 
and  consecrated  by  his  name,  is  located  the  Capitol  of  our  nation,  the  emblem  of 
our  Union  and  the  symbol  of  our  greatness.  Here  also  are  situated  aU  the  public 
buildings  necessary  for  the  use  of  the  Government,  and  all  these  are  exempt  from 
taxation.  It  should  be  the  pride  of  Americans  to  render  this  place  attractive  to 
the  people  of  the  whole  Republic,  and  convenient  and  safe  for  the  transaction  of 
the  public  business  and  the  preservation  of  the  public  records.  The  Government 
should,  therefore,  bear  a  liberal  proportion  of  the  burdens  of  all  necessary  and 
useful  improvements.  And,  as  nothing  could  contribute  more  to  the  health,  com- 
fort, and  safety  of  the  city,  and  the  security  of  the  public  buildings  and  records, 
than  an  abundant  sujjply  of  pure  water,  I  respectfully  recommend  that  you  make 
such  provisions  for  obtaining  the  same  as  in  your  wisdom  you  may  deem  proper. 

The  act  passed  at  your  last  session,  making  certain  propositions  to  Texas  for 
settling  the  disputed  boundary  between  that  State  and  the  Territory  of  New  Mexico, 
was,  immediately  on  its  passage,  transmitted  by  express  to  the  Governor  of  Texas, 
to  be  laid  by  him  before  the  General  Assembly  for  its  agreement  thereto.  Its 
receipt  was  duly  acknowledged,  but  no  official  information  has  yet  been  received 
of  the  action  of  the  General  Assembly  thereon ;  it  may,  however,  be  very  soon 
expected,  as,  by  the  terms  of  the  propositions  submitted,  they  were  to  have  been 
acted  upon  on  or  before  the  first  day  of  the  present  month. 

It  was  hardly  to  have  been  expected  that  the  series  of  measures  passed  at  your 
last  session,  with  the  view  of  healing  the  sectional  differences  which  had  sprung 
from  the  slavery  and  territorial  questions,  should  at  once  have  realized  their  benefi- 
cent purpose.  All  mutual  concession  in  the  nature  of  a  compromise  miist  neces- 
sarily be  unwelcome  to  men  of  extreme  opinions.  And  though  without  such 
concessions  our  Constitution  could  not  have  been  formed,  and  cannot  be  perma- 
nently sustained,  yet  we  have  seen  them  made  the  subject  of  bitter  controversy  in 
both  sections  of  the  Republic.  It  required  many  months  of  discussion  and  delibera- 
tion to  secure  the  concurrence  of  a  majority  of  Congress  in  their  favor.  It  would 
be  strange  if  they  had  been  received  with  immediate  approbation  by  people  and 
States,  prejudiced  and  heated  by  the  exciting  controversies  of  their  representatives. 
I  believe  those  measures  to  have  been  required  by  the  circumstances  and  condition 
of  the  country.  I  believe  they  were  necessary  to  allay  asperities  and  animosities 
that  were  rapidly  alienating  one  section  of  the  country  from  another,  and  destroy- 
ing those  fraternal  sentiments  which  are  the  strongest  supporters  of  the  Constitu- 
tion.    They  were  adopted  in  the  spirit  of  conciliation,  and  for  the  purpose  of 


468  FILLMORE. 

conciliation.  I  believe  that  a  great  majority  of  our  feUow-citizens  sympathize  in 
that  spirit  and  that  purpose,  and  in  the  main  approve,  and  are  prepared,  in  all 
respects,  to  sustain  these  enactments.  I  cannot  doubt  that  the  American  people, 
bound  together  by  kindred  blood  and  common  traditions,  still  cherish  a  paramount 
regard  for  the  Union  of  their  fathers ;  and  that  they  are  ready  to  relnike  any 
attempt  to  violate  its  integritj-,  to  disturb  the  compromises  on  which  it  is  based,  or 
to  resist  the  laws  which  have  been  enacted  under  its  authority. 

The  series  of  measures  to  which  I  have  alluded  are  regarded  by  me  as  a  settlement, 
in  principle  and  substance,  —  a  final  settlement,  —  of  the  dangerous  and  exciting 
subjects  which  they  embraced.  Most  of  these  subjects,  indeed,  are  beyond  your 
reach,  as  the  legislation  which  disposed  of  them  was,  in  its  character,  final  and 
irrevocable.  It  may  be  presumed,  from  the  opposition  which  they  all  encountered, 
that  none  of  those  measures  was  free  from  imperfections,  but  in  their  mutual 
dependence  and  connection  they  formed  a  system  of  compromise  the  most  concil- 
iatory, and  best  for  the  entire  country,  that  could  be  obtained  from  conflicting 
sectional  interests  and  opinions. 

For  this  reason  I  recommend  your  adherence  to  the  adjustment  established  by 
those  measures  until  time  and  experience  shall  demonstrate  the  necessity  of  further 
legislation  to  guard  against  evasion  or  abuse. 

By  that  adjustment  we  have  been  rescued  from  the  wide  and  boundless  agitation 
that  surrounded  us,  and  have  a  firm,  distinct,  and  legal  ground  to  rest  upon.  And 
the  occasion,  I  trust,  will  justify  me  in  exhorting  my  countrymen  to  rally  upon  and 
maintain  that  ground  as  the  best,  if  not  the  only  means,  of  restoring  peace  and 
quiet  to  the  country,  and  maintaining  inviolate  the  integrity  of  the  Union. 

And  now,  fellow- citizens,  I  cannot  bring  this  communication  to  a  close  without 
invoking  you  to  join  me  in  humble  and  devout  thanlcs  to  the  Great  Ruler  of  nations, 
for  the  multiplied  blessings  which  he  has  graciously  bestowed  upon  us.  His  hand, 
so  often  visible  in  our  preservation,  has  stayed  the  pestilence,  saved  us  from  foreign 
wars  and  domestic  disturbances,  and  scattered  plenty  throughout  the  land. 

Our  hberties,  religious  and  civil,  have  been  maintained;  the  fountains  of  knowl- 
edge have  aU  been  kept  open,  and  means  of  happiness  widely  spread  and  generally 
enjoyed,  greater  than  have  fallen  to  the  lot  of  any  other  nation.  And,  while 
deeply  penetrated  with  gratitude  for  the  past,  let  us  hope  that  His  aU-wisc  Provi- 
dence" will  so  guide  our  counsels,  as  that  they  shall  result  in  giving  satisfaction  to 
our  constituents,  securing  the  peace  of  the  country,  and  adding  new  strength  to 
the  united  Government  under  which  we  live. 

MILLARD  FILLMORE. 

Washington,  December  2,  1850. 

In  every  station  in  which  he  has  been  placed,  Mr.  Fillmore  has  shown 
himself  "  honest,  capable,  and  faithful  to  the  Constitution."  He  is  em- 
phatically one  of  the  people.  For  all  that  he  has  and  is,  he  is  indebted, 
under  God,  to  his  own  exertions,  the  faithful  performance  of  every  duty, 
and  steadfast  adherence  to  the  right.  Born  to  an  inheritance  of  compara- 
tive poverty,  he  struggled  with  difficulties  of  no  ordinary  character,  until 
he  has  reached  a  proud  eminence,  which  commands  the  admiration  of  his 
countrymen. 

It  is  the  peculiar  boast  of  our  country,  that  its  highest  honors  and  dig- 
nities are  the  legitimate  objects  of  ambition  to  the  humblest  in  the  land, 
as  well  as  to  those  most  favored  by  the  gifts  of  birth  and  fortune.  Ours 
is  a  government  of  the  people ;  and  from  the  people,  emphatically,  have 
sprung  those  who,  in  the  army  or  navy,  on  the  bench  of  justice,  or  in  the 
halls  of  legislation,  have  shed  the  brightest  lustre  on  the  page  of  our 
history.  So  universally,  almost,  is  this  the  case,  that  when  we  find  an 
instance  to  the  contrary,  of  one  born  to  a  fortune  and  enjoying  the  advan- 
taores  of  influential  connections,  rising  to  a  high  place  in  the  councils  of 


FILLMORE.  469 

the  nation,  the  exception  deserves  especial  note  for  its  rarity.  No  merit 
is  therefore  claimed  for  Millard  Fillmore  on  account  of  the  fact  that  from 
comparatively  humble  parentage  he  has  attained  liis  present  eminent 
position.  His  history,  however,  affords  a  useful  lesson,  as  showing  what 
may  be  accomplished  in  the  face  of  adverse  circumstances,  by  intellect, 
combined  with  energy,  perseverance,  and  strict  integrity,  in  a  public  and 
private  capacity. 

In  person,  Mr.  Fillmore  is  about  six  feet  in  height,  and  well  propor- 
tioned. Ilis  complexion  is  light,  and  the  expression  of  his  face  is  mild 
and  intelligent,  indicating  prominent  traits  of  character  by  which  he  is 
distinguished,  among  which  arc  energy,  benevolence,  and  strict  integrity. 
His  manners  are  plain  and  aflfable,  and  his  whole  deportment  such  as 
should  characterize  the  chief  magistrate  of  a  Republic. 


LIVES   OF   THE   SIGNERS. 


SAMUEL    ADAMS. 

The  memories  of  few  men  will  perhaps  be  cherished,  by  their  posterity 
with  a  more  jealous  and  grateful  admiration  than  those  of  the  patriotic 
individuals,  who  first  signed  the  political  independence  of  our  country. 
They  hazarded  by  tlie  deed  not  only  their  lands  and  possessions,  but  their 
personal  freedom  and  their  lives ;  and  when  it  is  considered  that  most 
of  them  were  in  the  vigor  of  existence,  gifted  with  considerable  fortunes, 
and  with  all  the  offices  and  emoluments  at  the  disposal  of  royalty  within 
their  reach,  the  sacrifice  which  they  risked  appears  magnified,  and  their 
disinterested  patriotism  more  worthy  of  remembrarjce.  Although  many 
of  them  can  rest  their  sole  claim  to  lasting  distinction  upon  the  one  great 
act  with  which  they  were  adventitiously  connected,  still  their  lives  present 
a  valuable  transcript  of  the  times  in  which  they  lived,  and  afford  exam- 
ples of  inflexible  honesty,  heroic  decision,  and  noble  energy  of  mind, 
quite  as  interesting  as  any  records  of  the  eccentricities  of  genius,  or  the 
grasping  efforts  of  ambition. 

Not  one  of  the  least  ardent  and  uncompromising  asserters  of  the  rights 
and  liberties  of  his  country,  was  the  subject  of  our  present  sketch — 
Samuel  Adams.  This  gentleman,  descended  from  a  respectable  family, 
which  emigrated  to  America  with  the  first  settlers  of  the  land,  was  born 
at  Quincy,  in  Massachusetts,  September  22d,  1722.  In  1736  he  became 
a  member  of  Harvard  College,  and  took  his  degree  of  Master  in  1743. 
On  this  latter  occasion,  he  proposed  the  following  question,  in  which  he 
maintained  the  affirmative :  "  Whether  it  be  lawful  to  resist  the  supreme 
magistrate,  if  the  commonwealth  cannot  be  otherwise  preserved  ?" 

On  quitting  the  university,  he  commenced  the  study  of  the  law ;  but  soon 
afterwards,  at  the  request  of  his  mother,  became  a  clerk  in  the  counting- 
house  of  Thomas  Gushing,  at  that  time  an  eminent  merchant.  The 
genius  of  Adams  was  not  suited  to  commercial  pursuits.  His  devotion 
to  politics,  and  his  interest  in  the  Avelfare  of  his  country,  diverted  his 
attention  from  his  own  business  concerns  ;  and  he  retired  from  his  mer- 
cantile connexions  poorer  by  far  than  when  he  entered  into  them.  In 
1763,  when  a  committee  was  appointed  by  the  people  of  Boston  to 
remonstrate  against  the  taxation  of  the  colonies  by  the  British  ministry, 
the  instructions  of  that  committee  were  drawn  by  Mr.  Adams,  and  gave 
a  powerful  proof  of  his  ability  and  zeal.  He  soon  became  an  influential 
leader  in  the  popular  assemblies,  and  was  bold  in  denouncing  the  oppres- 
sive acts  of  the  mother  country. 

In  1765,  he  was  chosen  a  representative  to  the  General  Court  of  the 

State,  from  the  town  of  Boston.     Here  he  soon  made  himself  conspicuous, 

and  became  clerk  of  the   legislative   body.     About  this  time  he  was  the 

author  of  several  spirited  essays,  and  plans  of  resistance  to  the  exactions 

A 


2  SAMUEL   ADAMS. 

of  the  British  ministry.  He  suggested  the  first  Congress  at  New  York, 
which  was  a  step  to  the  establishment  of  a  Continental  Congi-ess,  ten 
years  after. 

In  1770,  two  regiments  of  troops  were  quartered  in  the  town  of  Bos- 
ton, apparently  to  superintend  the  conduct  of  the  inhabitants.  This 
measure  loused  the  public  indignation  to  the  utmost,  and  soon  gave 
occasion  to  a  quarrel  between  a  party  of  soldiers  and  citizens,  in  which 
eleven  of  the  latter  were  killed  or  wounded,  by  a  guard,  under  the  com- 
mand of  Captain  Preston.  This  rencontre,  which  is  well  knoATn  under 
the  name  of  the  "  Boston  Massacre,"  and  will  long  remain  memorable  as 
the  first  instance  of  bloodshed  between  the  British  and  Americans,  did 
not  tend  to  allay  the  excitement  caused  by  the  presence  of  the  troops. 
On  the  following  morning  a  meeting  of  the  citizens  was  called,  and 
Samuel  Adams  first  rose  to  address  the  assembly.  His  style  of  eloquence 
was  bold  and  impressive,  and  few  could  exercise  a  more  absolute  control 
over  the  passions  of  a  multitude.  A  committee,  of  which  he  was  one, 
was  chosen  to  wait  upon  Governor  Hutchinson,  with  a  request  that  the 
troops  might  be  instantly  removed.  The  Governor  replied  that  the  troops 
were  not  under  his  command :  but  Adams,  with  his  usual  intrepidity, 
would  brook  no  prevarication  or  excuse,  and  declared  that  if  he  permitted 
them  to  remain,  it  would  be  at  his  peril.  The  Governor,  alarmed  at  the 
personal  danger  which  threatened  him,  finally  consented  to  the  demand, 
and  further  hostilities  were,  for  a  time,  suspended. 

The  injudicious  management  of  his  private  affairs  rendered  Mr.  Adams 
poor.  When  this  was  known  in  England  it  was  proposed  to  bribe  him, 
by  the  gift  of  some  lucrative  office.  A  suggestion  of  the  kind  being 
made  to  Governor  Hutchinson,  he  replied,  that  "  such  was  the  ob- 
stinacy and  inflexible  disposition  of  the  man,  that  he  could  never  be 
conciliated  by  any  office  or  gift  whatever."  A  higher  compliment  could 
not  have  been  paid  him.  The  ofTer  however  was  made,  it  is  said,  and 
rejected.  About  the  year  1773,  Governor  Gage  renewed  the  experiment. 
Colonel  Fenton  waited  upon  Mr.  Adams,  with  the  assurance  of  Governor 
Gage,  that  any  benefit  he  might  ask  would  be  conferred  on  him,  on  con- 
dition that  he  would  forsake  the  popular  faction  ;  while,  at  the  same  time, 
significant  threats  were  thrown  out  of  the  consequences  which  rnight 
ensue,  if  he  persisted  in  his  opposition  to  the  measures  of  the  ministry. 
The  reply  of  the  undaunted  patriot  was  characteristic  :  "  Go  tell  Governor 
Gage,"  said  he,  "  that  my  peace  has  long  since  been  made  with  the  King 
of  kings;  and  that  it  is  the  advice  of  Samuel  Adams  to  him,  no  longer 
to  insult  the  feelings  of  an  already  exasperated  people." 

Under  the  irritation  produced  by  this  answer,  Governor  Gage  issued  a 
proclamation,  which  comprehended  the  following  language  :  "  I  do  hereby, 
in  his  majesty's  name,  offer  and  promise  his  most  gracious  pardon  to  all 
persons,  who  shall  forthwith  lay  down  their  arms,  and  return  to  the  duties 
of  peaceable  subjects  :  excepting  only  from  the  benefits  of  such  pf>.rdon, 
Samuel  Adams,  and  John  Hancock,  whose  offences  are  of  too  flagiU'^us 
a  nature  to  admit  of  ir.y  other  consideration  but  that  of  condign  punish- 
ment." 

Mr.  Adams  was  a  member  of  the  first  Continental  Congress,  which 


JOSiAH   BARTLETT.  3 

assemhleil  in  Philadelphia,  in  1774  ;  and  he  remained  an  active  member  of 
that  body  until  the  year  1781.  During  this  period,  he  was  one  of  the 
warmest  advocates  for  the  declaration  of  American  independence.  After 
that  declaration  had  been  irrevocably  adopted,  and  when  the  subsequent 
gloom  which  overspread  the  land  had  depressed  the  spirits  of  tlie  most  ar- 
dent advocates  of  liberty,  the  firmness  and  enthusiasm  of  Mr.  Adams  wer'^ 
unchanged.  His  example  contributed  in  a  high  degree  to  inspire  his  coun- 
Irj'mcn  with  a  confidence  of  their  final  success.  The  foUowinir  encomium 
upon  him  is  from  a  work  upon  the  American  rebellion,  by  Mr.  Galloway, 
published  in  England,  in  17S0  :  "He  cats  little,  drinks  little,  sleeps  little, 
thinks  much,  and  is  most  indefatigable  in  the  pursuit  of  his  object.  It  was 
this  man,  who,  by  his  superior  application,  managed  at  once  the  factions 
in  Congress  at  Philadelphia,  and  the  factions  of  New  England." 

In  1781,  Mr.  Adams  retired  from  Congress:  but  having  already  been 
a  member  of  the  Convention  which  formed  the  Constitution  of  his  native 
State,  he  was  placed  in  the  Senate,  and  for  several  years  presided  over 
that  body.  In  1789,  he  was  elected  Lieutenant-Governor,  in  which  office 
he  continued  till  1794;  when,  upon  the  death  of  Hancock,  he  was  chosen 
Governor,  and  was  annually  re-elected  till  1797,  when  he  retired  from 
public  life.  He  died  October  2d,  1803,  at  the  advanced  age  of  eighty- 
two. 

In  his  person,  Mr.  Adams  was  only  of  the  middle  size,  but  his  counte- 
nance indicated  great  decision  of  purpose  and  an  energetic  mind.  He 
was  a  sincere  and  practical  Christian  ;  and  the  last  production  of  his 
pen  was  in  favor  of  Christian  truth.  His  writings  were  voluminous, 
but  as  they  chiefly  related  to  the  temporary  politics  of  the  day,  few  of 
them  remain.  He  always  manifested  a  singular  indifTerence  to  pecuniary 
considerations.  He  was  poor  while  he  lived ;  and,  it  has  been  said,  that 
had  not  the  death  of  an  only  son  relieved  the  poverty  of  his  latter  days, 
Samuel  Adams  would  have  had  to  claim  a  burial  from  private  charity, 
or  at  the  public  expense. 


JOSIAH    BARTLETT. 

JosiAH  Bartlett,  Governor  of  New  Hampshire,  and  the  first  from 
that  State  who  signed  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  was  born  in  Ames- 
bury,  Massachusetts,  in  1729.  Without  the  advantages  of  a  coiiegiate 
education,  but  possessing  a  competent  knowledge  of  the  Greek  and  Latin 
languages,  he  commenced  the  study  of  medicine  at  the  age  of  sixteen. 
After  devoting  himself  for  five  years  to  the  acquisition  of  the  necessary 
knowledge  and  experience,  he  commenced  the  practice  of  his  profession 
at  Kingston,  in  the  year  1750.  Here  he  soon  obtained  very  considerable 
reputation,  and  introduced  many  efficacious  changes  in  the  treatment  of 
several  diseases. 

In  the  year  1765,  Doctor  Bartlett  was  elected  to  the  Legislature  oi  the 
province  of  New  Hampshire,  from  the  town  of  Kingston.     In  his  legis- 


4  JOSIAH   BARTLETT. 

lative  capacity,  he  was  a  determined  opposer'  of  the  mercenary  viii-ws  of 
the  royal  Governor,  John  Wentworth,  who,  desiring  to  conciliate  him  tu 
his  interest,  appointed  him  justice  of  the  peace.  This,  though  a  trivial 
distinction,  was  a  token  of  the  Governor's  respect  for  his  talents  and 
influence.  Doctor  Bartlett  accepted  the  appointment,  but  continued  firm 
in  his  opposition.  His  attachment  to  the  patriotic  side,  and  the  spirit 
with  which  he  resisted  the  royal  exactions,  soon  afterwards  produced  his 
dismissal  from  the  commission  of  justice  of  the  peace,  as  also  from  a 
command  which  he  held  in  the  militia. 

In  1774,  a  Convention  was  convoked  at  Exeter,  for  the  purpose  of 
choosing  deputies  to  the  Continental  Congress,  which  was  to  meet  at 
Philadelphia.  In  this  Convention,  Doctor  Bartlett,  and  John  Pickering, 
a  lawyer  of  Portsmouth,  were  appointed  delegates  to  Congress  ;  but  the 
former,  having  a  little  previously  lost  his  house  by  fire,  was  obliged  to 
decline  theMaonor.  The  latter  gentleman  wishing  likewise  to  be  excused, 
others  were  chosen  in  their  stead.  From  this  time  the  political  difficul- 
ties in  New  Hampshire  increased.  At  length  Governor  Wentworth  found 
it  expedient  to  retire  on  board  a  man  of  war  then  lying  in  the  harbor  of 
Portsmouth  ;  and  soon  after  issued  his  proclamation,  adjourning  the  State 
Assembly  till  the  following  April.  This  act,  however,  was  disregarded, 
and  soon  terminated  the  royal  government  in  New  Hampshire,  after  it 
had  existed  there  for  a  period  of  ninety  years. 

In  September,  1775,  Doctor  Bartlett,  who  had  been  elected  to  the  Con- 
tinental Congress,  took  his  seat  in  that  body.  Here  having  largely 
participated  in  an  unwearied  devotion  to  business,  his  health  was  conside- 
rably impaired:  but  in  a  second  election,  the  ensuing  year,  he  was  again 
chosen  a  delegate  to  the  same  body.  He  was  present  on  the  memorable 
occasion  of  taking  the  vote  on  the  question  of  a  declaration  of  indepen- 
dence. On  putting  the  question,  it  was  agreed  to  begin  with  the 
northernmost  colony.  Doctor  Bartlett,  therefore,  had  the  honor  of  being 
the  first  to  vote  for,  and  the  first  after  the  President,  to  sign  the  Declaration 
of  Independence. 

In  August,  1778,  a  new  election  taking  place.  Doctor  Bartlett  was 
again  chosen  a  delegate  to  Congress.  He  continued  at  Philadelphia, 
however,  but  a  small  part  of  the  session  ;  and  his  domestic  concerns 
requiring  his  attention,  he  resided  the  remaining  part  of  his  life  in  New 
Hampshire.  In  1779,  he  was  appointed  Chief  Justice  of  the  Court  of 
Common  Pleas.  In  1782,  he  became  an  Associate  Justice  of  the  Supreme 
Court,  and  in  1788,  was  advanced  to  the  head  of  the  bench.  Doctor  Bart 
lett  was  a  member  of  the  Convention  which  adopted  the  present  Consti 
tution  of  the  State  ;  and  by  his  zeal  greatly  aided  its  ratification.  ^  In 
1789,  he  was  elected  a  Senator  to  Congress ;  but  his  age  and  infirmities 
induced  him  to  decline  the  honor.  In  1793  he  was  elected  first  Governor 
of  the  State,  which  office  he  filled  with  his  usual  fidelity  and  good  sense, 
until  the  infirm  state  of  his  health  obliged  him  to  resign,  and  retire  wholly 
from  public  life.  He  did  not  remain  long,  however,  to  enjoy  the  repose 
which  he  coveted;  but  died  on  the  19th  of  May,  17.95,  in  the  sixty-sixth 
year  of  his  age. 

The  patriotism  of  this  eminent  man  was  of  a  pure  and  highly  disinte- 


CARTER   BRAXTON. 


rested  nraure  He  rose  lo  distinclion  unaided  by  family  influence  or 
party  connexi  )ns  ;  and  maintained  through  life  a  reputation  for  p'rirt 
integrity,  great  penetration  of  mind,  and  considerable  abilities. 


CARTER    BRAXTON. 


Cartf.r  Braxton  was  born  in  Newington,  Virginia,  on  the  10th  of 
Sepieiiiber,  1736.  His  father  was  a  wealthy  planter,  and  his  mother 
the  daughter  of  Robert  Carter,  who  was  for  some  lime  a  member,  and 
the  President  of  the  King's  council. 

Carter  Braxton  was  liberally  educated  at  the  college  of  William  and 
Mary ;  and  on  his  father's  death,  he  became  possessed  of  a  considerable 
fortune,  consisting  principally  of  land  and  slaves.  At  the  early  age  of 
nineteen,  he  received  a  large  accession  to  his  estate  by  marriage.  But 
having  the  misfortune  to  lose  his  wife,  he  soon  after  embarked  for  Eng- 
land, with  the  view  of  improving  himself  by  travel.  He  returned  to 
AmerKa  in  1760;  and  the  following  year  was  married  to  a  daughter  of 
Richard  Corbin,  of  Lannerville,  by  whom  he  had  sixteen  children.  Mr. 
Braxton  did  not  study  any  profession,  but  became  a  gentleman  planter. 
and  lived  in  a  style  of  hospitality  and  splendor,  which  was  not  incom- 
mensurate with  his  means.  Upon  his  return Trom  Europe,  he  was  called 
to  a  seat  in  the  House  of  Burgesses,  where  he  was  characterized  for  his 
patriotic  zeal  and  firmness,  in  all  the  duties  which  he  was  called  upon  to 
discharge. 

In  1775,  Mr.  Braxton  was  elected  a  delegate  to  Congress.  In  that 
body  he  soon  after  took  his  seat,  and  was  present  on  the  occasion  of 
signing  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  In  June,  1776,  the  Conven- 
tion of  Virginia  reduced  the  number  of  their  delegates  in  Congress,  and, 
in  consequence,  he  was  omitted.  Mr.  Braxton  was  a  member  of  the 
first  General  Assembly,  under  the  republican  Constitution,  which  met  at 
Williamsburg.  Here  he  had  the  honor  of  receiving,  in  connexion  with 
Thomas  Jefferson,  an  expression  of  the  public  thanks  for  the  "  diligence 
ability,  and  integrity,  with  which  they  executed  the  important  trust 
reposed  in  them,  as  delegates  in  the  general  Congress." 

In  17S6,  he  became  a  member  of  the  Council  of  State,  which  office 
he  held  until  the  30th  of  March,  1791.  After  an  interval  of  a  few 
years,  during  which  he  occupied  a  seat  in  the  House  of  Delegates,  he 
was  re-elected  into  the  Executive  Council.  He  died  on  the  10th  of 
October,  1797,  by  means  of  an  attack  of  paralysis. 

Mr.  Braxton  was  a  gentleman  of  a  polished  mind,  of  considerable 
conversational  powers,  and  respectable  talents.  His  latter  days  were 
unfortunately  clouded  by  pecuniary  embarrassments,  caused  by  the 
miscarriage  of  his  commercial  speculations,  and  by  several  vexatious 
lawsuits.  Of  his  numerous  family,  but  one  daughter,  it  is  believed, 
sur\^vo«. 


CHARIiES   CARROLL. 

Charles  Carroll  was  a  descendant  of  Daniel  Carroll,  an  Irish  gen- 
I'leman,  who  emigrated  from  England  to  America  about  the  year  1689. 
He  settled  in  the  province  of  Maryland,  where,  a  few  years  after,  he 
received  the  appointment  of  Judge,  and  Register  of  the  land  office,  and 
became  agent  for  Lord  Baltimore. 

Charles  Carroll,  the  father  of  the  subject  of  the  present  sketch,  was 
born  in  1702.  His  son,  Charles  Carroll,  surnamed  of  CarroUton,  was 
horn  September  8,  1737,  0.  S.  at  Annapolis,  in  the  province  of  Mary- 
land. 

At  the  age  of  eight  years,  he  was  sent  to  France  for  the  purpose  of 
obtaining  an  education.  He  was  placed  at  a  college  of  English  Jesuits, 
at  St.  Omer's,  where  he  remained  for  six  years.  Afterwards  he  staid 
some  time  at  Rheims,  whence  he  was  removed  to  the  college  of  Louis 
le  Grand.  On  leaving  college,  he  entered  upon  the  study  of  the  civil 
law,  at  Bourges ;  from  which  place  he  returned  to  Paris,  where  he  re- 
mained till  1757,  in  which  year  he  removed  to  London,  and  commenced 
the  study  of  law.  He  returned  to  America  in  1764,  an  accomplished 
scholar,  and  an  accomplished  man.  Although  he  had  lived  abroad,  and 
might  naturally  be  supposed  to  have  imbibed  a  predilection  for  the  mo- 
larchical  institutions  of  Eutope,  he  entered  with  great  spirit  into  the 
controversy  between  the  colonies  and  Great  Britain,  which,  about  the 
time  of  his  arrival,  was  beginning  to  assume  a  most  serious  aspect. 

A  few  years  following  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act,  the  violent  ex- 
citement occasioned  by  that  measure,  in  a  degree  subsided  throughout 
all  the  colonies.  In  this  calmer  state  of  things  the  people  of  Maryland 
participated.  But  about  the  year  1771,  gi'eat  commotion  was  excited  in 
that  province,  in  consequence  of  the  arbitrary  conduct  of  Governor  Eden 
and  his  council,  touching  the  fees  of  the  civil  officers  of  the  Colonial 
Government. 

The  controversy  which  grew  out  of  this,  became  exceedingly  spirited. 
It  involved  the  great  principles  of  the  revolution.  Several  writers  of 
distinguished  character  enlisted  themselves  on  different  sides  of  the 
question.  Among  these  writers,  no  one  was  more  conspicuous  than  Mr. 
Carroll.  The  natural  consequence  of  his  firmness  in  defence  of  the 
rights  of  the  people  was,  that  great  confidence  was  reposed  in  him  on 
their  part,  and  he  was  looked  up  to  as  one  who  was  eminently  qualified 
to  lead  in  the  great  struggle  which  was  approaching  between  the  colo- 
nies and  the  parent  country. 

An  anecdote  is  related  of  Mr.  Carroll,  which  will  illustrate  his  influ- 
ence with  the  people  of  Maryland.  By  a  resolution  of  the  delegates  of 
Maryland,  on  the  22d  day  of  June,  1774,  the  importation  of  tea  was 
prohibited.  Sometime  after,  however,  a  vessel  arrived  at  Annapolis, 
having  a  quantity  of  this  article  on  board.  This  becoming  known,  the 
people  assembled  in  great  multitudes,  to  take  effectual  measures  to  pre- 
vent its  being  landed.  At  length  the  excitement  became  so  high,  that 
the  personal  safety  of  the  captain  of  the  vessel  became  endangered.     In 


CHARLES   CARROLL.  7 

this  state  of  things,  tlie  friends  of  the  captain  niade  application  to  Mr. 
Carroll,  to  interpose  his  influence  with  the  people  in  his  behalf.  The 
public  indignation  was  too  great  to  be  easily  allayed.  This  Mr.  Carroll 
perceived,  and  advised  the  captain  and  his  friends,  as  the  only  probable 
means  of  safety  to  himself,  to  set  fire  to  the  vessel,  and  ourn  it  to  the 
water's  edge.  This  alternative  was  indeed  severe ;  but,  as  it  was  ob- 
viously a  measure  of  necessity,  the  vessel  was  drawn  out,  her  sails  were 
set,  her  colors  unfurled,  in  which  attitude  the  fire  was  applied  to  her, 
and,  in  the  presence  of  an  immense  concourse  of  people,  she  was  con- 
svimed.  This  atonement  was  deemed  satisfactory,  and  the  captain  was 
no  farther  molested. 

In  the  early  part  of  1776,  Mr.  Carroll,  whose  distinguished  exertions 
in  Maryland  had  become  extensively  known,  was  appointed  by  Congress, 
in  connexion  with  Dr.  Franklin  and  Samuel  Chase,  on  a  commission  to 
proceed  to  Canada,  to  persuade  the  people  of  that  province  to  relinquish 
their  allegiance  to  the  crown  of  England,  and  unite  with  the  Americans 
in  their  struggle  for  independence. 

In  the  discharge  of  their  duties,  the  commissioners  met  with  unexpect- 
ed difficulties.  The  defeat  and  death  of  Montgomery,  together  with  the 
compulsion  which  the  American  troops  found  it  necessary  to  exercise,  in 
obtaining  the  means  of  support  in  that  province,  conspired  to  diminish 
the  ardor  of  the  Canadians  in  favor  of  a  union  with  the  colonies,  and 
even,  at  length,  to  render  them  hostile  to  the  measure.  To  conciliate 
their  affections,  and  to  bring  to  a  favorable  result  the  object  of  their  mis- 
sion, the  commissioners  employed  their  utmost  ingenuity  and  influence. 
They  issued  their  proclamations,  in  which  they  assured  the  people  of  the 
disposition  of  Congress  to  remedy  the  temporary  evils,  which  the  inhabi- 
tants suffered  in  consequence  of  the  presence  of  the  American  troops,  so 
soon  as  it  should  be  in  their  power  to  provide  specie,  and  clothing,  and 
provisions.  A  strong  tide,  however,  was  now  setting  against  the  Ameri- 
can colonies,  the  strength  of  which  was  much  increased  by  the  Roman 
Catholic  priests,  who,  as  a  body,  had  always  been  opposed  to  any  con- 
nexion with  the  United  Colonies.  Despairing  of  accomplishing  the 
wishes  of  Congress,  the  commissioners  at  length  abandoned  the  object, 
and  returned  to  Philadelphia. 

The  gi'eat  subject  of  independence  was,  at  this  time,  undergoing  a  dis- 
cussion in  the  hall  of  Conrvess.  The  Maryland  delegation,  in  that  body, 
had  been  instructed  by  theii  Convention  to  refuse  their  assent  to  a  declara- 
tion of  independence.  On  returning  to  Maryland,  Mr,  Carroll  resumed 
his  seat  in  the  Convention,  and,  with  the  advocates  of  a  declaration  of 
independence,  urged  the  withdrawal  of  the  above  instructions,  and  the 
gi-anting  of  power  to  their  delegates  to  unite  in  such  a  declaration.  The 
friends  of  the  measure  had  at  length  the  happiness,  on  the  2Sth  of  June, 
of  procuring  a  new  set  of  instructions,  which  secured  the  vote  of  the 
important  province  of  Maryland  in  favor  of  the  independence  of 
America. 

On  the  same  day  on  which  the  great  question  was  decided  in  Congress, 
in  favor  of  a  declaration  of  independence,  Mr.  Carroll  was  electtd  a  dele* 


8  CHARLES    CARROLL. 

gate  to  that  body  from  Maryland,  and  accordingly  took  his  seat  on  the 
eighteenth  of  the  same  month. 

Although  not  a  member  of  Congi'ess  at  the  time  the  question  of  a  de- 
claration of  independence  was  settled,  Mr.  Carroll  had  the  honor  of 
greatly  contributing  to  a  measure  so  auspicious  to  the  interests  of  his 
country,  by  assisting  in  procuring  the  withdrawal  of  the  prohibiting  in- 
structions, and  the  adoption  of  a  new  set,  by  which  the  Maryland  dele- 
gates found  themselves  authorized  to  vote  for  independence.  He  had 
the  honor,  also,  of  affixing  his  signature  to  the  declaration  on  the  second 
of  August,  at  which  time  the  members  generally  sigi:ied  an  engrossed 
copy,  which  had  been  prepared  for  that  purpose. 

A  signature  to  the  declaration,  Avas  an  important  step  for  every  m- 
dividual  member  of  Congress.  It  exposed  the  signers  of  it  to  the  con- 
fiscation of  their  estates,  and  the  loss  of  life,  should  the  British  arms 
prove  victorious.  Few  men  had  more  at  stake  in  respect  to  property 
than  Mr.  Carroll,  he  being  considered  the  richest  individual  in  the  colo- 
nies. But  wealth  was  of  secondary  value  in  his  estimation,  in  com- 
parison with  the  rights  and  liberties  of  his  country.  When  asked 
whether  he  would  annex  his  name,  he  replied,  "most  willingly,"  and 
seizing  a  pen,  instantly  subscribed  "  to  this  record  of  glory."  "  There 
go  a  few  millions,"  said  some  one  who  watched  the  pen  as  it  traced  the 
name  of  "  Charles  Carroll,  of  Carrollton,"  on  the  parchment.  Millions 
would  indeed  have  gone,  for  his  fortune  was  princely,  had  not  success 
crowned  the  American  arms,  in  the  long  fought  contest. 

Mr.  Carroll  was  continued  a  member  of  Congress  until  1778,  at  which 
time  he  resigned  his  seat  in  that  body,  and  devoted  himself  more  par- 
ticularly to  the  interests  of  his  native  State.  He  had  served  in  her  Con- 
vention in  1776,  in  the  latter  part  of  which  year  he  had  assisted  in  draft- 
ing her  Constitution.  Soon  after,  the  new  Constitution  went  into  opera- 
tion, and  Mr.  Carroll  was  chosen  a  member  of  the  Senate  of  Maryland. 
In  1781  he  was  re-elected  to  the  same  station,  and  in  1788,  on  the 
adoption  of  the  Federal  Constitution,  was  chosen  to  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States. 

In  1791,  Mr.  Carroll  relinquished  his  seat  in  the  National  Senate,  and 
was  again  called  to  the  Senate  of  his  native  State.  This  office  he  con- 
tinued to  hold  until  1804,  at  which  time  the  democratic  party  was  suc- 
cessful in  electing  their  candidate,  to  the  exclusion  of  this  long  tried  and 
faithful  patriot.  At  this  time,  Mr.  Carroll  took  leave  of  public  life,  and 
sought  in  retirement  the  quiet  enjoyment  of  his  family  circle. 

Since  the  date  of  his  retirement  from  public  office,  few  incidents  have 
occurred  in  the  life  of  this  worthy  man,  which  demand  particular  notice. 
Like  a  peaceful  stream,  his  days  glided  along,  and  continued  to  be 
lengthened  out,  till  the  generation  of  illustrious  men,  with  whom  he 
acted  on  the  memorable  fourth  of  July,  1776,  had  all  descended  to  the 
♦.omb.     He  died  in  1832. 

"  These  last  thirty  years  of  his  life,"  says  a  recent  writer,  "  have  passed 
away  in  serenity  and  happiness,  almost  unparalleled  in  the  history  of 
man.  He  has  enjoyed,  as  it  were,  an  Indian  summer  of  existence,  a 
tranquil  and  lovely  period,  when  the  leaves  of  the  forest  are  richly  va- 


1=. 


CHARLES    CARROLL.  9 

negated,  but  not  yet  seared;  when  tlie  parent  bird  and  the  spring-  nesrt- 
ling  are  of  tlie  same  flock,  and  move  on  equal  wing ;  when  the  day  of 
increase  and  the  day  of  the  necessity  of  provisions  are  gone  ;  when  the 
fruits  of  the  earth  are  abundant,  and  the  lakes  of  the  woods  arc  smooth 
and  joyous  as  if  reflecting  the  bowers  of  Eden.  Such  an  Indian  summer 
has  this  patriot  enjoyed  :  his  life  has  been  thrice,  yea,  four  times  blessed  ; 
blessed  in  his  birth  and  education,  in  his  health,  in  his  basket,  and  in  his 
store ;  blessed  in  his  numerous  and  honorable  progeny,  which  extend  to 
several  generations  ;  blessed  in  the  protracted  measure  of  his  days,  in 
which  have  been  crowded  the  events  of  many  centuries ;  and  blessed  in 
the  wonderful  prosperity  of  his  country,  whose  population  has  since  his 
birth  increased  from  nine  hundred  thousand  souls  to  more  than  twelve 
millions,  enjoying  the  blessings  of  freemen.  It  is,  perhaps,  from  the 
fact,  that  the  world  think  it  quite  enough  for  one  mortal  that  he  should 
be  virtuous,  prosperous,  afid  enjoy  a  green  old  age,  that  an  analysis  of 
his  intellectual  powers,  or  a  description  of  his  rare  attainments,  has  sel- 
dom been  attempted  ;  but  talents  and  attainments  he  had,  that  made  him 
one  of  the  most  successful  of  the  business  men  of  the  momentous  period 
in  which  he  lived — a  period  when  that  which  the  head  conceived  the 
hands  were  ready  to  execute.  There  were  too  few  at  that  time,  and 
those  too  zealous,  to  make  the  proper  division  of  labor.  The  senator 
armed  for  the  field,  and  the  soldier  met  with  the  Conscript  Fathers." 

"Mr.  Carroll  was  an  orator.  His  eloquence  was  of  the  smooth,  gentle, 
satisfactory  kind,  delighting  all,  and  convincing  many.  It  is  not  pre- 
tended that,  like  John  Adams,  he  came  down  upon  his  hearers  as  with 
the  thunder-blast  from  Sinai,  raising  the  tables  of  independence  on  high, 
and  threatening  in  his  wrath  to  break  them  if  they  were  not  received  by 
the  people  ;  nor  that,  like  Dickinson,  he  exhausted  rhetoric  and  metaphy- 
sics to  gain  his  end,  and  was  forever  striving  to  be  heard;  but  Carroll 
came  to  his  subject  well  informed,  thoroughly  imbued  with  its  spirit,  and 
with  happy  conceptions  and  graceful  delivery,  and  with  chaste  and  deli- 
cate language,  he,  without  violence,  conquered  the  understandings,  and 
led  captive  the  senses  of  his  hearers.  All  was  natural,  yet  sweet  and 
polished  as  education  could  make  it.  He  never  seemed  fatigued  with 
his  labors,  nor  faint  with  his  exertions.  His  blood  and  judgment  were 
so  well  commingled,  that  his  highest  efforts  were  as  easy  and  natural  as 
if  he  had  been  engaged  in  the  course  of  ordinary  duties.  This  happy 
faculty  still  continues  with  the  patriarch,  for  his  conversation  has  now 
that  elegant  vivacity  and  delicacy  that  characterized  the  sage  Nr>:ior  of 
elder  times,  whose  words  fell  like  vernal  snows,  as  he  spake  to  the 
people. 

"  His  serenity,  and  in  no  small  degree,  perhaps,  his  longevity,  may  be 
owing  to  the  permanency  of  his  principles.  In  early  life  he  founded  his 
political  creed  on  the  rights  of  man,  and  reposing  his  faith  in  the  religion 
of  his  fathers,  he  has  felt  none  of  those  vacillations  and  changes  so  com- 
mon in  times  of  political  or  religious  agitations.  It  were  good  for  the 
nation  that  he  should  long  continue  among  us,  for  in  his  presence  all 
party  feuds  are  hushed ;  and  the  demagogue,  accustomed  to  vociferate 
"elsewhere,  in  his  vani.y  to  be  heard,  talks  not  above  his  breath  when  Uie 
B 


10  CHARLES    CARROLL. 

aged  patriot  is  near.  In  a  republic  where  titles  are  not  known,  we  ought 
to  make  a  peerage  of  talents,  virtues,  patriotism,  and  age,  that  every 
youth  may  learn  to  admire,  respect,  and  imitate  the  wise  and  good. 
With  all  our  wishes  for  his  stay  here  on  earth,  the  patriarch  must  soon 
be  gathered  to  his  fathers,  and  his  name  given  to  the  historian  and  the 
poet.  The  bard  shall  then  strike  his  harp  and  sing,  '  in  strains  not  light 
nor  melancholy,'  but  with  admiration,  touched  with  religious  hope. 

'  Full  of  years  and  honors,  through  the  gate 
Of  painless  slumber  he  retired. 
And  as  a  river  pure 

Meets  in  its  course  a  subterraneous  void, 
Then  dips  his  silver  head,  again  to  rise, 
And  rising  glides  through  fields  and  meadows  new, 
So  hath  Oileus  in  those  happy  climes. 
Where  joys  ne'er  fade,  nor  the  soul's  powers  decay, 
But  youth  and  spring  eternal  bloom." 

The  name  of  Carroll  is  the  only  one  on  the  Declaration  to  which  the 
residence  of  the  signer  is  appended.  The  reason  why  it  was  done  in 
this  case,  is  understood  to  be  as  follows : — The  patriots  who  signed  that 
document,  did  it,  almost  literally,  with  ropes  about  thoir  necks,  it  being 
generally  supposed  that  they  would,  if  unsuccessful,  be  hung  as  rebels. 
When  Carroll  had  signed  his  name,  some  one  at  his  elbow  remarked, 
*'  You'll  get  clear — there  are  several  of  that  name — they  will  not  know 
which  to  take."  "  Not  so,"  replied  he,  and  immediately  added,  "  of  Car- 
Tollton." 

In  1827,  the  Editor  of  the  Philadelphia  National  Gazette  published  a 
biography  of  Mr.  Carroll,  which  appeared  in  the  American  Quarterly 
Review.     He  records  the  following  fact : 

In  1825,  one  of  Mr.  Carroll's  grand-daughters  was  married  to  the  Mar- 
quis of  Wellesley,  then  Viceroy  of  Ireland  ;  and  it  is  a  singular  circum- 
stance that  one  hundred  and  forty  years  after  the  first  emigration  of  her 
ancestors  to  America,  this  lady  should  become  vice-queen  of  the  country 
from  which  they  fled,  at  the  summit  of  a  system  which  a  more  immedi- 
ate ancestor  had  risked  every  thing  to  destroy ;  or,  in  the  energetic  and 
poetical  language  of  Bishop  England,  "  that  in  the  land  from  which 
his  father's  father  fled  in  fear,  his  daughter's  daughter  now  reigns  as 
queen." 

From  the  same  publication,  it  appears  that  Mr.  Carroll,  some  years 
before  our  revolutionary  war,  wrote  to  a  member  of  the  British  Parlia- 
ment as  follows : 

"  Your  thousands  of  soldiers  may  come,  but  they  will  be  masters  of 
the  spot  only  on  which  they  encamp.  They  will  find  nought  but  ene- 
mies before  and  around  them.  If  we  are  beaten  on  the  plains,  we  will 
retreat  to  the  mountains  and  defy  them.  Our  resources  Avill  increase 
with  otir  difficulties.  Necessity  will  force  us  to  exertion  :  until  tired  of 
combating  in  vain,  against  a  spirit  which  victory  cannot  subdue,  your 
armies  will  evacuate  our  soil,  and  your  country  retire,  an  immense  loser, 
from  the  contest.  No,  sir — we  have  made  up  our  minds  to  abide  the 
issue  of  the  approaching  struggle ;  and  though  much  blood  may  be  spil- 
led, we  have  no  doubt  of  our  ultimate  success." 


=n 


CHARLES    CARROLL.  11 

His  whole  career,  says  Mr.  "Walsh,  public  and  piivate,  suited  the  dig- 
nity of  his  disiinctive  appellation — the  Surviving  Signer.  He  was 
always  a  model  of  regularity  in  conduct  and  sedateness  in  judgment. 
In  natural  sagacity,  in  refinement  of  tastes  and  pleasures,  in  unaffected 
habitual  courtesy,  in  vigilant  observation,  vivacity  of  spirit  and  tone, 
susceptibility  of  domestic  and  social  happiness  in  the  best  forms,  he  had 
but  kw  equals  during  the  greater  part  of  his  bright  and  Ipng  existence. 
The  mind  of  Mr.  Carroll  was  highly  cultivated ;  he  fully  improved  the 
advantages  of  an  excellent  classical  education  and  extensive  foreign 
travel ;  he  read  much  of  ancient  and  modern  literature,  and  gave  the 
keenest  attention  to  contemporary  events  and  characters.  His  patriotism 
never  lost  its  earnestness  and  elevation.  It  was  our  good  fortune,  in  our 
youth,  to  pass  months  at  a  time  under  his  roof,  and  we  never  left  his 
mansion  without  additional  impressions  of  peculiar  respect  for  the  singu- 
lar felicity  of  temperament  and  perfection  of  self-discipline,  from  Avhich 
it  resulted  that  no  one,  neither  kindred,  domestic  nor  guest,  could  feel 
his  presence  and  society  as  in  the  least  oppressive  or  irksome — exact 
and  systematic,  opulent  and  honored,  enlightened  and  heedful  though  he 
was. 

The  announcement  of  the  death  of  Charles  Carroll,  was  made  as  fol- 
lows in  one  of  the  Baltimore  papers  of  the  date : 

"  It  becomes  our  painful  duty  to  announce  to  our  readers  the  demise  of 
the  last  surviving  signer  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  Charles 
Carroll  of  CarroUton  is  no  more  !  He  expired  at  4  o'clock  yesterday 
morning.  Thus,  one  after  another,  the  luminaries  of  the  Revolution  are 
leaving  this  stage  of  action,  and  soon  the  whole  of  the  bright  galaxy, 
which  in  those  dark  days  adorned  the  land,  must  be  numbered  with  the 
silent  dead,  and  live  only  in  the  grateful  recollection  of  those  for  whom 
they  have  purchased  liberty,  independence,  prosperity  and  happiness. — 
Here  and  there  a  solitary  star  remains,  to  attract  the  eye  and  warm  the 
hearts  of  those  who  love  and  admire  them  for  their  virtues  and  their  ser- 
vices. Mr.  Carroll  had  reached  a  good  old  age ;  and  had  the  happiness 
to  see  this  young  republic,  which  he  had  performed  so  prominent  a  part 
in  aiding  to  establish,  emerge  from  obscurit)^  and  take  a  station  among 
the  most  powerful  of  the  nations  of  the  earth.  He  had  lived  to  see  her 
pass  triumphantly  through  a  second  war  with  the  mistress  of  the  seas,  as 
I-ngland  has  been  long  denominated,  in  which  the  proud  lion  was  a 
second  time  compelled  to  cower  beneath  the  power  of  the  Eagle ;  to  see 
her  banner  waving  over  every  sea,  and  her  prowess  acknowledged  and 
feared  in  every  land.  He  has  lived  to  witness  the  anomaly  in  the  re- 
cords of  the  world,  of  a  powerful  people  almost  entirely  clear  of  debt,  and 
without  any  dangerous  or  distracting  controversy  subsisting  with  any 
foreign  power,  which  can  be  thought  likely  to  require  the  expenditure  of 
money  for  the  maintenance  of  her  rights.  He  saw  the  people  for  whom 
he  had  toiled,  and  pledged  his  life,  his  fortune,  and  his  sacred  honor, 
united,  prosperous  and  happy,  and  lived  to  see  a  worthy  fellow  citizen 
elected  a  second  time  to  the  Chief  Magistracy  of  the  nation  by  an  al- 
most unanimous  voice,  em-bracing  a  large  portion  of  every  section  of  the 
Hnior  ;  thus  evincing  that  there  is  no  reason  to  apprehend  any  danger 


12  SAMUEL   CHASE. 

of  a  severance  of  this  happy  Union.  In  casting  a  retrospective  glance 
over  the  path  he  had  trodden  in  the  course  of  his  eventful  life,  ho  .v  it, 
warmed  and  animated  his  heart !  It  was  a  subject  upon  which  he  always 
delighted  to  dwell ;  and  whenever  it  was  touched  upon,  it  caused  him 
almost  to  forget  his  age  and  to  put  on  the  vigor  and  fire  of  youth. 

"  In  his  own  immediate  neighborhood,  in  the  place  of  a  small  and  ob- 
scure village,  he  lived  to  see  a  large  and  populous  city  spring  up,  and 
assume  a  station  the  third  only  in  the  Union  in  point  of  extent,  wealth, 
and  commercial  enterprise,  and  inhabited  by  a  virtuous  and  gallant  peo- 
ple, partaking  of  his  feelings,  and  following  his  bright  and  glorious  ex- 
ample. What  more  could  a  mortal  desire  to  witness  ?  The  cup  of  hap- 
piness with  him  was  full  to  overflowing.  He  has  fought  a  good  fight, 
and  his  triumph  has  been  complete.  He  has  now  run  his  race,  and  his 
remains  repose  in  silence,  and  his  grateful  countrymen  are  showering 
their  benedictions  upon  him.  Peace  to  his  ashes  ! — May  his  brilliant 
example  long  serve  to  animate  the  hearts  and  nerve  the  arms  of  his 
countrymen." 


SAMUEL    CHASE. 


Samuel  Chase  was  born  in  Somerset  county,  Maryland,  m  1771. 
He  was  educated  by  his  father,  a  distinguished  clergyman,  w^ho  had 
emigrated  to  America,  and  whose  attainments  in  classical  literature  were 
of  a  very  superior  order.  Under  such  instruction,  the  son  soon  outstripped 
most  of  his  compeers,  and  at  the  age  of  eighteen  was  sent  to  Annapolis 
to  commence  the  study  of  the  law.  He  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  that 
town  at  the  age  of  twenty,  and  soon  after  connected  himself  in  marriage 
with  a  lady,  by  whom  he  had  two  sons  and  two  daughters. 

The  political  career  of  Mr.  Chase  may  be  dated  from  the  year  1744, 
when  he  was  sent  to  the  Congress  of  Philadelphia,  as  a  delegate  from 
his  native  State.  This  station  he  continued  to  occupy  for  several  years. 
In  1776,  he  was  appointed,  in  conjunction  with  Benjamin  Franklin  and 
Charles  Carroll,  to  proceed  to  Canada,  for  the  purpose  of  inducing  the 
inhabitants  to  cancel  their  allegiance  to  Great  Britain,  and  join  the 
American  Confederacy.  Although  the  expedition  proved  unsuccessful, 
the  zeal  and  ability  of  the  commissioners  were  never,  for  a  moment, 
brought  into  question. 

On  his  return  to  Philadelphia,  Mr.  ChaSe  found  the  question  of  in- 
dependence in  agitation,  in  Congress.  The  situation  of  the  Maryland 
delegation,  at  this  juncture,  was  embarrassing.  They  had  been  express- 
ly prohibited,  by  their  constituents,  from  voting  in  favor  of  a  Declaration 
of  Independence ;  and  as  they  had  accepted  their  appointments  under 
Vhis  restriction,  they  did  not  feel  at  liberty  to  give  their  active  support  to 
such  a  measure.  It  was  not  compatible  with  the  spirit  of  Mr.  Chase, 
quietly  to  endure  such  a  situation  He  left  Congress,  and  proceeded  to 
Maryland.     He  traversed  the  province,  and,  assisted  by  his  colleagues. 


SAMUEL    CHASE.  13 

awakened  the  people  to  a  sense  of  patriotism  and  liberty,  and  persuaded 
them  to  send  addresses  to  the  Convention,  then  sitting  at  Annapolis,  in 
favor  of  Independence.  Such  an  expression  of  popular  feeling  the  Con- 
vention could  not  resist,  and  at  length  gave  an  unanimous  vote  for  the 
measure  of  Independence.  With  this  vote,  Mr.  Chase  hastened  to  Phila- 
delphia, where  he  arrived  in  time  to  take  his  seat  on  Monday  morning, 
having  rode,  on  the  two  previous  days,  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles.  On 
the  day  of  his  arrival,  the  resolution  to  issue  a  Declaration  of  Indepen- 
dence, came  before  the  house,  and  he  had  the  privilege  of  uniting  with 
a  majority  in  favor  of  it.  Mr.  Chase  continued  a  bold,  eloquent  and 
efficient  member  of  Congress  throughout  the  war,  when  he  returned  to 
the  practice  of  his  profession. 

In  17S3,  Mr.  Chase  visited  England,  on  behalf  of  the  State  of  Mary- 
land, for  the  purpose  of  reclaiming  a  large  amount  of  property,  which, 
Avhile  a  Colony,  she  had  entrusted  to  the  Bank  of  England.  He  con- 
tinued in  England  about  a  year,  during  which  time  he  became  acquainted 
with  many  of  the  most  distinguished  men  of  that  country,  among  whom 
were  Burke,  Pitt,  and  Fox.  While  in  England,  he  was  married  to  his 
second  wife,  the  daughter  of  Dr.  Samuel  Giles,  of  Kentbury,  Avith  whom, 
in  17S4,  he  returned  to  America.  In  the  year  17S6,  at  the  invitation  of 
his  friend.  Colonel  Howard,  who  had  generously  presented  him  with  a 
I)ortion  of  land  in  Baltimore,  he  removed  to  that  city.  On  this  occasion, 
the_c(/rporation  of  Annapolis  tendered  to  Mr.  Chase  the  expressions  of 
their  respect  in  a  flattering  address,  to  which  he  made  a  suitable  reply. 
In  1791,  he  accepted  the  appointment  of  Chief  Justice  of  the  General 
Court  of  Maryland. 

In  the  yeai  1794,  a  circumstance  took  place  in  Baltimore,  in  which 
Judge  Chase  evinced  considerable  firmness  and  energy  of  character. 
Two  men  had  been  tarred  and  feathered  in  the  public  streets,  on  an  occa- 
sion of  some  popular  excitement.  The  investigation  of  the  case  was 
undertaken  by  him,  in  the  issue  of  which  he  caused  two  respectable  and 
influential  individuals  to  be  arrested  as  ringleaders.  On  being  arraigned 
before  the  court,  they  refused  to  give  bail.  Upon  this  the  Judge  inform- 
ed them  that  they  must  go  to  jail.  Accordingly,  he  directed  the  sheriff 
to  take  one  of  the  prisoners  to  jail.  This  the  sheriff^  declared  he  could 
not  do,  as  he  apprehended  resistance.  "  Summon  the  posse  comitatus 
then,"  excla  med  the  judge.  "Sir,"  said  the  sheriff,  "no  one  will 
serve."  "  Summon  me  then,"  said  Judge  Chase,  in  a  tone  of  lofty 
indignation,  "I  will  be  the  posse  comitatus,  and  I  will  take  him  to 
jail." 

In  1796,  Judge  Chase  was  appointed  by  Washington  an  associate 
Judge  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  a  station  which  he 
occupied  for  fifteen  years,  and  which  he  supported  with  great  dignity  and 
ability.  It  was  his  ill  fortune,  however,  to  have  his  latter  days'embitter- 
ed  by  an  impeachment  by  the  House  of  Representatives,  at  Washington. 
This  impeachment  originated  in  political  animosities,  from  the  offence 
which  his  conduct  in  the  Circuit  Court  had  given  to  the  democratic  par- 
ty. The  articles  of  impeachment  originally  reported  were  six  in  num- 
ber, to  which  two  others  were  afterwards  added.     Or  five  of  the  charges 


14  ABRAHAM  CLARK. 

a  majority  of  the  Senate  acquitted  him.  On  the  others  a  majority  was 
af^ainst  him  ;  but  as  a  vote  of  two  thirds  is  necessary  to  conviction,  he 
was  acquitted  of  the  whole.  This  celebrated  trial  commenced  on  thn 
second  of  January,  and  ended  on  the  fifth  of  March,  1S05 

Judge  Chase  continued  to  exercise  his  judicial  functions  till  1811, 
when  his  health  failed  him,  and  he  expired  on  the  nineteenth  of  June  m 
that  year.  In  his  dying  hour  he  appeared  calm  and  resigned.  He  was 
a  firm  believer  in  Christianity,  and  partook  of  the  sacrament  but  a  short 
time  before  his  death,  declaring  himself  to  be  in  peace  with  all  mankind. 
In  his  will,  he  directed  that  no  mourning  should  be  worn  for  him,  and 
requested  that  only  his  name,  with  the  dates  of  his  birth  and  death, 
should  be  inscribed  upon  his  tomb.  He  was  a  sincere  patriot,  and, 
though  of  an  irascible  temperament,  was  a  man  of  high  intellect  and 
undaunted  courage. 


ABRAHAM    CLARK. 


The  quiet  and  unobtrusive  course  of  life,  which  Mr.  Clark  pursued, 
furnishes  few  materials  for  biography.  He  was  born  in  Elizabethtown, 
New  Jersey,  on  the  15th  of  February,  1726.  He  was  an  only  child,  and 
his  early  education,  although  confined  to  English  branches  of  study,  was 
respectable.  For  the  mathematics  and  the  civil  law,  he  discovered  an 
early  predilection.  He  was  bred  a  farmer,  but  not  being  of  a  robust 
constitution,  he  turned  his  attention  to  surveying,  conveyancing,  and 
imparting  legal  advice.  As  he  performed  the  latter  service  gratuitously, 
he  was  called  "the  poor  man's  counsellor." 

Mr.  Clark's  habits  of  life  and  generosity  of  character  soon  rendered 
him  popular,  and  on  the  commencement  of  the  troubles  with  the  mother 
country,  he  was  chosen  one  of  the  New  Jersey  delegation  to  the  Conti- 
nental Congress,  Of  this  body  he  was  a  member  for  a  considerable 
period,  and  was  conspicuous  for  his  sound  patriotism  and  his  unwavering 
decision.  A  few  days  after  he  took  his  seat  for  the  first  time,  as  a  mem- 
ber of  Congress,  he  was  called  upon  to  vote  for,  or  against,  the  proclama- 
tion of  independence.  But  he  was  at  no  loss  on  which  side  to  throw  his 
influence,  and  readily  signed  the  Declaration,  which  placed  in  peril  his 
fortune  and  individual  safety. 

Mr.  Clark  frequently  after  this  time  represented  New  Jersey  in  the 
national  councils  ;  and  was  also  often  a  member  of  the  State  Legislature. 
He  was  elected  a  representative  in  the  second  Congress,  under  the  Federal 
Constitution  ;  an  appointment  which  he  held  until  a  short  time  previous 
to  his  death.  Two  or  three  of  the  sons  of  Mr.  Claik  were  officers  in 
the  army,  during  the  revolutionary  struggle.  Unfortunately  they  were 
captured  by  the  enemy.  During  a  part  of  their  captivity,  their  sufferings 
were  extreme,  being  confined  in  the  notorious  prison-ship,  Jerse)^  Pain- 
ful as  was  the  condition  of  his  sons,  Mr.  Clark  scrupulously  avoided 
calling  the  attention   of  Cc-ngress  to   the   subject,  excepting  in  a  single 


GEORGE    CLYMER.  15 

instance.  One  of  his  sons,  a  captain  of  artillery,  had  been  cast  into  a 
dungeon,  where  he  received  no  other  food  than  that  which  was  conveyed 
to  him  by  his  fellow  prisoners  through  a  key-hole.  On  a  representation 
of  these  facts  to  Cpngress,  that  body  immediately  directed  a  course  of 
retaliation  on  a  British  oiFicer.  This  had  the  desired  effect,  and  Captain 
Clark's  condition  was  improved. 

On  the  adjournment  of  Congress  in  June,  1794,  Mr.  "Clark  retired 
from  public  life.  He  did  not  live  long,  however,  to  enjoy  the  limited 
comforts  he  possessed.  In  the  autumn  of  the  same  year,  a  stroke  of  the 
sun  put  an  end  to  his  existence,  after  it  had  been  lengthened  out  to  sixty- 
nine  years.  The  church  at  Rah  way  contains  his  mortal  remains,  and  a 
marble  slab  marks  the  spot  where  they  are  deposited.  It  bears  the  fol- 
lowing inscription  : 

Firm  and  decided  as  a  patriot, 

Zealous  and  faithful  as  a  friend  to  the  public, 

lie  loved  his  country 

and  adhered  to  her  cause 

in  the  darkest  hour  of  her  struggles 

against  oppression. 


GEORGE    CLYMER. 


George  Clymer  was  born  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  in  1739.  His 
father  emigrated  from  Bristol,  in  England,  and  became  connected  by 
marriage  with  a  lady  of  Philadelphia.  Young  Clymer  was  left  an 
orphan  at  the  age  of  seven  yeai's,  and  after  the  completion  of  his 
studies  he  entered  the  counting-house  of  his  maternal  uncle.  At  a  sub- 
sequent period,  he  established  himself  in  business,  in  connexion  with 
Mr.  Robert  Ritchie,  and  afterwards  with  a  father  and  son  of  the  name 
of  Meredith,  a  daughter  of  the  former  of  whom  he  married. 

Although  engaged  in  mercantile  pursuits  for  many  years,  Mr.  Clymer 
was  never  warmly  attached  to  them,  but  devoted  a  great  part  of  his  time 
to  literature  and  the  study  of  the  fine  arts.  He  became  also  well  versed 
in  the  principles  of  law,  history,  and  politics,  and  imbibed  an  early  detes- 
tation of  arbitrary  rule  and  oppression.  When  all  hopes  of  conciliation 
with  the  parent  country  had  failed,  he  was  one  of  the  foremost  to  adopt 
measures  necessary  for  a  successful  opposition.  He  accepted  a  captain's 
commission  in  a  company  of  volunteers,  raised  for  the  defence  of  the 
province,  and  vigorously  opposed,  in  1773,  the  sale  of  the  tea,  which 
tended  indirectly  to  levy  a  tax  upon  the  Americans,  without  their  consent. 
He  was  appointed  chairman  of  a  committee  to  wait  upon  the  consignees 
of  the  offensive  article,  and  request  them  not  to  sell  it.  The  consequence 
was,  that  not  a  single  pound  of  tea  was  offered  for  sale  in  Philadelphia. 

In  1775,  Mr.  Clymer  was  chosen  a  member  of  the  council  of  safety, 
and  one  of  the  first  continental  treasurers.  On  the  20th  of  July,  of  the 
following  year,  he  was  elected  a  member  of  the  Continental  Congress, 
Though  not  present  when  the  vote  was  taken  in  relation  to  a  declaration 


16  GEORGE    CLYMER. 

of  independence,  he  had  the  honor  of  affixing  his  signature  to  that  instru- 
ment in  the  following  month.  In  December,  Congress,  finding  it  neces- 
sary to  adjourn  to  Baltimore,  in  consequence  of  the  advance  of  the  British 
array  towards  Philadelphia,  left  Mr.  Clymer,  Robert  Morris,  and  George 
Walton,  a  committee  to  transact  such  business  as  remained  imfmished,  in 
that  city.  In  1777,  Mr.  Clymer  was  again  a  member  of  Congress  ;  and 
his  labors  during  that  session  being  extremely  arduous,  he  was  obliged 
to  retire  for  a  season,  to  repair  his  health.  In  the  autumn  of  the  same 
year,  his  family,  which  then  resided  in  the  county  of  Chester,  suffered 
severely  from  an  attack  of  the  British ;  escaping  only,  with  the  sacrifice 
of  considerable  property.  Mr.  Clymer  was  then  in  Philadelphia.  On 
the  arrival  of  the  enemy  in  that  place,  they  sought  out  his  place  of  resi- 
dence, and  were  only  diverted  from  razing  it  to  the  ground,  by  learning 
that  it  did  not  belong  to  him.  During  the  same  year,  he  was  sent,  in 
conjunction  with  others,  to  Pittsburg,  to  enlist  warriors  from  the  Shawnese 
and  Delaware  tribes  of  Indians,  on  the  side  of  the  United  States.  While 
residing  at  Pittsburg,  he  narrowly  escaped  death  from  the  tomahawk,  by 
accidentally  turning  from  a  road,  where  he  afterwards  learned  a  party  of 
hostile  savages  lay  encamped. 

On  the  occasion  of  the  establishment  of  a  bank  by  Robert  Morris  and 
other  patriotic  citizens  of  Philadelphia,  for  the  purpose  of  relieving  the 
army,  Mr.  Clymer,  who  gave  his  active  support  to  the  measure,  was 
chosen  director  of  the  institution.  He  was  again  elected  to  Congress  in 
1780,  and  for  two  years  was  a  laborious  member  of  that  body.  In  17S2, 
he  removed  with  his  family  to  Princeton,  (N.  J.,)  but  in  1784,  he  was 
summoned  by  the  citizens  of  his  native  State,  to  take  a  part  in  their 
General  Assembly.  He  afterwards  represented  Pennsylvania  in  Con- 
gress for  two  years  ;  when,  declining  a  re-election,  he  closed  his  long  and 
able  legislative  career. 

In  1791,  Congress  passed  a  bill  imposing  a  duty  on  spirits  distilled  in 
the  United  States.  To  the  southern  and  western  part  of  the  country, 
this  measure  proved  very  offensive.  Mr.  Clymer  was  placed  at  the  head 
of  the  excise  department  in  the  State  of  Philadelphia ;  but  he  was  soon 
induced  to  resign  the  disagreeable  office.  In  1796,  he  was  appointed, 
with  Colonel  Hawkins  and  Colonel  Pickins,  to  negociate  a  treaty  with 
the  Cherokee  and  Creek  Indians,  in  Georgia.  He  sailed  for  Savannah, 
accompanied  by  his  wife.  The  voyage  proved  extremely  unpleasant 
and  perilous ;  but  having  completed  the  business  of  the  mission,  they 
returned  to  Philadelphia.  Mr.  Clymer  was  afterwards  called  to  preside 
over  .he  Philadelphia  bank,  and  the  Academy  of  Fine  Arts.  He 
held  these  offices  till  the  period  of  his  death,  which  took  place  on  the 
23d  of  January,  1813,  in  the  seventy-fourth  year  of  his  age.  He  was 
of  a  studious  and  contemplative  cast  of  mind,  and  eager  to  promote 
every  scheme  for  the  improvement  of  his  country.  His  intellect  was 
strong  and  cultivated,  his  character  amiable  and  pure,  and  his  integrity 
inviolable.  He  was  singularly  punctual  in  the  discharge  of  his  duties, 
and  was  a  man  of  extensive  information  and  the  smallest  pretensions. 


17 


WILLIAM    ELLERY. 

WiLiiAM  Ellery  was  born  in  Newport,  Rhode  Island,  December  22d, 
1727,  He  was  graduated  at  Harvard  College,  in  his  twentieth  year,  and 
entered  upon  the  practice  of  the  law  at  Newport,  after  the  usual  prepara- 
tory course.  He  acquired  a  competent  fortune  from  his  profession,  and 
received  tlie  esteem  and  confidence  of  his  fellow  citizens. 

Mr.  Ellery  was  elected  a  delegate  t(f  the  Congress  of  1776,  and  took 
his  seat  in  that  body,  on  the  17th  of  May.  Here  he  soon  became  an 
efficient  and  influential  member,  and  during  the  session  signed  the  De- 
claration of  Independence.  Of  this  transaction  he  frequently  spoke. 
He  relates  his  having  placed  himself  beside  secretary  Thompson,  that  he 
might  observe  how  the  members  looked,  as  they  put  their  names  to  their 
death  tcarrant.  He  tasked  his  powers  of  penetration,  but  could  discover 
no  symptom  of  fear  among  them,  though  all  seemed  impressed  with  the 
solemnity  of  the  occasion.  In  1777,  Mr.  Ellery  was  appointed  one  of 
the  marine  committee  of  Congress,  and  is  supposed  to  have  first  recom- 
mended the  plan  of  preparing  fireships,  and  sending  them  out  from  the 
State  of  Rhode  Island.  He  shared  considerably  in  the  common  loss  of 
property,  which  was  sustained  by  the  inhabitants  of  Newport,  on  the 
occasion  of  the  British  taking  possession  of  that  town. 

Mr.  Ellery  continued  a  member  of  Congress  until  the  year  17S5,  when 
he  retired  to  his  native  State.  He  was  successively  a  commissioner  of 
the  continental  loan  office,  a  Chief  Justice  of  the  Superior  Court  of 
Rhode  Island,  and  collector  of  the  customs  for  the  town  of  Newport. 
He  retained  the  latter  office  till  the  day  of  his  death,  which  occurred  on 
the  15th  of  February,  1S20,  at  the  advanced  age  of  ninety  years.  The 
springs  of  existence  seemed  to  have  worn  out  by  gradual  and  impercep- 
tible degrees.  On  the  day  of  his  death,  he  had  risen,  as  usual,  and 
rested  in  his  chair,  employed  in  reading  "  Cicero  de  Officiis."  While 
thus  engaged,  his  family  physician  called  to  see  him.  On  feeling  his 
pulse,  he  found  that  it  had  ceased  to  beat.  A  draught  of  wine  and  water 
quickened  it  into  motion,  however,  once  more,  and  being  placed  and 
supported  on  the  bed,  he  continued  reading,  until  his  bodily  functions  no 
longer  afforded  a  tenement  to  the  immortal  spirit,  and  discontinued  their 
operations. 

Mr.  Ellery  was  a  man  of  much  humility  of  spirit,  and  manifested  an 
uncommon  disregard  of  the  applause  of  men.  He  looked  upon  the  Avorld 
and  its  convulsions  with  religious  serenity,  and  in  times  of  trouble  and 
alarm,  consoled  hhnself  and  others,  with  the  pious  reflection  of  the 
Psalmist,  "  The  Lord  reigneth." 
^  C 


18 


WILLIAM    FLOYD. 

WiLLiAiii  Floyd  was  born  on  Long  Island,  December  17th,  1734.  His 
father  died  while  he  was  yet  young,  and  left  him  heir  to  a  large  estate. 
Wit  education  was  somewhat  limited,  but  his  native  powers  being  respec- 
table, he  improved  himself  by  his  intercourse  with  the  opulent  and  intel- 
ligent families  of  his  neighborhood. 

At  an  early  period  of  the  contriversy  between  the  colonies  and  mother 
country,  Mr.  Floyd  warmly  interested  himself  in  the  cause  of  the  latter. 
His  devotion  to  the  popular  side  led  to  his  appointment  as  a  delegate  from 
NeAV  York  to  the  first  Continental  Congress.  In  the  measures  adopted  by 
that  body  he  most  heartily  concurred.  He  was  re-elected  a  delegate  the 
following  year,  and  continued  a  member  of  Congress  until  after  the  declara- 
tion of  Independence.  On  that  occasion,  he  affixed  his  signature  to  the 
instrument,  which  gave  such  a  momentous  direction  to  the  fate  of  a 
growing  nation.  He  likewise  served  on  numerous  important  committees, 
and  rendered  essential  service  to  the  patriotic  cause. 

Mr.  Floyd  suffered  severely  from  the  destructive  effects  of  the  war 
upon  his  property,  and  for  nearly  seven  years,  his  family  were  refugees 
from  their  habitation,  nor  did  he  derive  any  benefit  from  his  landed  estate. 
In  1777,  General  Floyd  (he  received  this  appellation  from  his  hiving 
commanded  the  militia  on  Long  Island)  was  appointed  a  Senator  of  the 
State  of  New  York.  In  1778,  he  was  again  chosen  to  represent  his 
native  Slate  in  the  Continental  Congress.  From  this  time,  until  tne 
expiration  of  the  first  Congress,  under  the  Federal  Constitution,  General 
Floyd  was  either  a  member  of  the  National  Assembly,  or  of  the  Senate 
of  New  York.  In  17S4,  he  purchased  an  uninhabited  tract  of  land  on 
the  Mohawk  river.  To  the  improvement  of  this  tract,  he  devoted  the 
leisure  of  several  successive  summers ;  and  hither  he  removed  his  resi- 
dence, in  1803.  He  continued  to  enjoy  unusal  health,  until  a  few  days 
previous  to  his  decease,  when  a  general  debility  fell  upon  him,  and  he 
died  August  4th,  1821,  at  the  age  of  eighty-seven  years.  General  Floyd 
was  uniform  and  independent  in  his  conduct ;  and  if  public  estimation 
be  a  just  criterion  of  his  merit,  he  was  excelled  by  few,  since,  for  more 
than  fifty  years,  he  was  honored  with  offices  of  trust  and  responsibility, 
by  nis  fallow  citizens. 


BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN. 

Benjamin  Franklin,  the  statesman  and  philosopher,  was  bom  m 
Boston,  on  the  17lh  of  January,  1706.  His  father  emigrated  trom  Eng- 
land, and  had  recourse  for  a  livelihood  to  the  business  of  a  chandler 
and  soap  boiler.  His  mother  was  a  native  of  Boston,  and  belonged  to  a 
respectable  family  of  the  name  of  Folger. 

Young  Franklin  was  placed  at  a  grammar  school  at  an  early  age,  but 


BENJAMIN   FRANKLIN.  19 

at  the  expiration  of  a  year,  was  taken  home  to  assist  his  father  in  his 
business.  In  this  occupation,  he  continued  two  years,  when  he  be- 
came heartily  tired  of  cutting  wicks  for  candles,  filling  moulds,  and 
running  errands.  He  resolved  to  embark  on  a  seafaring  life;  but  his 
parents" objected,  having  already  lost  a  son  at  sea.  Having  a  passionate 
fondness  for  books,  he  was  finally  apprenticed  as  a  printer  to  his  brother, 
who  a.  that  time  published  a  newspaper  in  Boston.  It  was  while  he  was  in 
this  situation,  that  he  began  to  try  his  powers  of  literary  composition. 
Street  ballads  and  articles  in  a  newspaper  were  his  first  efforts.  Many 
of  his  essays,  which  were  inserted  anonymously,  were  highly  commended 
by  people  of  taste.  Dissatisfied  with  the  manner  in  which  he  was  treated 
by  his  relative,  he,  at  the  age  of  seventeen,  privately  quitted  him,  and 
\vent  to  Philadelphia.  The  day  following  his  arrival,  he  wandered 
through  the  streets  of  that  city  with  an  appearance  little  short  of  a  beggar. 
His  pockets  were  distended  by  his  clothes,  which  were  crowded  into  them  ; 
and,  provided  with  a  roll  of  bread  under  each  arm,  he  proceeded  through 
the  principal  streets  of  the  city.  His  ludicrous  appearance  attracted  the 
notice  of  several  of  the  citizens,  and  among  others  of  ]\Iiss  Reed,  the 
lady  whom  he  afterwards  married.  He  soon  obtained  employment  as  a 
printer,  and  was  exemplary  in  the  discharge  of  his  duties.  Deluded  by 
a  promise  of  patronage  from  the  Governor,  Sir  William  Keith,  Franklin 
visited  England  to  procure  the  necessary  materials  for  establishing  a 
■printing-office  in  Philadelphia.  He  was  accompanied  by  his  friend 
Ralph,  one  of  his  literary  associates.  On  their  arrival  in  London,  Frank- 
lin found  that  he  had  been  deceived ;  and  he  was  obliged  to  work  as  a 
journeyman  for  eighteen  months.  In  the  British  metropolis,  the  morals 
of  neither  of  our  adventurers  were  improved.  Ralph  conducted  as  if 
he  had  forgotten  that  he  had  a  wife  and  child  across  the  Atlantic ;  and 
Franklin  was  equally  unmindful  of  his  pledges  to  Miss  Reed.  About 
this  period  he  published  "  A  Dissertation  on  Liberty  and  Necessity. 
Pleasure  and  Pain." 

In  1726,  Franklin  returned  to  Philadelphia;  not  long  after  which  he 
entered  into  business  as  a  printer  and  stationer,  and,  in  1728,  established 
a  newspaper.  In  1730,  he  married  the  lady  to  whom  he  was  engaged 
previous  to  his  leaving  America.  In  1732,  he  began  to  publish  "  Poor 
Richard's  Almanac,"  a  work  which  was  continued  for  twenty-five  years, 
and  which,  besides  answering  the  purposes  of  a  calendar,  contained  many 
excellent  prudential  maxims,  which  rendered  it  very  useful  and  popular. 
Ten  thousand  copies  of  this  almanac  were  published  every  year  in  Ame- 
rica, and  the  maxims  contained  in  it  were  often  translated  into  the 
languages  of  Europe. 

The  political  career  of  Franklin  commenced  in  1736,  when  he  was 
appointed  clerk  to  the  General  Assembly  of  Pennsylvania.  His  next 
office  was  the  valuable  one  of  postmaster ;  and  he  was  subsequently 
chosen  as  a  representative.  He  assisted  in  the  establishment  of  the 
American  Philosophical  Society,  and  of  a  college,  which  now  exists 
under  the  title  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania.  Chiefly  by  his  exer- 
tions, a  public  library,  a  fire-preventing  company,  an  insurance  company, 
and  a  voluitary  association  for  defence,  were  established  at  Philadelphia 


20  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

He  was  chosen  a  member  of  the  Provincial  Assembly,  to  which  body  he  was 
annually  re-elected  for  ten  years.  Philosophy  now  began  to  attract  his 
attention,  and,  in  1749,  he  made  those  inquiries  into  the  nature  of  electri- 
city, the  results  of  which  placed  him  high  among  the  men  of  science  of  the 
age.  The  experiment  of  the  kite  is  well  known.  He  had  conceived  the 
idea  of  explaining  the  phenomena  of  lightning  upon  electrical  principles. 
While  waiting  for  the  erection  of  a  spire  for  the  trial  of  his  theory,  it  occur- 
red to  him  that  he  might  have  more  ready  access  to  the  region  of  clouds  by 
means  of  a  common  kite.  He  accordingly  prepared  one  for  the  purpose, 
affixing  to  the  upright  stick  an  iron  point.  The  string  was,  as  usual,  of 
hemp,  except  the  lower  end,  which  was  silk,  and  where  the  hempen  part 
terminated,  a  key  was  fastened.  With  this  simple  apparatus,  on  the  ap- 
pearance of  a  thunder  cloud,  he  went  into  the  fields,  accompanied  by  his 
son,  to  whom  alone  he  communicated  his  intentions,  dreading  probably  the 
ridicule  which  frequently  attends  unsuccessful  attempts  in  experimental 
philosophy.  For  some  time  no  sign  of  electricity  presented  itself;  he  was 
beginning  to  despair  of  success,  when  he  suddenly  observed  the  loose 
fibres  of  the  string  to  start  forward  in  an  erect  position.  He  now  pre- 
sented his  knuckle  to  the  key,  and  received  a  strong  spark.  On  this 
depended  the  fate  of  his  theory :  repeated  sparks  were  drawn  from  the 
key,  a  phial  was  charged,  a  shock  given,  and  all  the  experiments  made, 
which  are  usually  performed  with  electricity.  This  great  discovery  he 
applied  to  the  securing  of  buildings  from  the  effects  of  hghtning. 

In  1753,  Dr.  Franklin  was  appointed  deputy  postmaster  general  of 
British  America.  In  this  station,  he  rendered  important  services  to 
General  Braddock,  in  his  expedition  against  Fort  Du  Qu^sne,  and  march- 
ed at  the  head  of  a  company  of  volunteers  to  the  protection  of  the  frontier. 
He  visited  England  in  1757  as  agent  for  the  State  of  Philadelphia  ;  and 
was  also  intrusted  by  the  other  colonies  with  important  business.  While 
in  London,  he  wrote  a  pamphlet,  pointing  out  the  advantages  of  a  con- 
quest of  Canada  by  the  English  ;  and  his  arguments  are  believed  to  have 
conduced  considerably  to  that  event.  About  this  period,  his  talents  as  a 
philosopher  were  duly  appreciated  in  various  parts  of  Europe.  He  was 
admitted  a  fellow  of  the  Royal  Society  of  London,  and  the  degree  of 
Doctor  of  Laws  was  conferred  upon  him  at  St.  Andrews,  Edinburgh,  and 
at  Oxford. 

In  1762  he  returned  to  America,  and  in  1764  was  again  appointed  the 
agent  of  Philadelphia,  to  manage  her  concerns  in  England,  in  which 
country  he  arrived  in  the  month  of  December.  About  this  period  the  stamp 
act  was  exciting  violent  commotions  in  America.  To  this  measure  Doc- 
tor Franklin  was  strongly  opposed,  and  he  presented  a  petition  against 
it,  which,  at  his  suggestion,  had  been  drawn  up  by  the  Pennsylvania 
Assembly.  Among  others,  he  was  summoned  before  the  House  of  Com- 
mons, where  he  underwent  a  long  examination.  His  answers  were 
fearless  and  decisive,  and  to  his  representations  the  repeal  of  the  act 
was,  no  doubt,  in  a  great  measure,  attributable.  In  the  year  1766 — 67, 
he  made  an  excursion  to  Holland,  Germany,  and  France,  where  he  met 
wilh  a  most  flattering  reception.     He  was  chosen  a  member  of  the  French 


BENJAMIN   FRANKLIN. 


21 


Academy  of  Sciences,  and  received  diplomas   from  many  other   learned 
Bocietics. 

Certain  letters  had  been  written  by  Governor  Hutchinson,  addrossod  to 
his  friends  in  Eni;land,  which  reflected  in  the  severest  manner  upon  the 
people  of  America.  These  letters  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  Doctor 
Franklin,  and  by  him  had  been  transmitted  to  America,  where  they  were 
at  length  inserted  in  the  public  journals.  For  a  time,  no  one  in  England 
knew  through  wliat  channel  the  letters  had  been  conveyed  to  America. 
In  1773,  Franklin  publicly  avowed  himself  to  be  the  person  who  obtained 
the  letters  and  transmitted  them  to  America.  This  produced  a  violent 
clamor  against  him,  and  upon  his  attending  before  the  privy  council,  in 
the  followino-  January,  to  present  a  petition  from  the  colony  of  Massachu- 
setts, for  the  dismissal  of  Governor  Hutchinson,  a  most  abusive  invective 
was  pronounced  against  him,  by  Mr.  Weddeburne,  afterwards  Lord 
Loughborough.  Among  other  epithets,  the  honorable  member  called 
Franklin  a  coward,  a  murderer,  and  a  thief.  During  the  whole  of  this 
insulting  harangue,  Franklin  sat  with  a  composed  and  unaverted  aspect, 
"  as  if  his  countenance  had  been  made  of  wood."  Throughout  this 
personal  and  public  outrage,  the  whole  assembly  seemed  greatly  amused 
at  Doctor  Franklin's  expense.  'The  President  even  laughed  aloud. 
There  was  a  single  person  present,  however,  Lord  North,  who,  to  his  honor 
be  it  recorded,  expressed  great  disapprobation  of  the  indecent  conduct  of 
the  assembly.  The  intended  insult,  however,  was  entirely  lost.  The 
coolness  and  dignity  of  Franklin  soon  discomposed  his  enemies,  who 
were  compelled  to  feel  the  superiority  of  his  character.  Their  animosi'y 
caused  him  to  be  removed  from  the  office  of  postmaster  general,  inter- 
rupted the  payment  of  his  salary  as  agent  for  the  colonies,  and  finally 
instituted  against  him  a  suit  in  chancery  concerning  the  letters  of 
Hutchinson. 

Despairing  of  restoring  harmony  between  the  colonies  and  mother 
country.  Doctor  Franklin  embarked  for  America,  where  he  arrived  in 
1775.  He  was  received  with  every  mark  of  esteem  and  admiration. 
He  was  immediately  elected  .a  delegate  to  the  general  Congress,  and 
signed  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  In  1776,  he  was  deputed  with 
others  to  proceed  to  Canada,  to  persuade  the  people  of  that  province  to 
throw  off  the  British  yoke  ;  but  the  inhabitants  of  Canada  nad  been  so 
much  disgusted  with  the  zeal  of  the  people  of  New  England,  who  had 
burnt  some  of  their  chapels,  that  they  refused  to  listen  to  the  proposals 
made  to  them  by  Franklin  and  his  associates.  In  1778,  he  was  dispatched 
by  Congress,  as  ambassador  to  France.  The  treaty  of  alliance  with  the 
French  government,  and  the  treaties  of  peace,  in  17S2  and  17S3,  as  well 
as  treaties  with  Sweden  and  Prussia,  were  signed  by  him.  On  his 
reaching  Philadelphia,  in  September,  1785,  his  arrival  was  hailed  by 
applauding  thousands  of  his  countrymen,  who  conducted  him  in  triumph 
to  his  residence.  This  was  a  period  of  which  he  always  spoke  with 
peculiar  pleasure.  In  1788,  he  withdrew  from  public  life,  and  on  the 
17th  of  April,  1790,  he  expired  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  in  the  eighty 
fourth  year  of  his  age.  Congress  directed  a  general  mourning  for  him. 
throughout  the   United   States;  and  the  National  Assembly  cf  France 


>i^  ELBRIDGE    GERRY. 

decreed  that  each  member  should  wear  mourning  for  three  days.  Doctor 
Franklin  lies  buried  in  the  north-west  corner  of  Christ  Church-yard,  in 
Philadelphia.  In  his  will  he  directed  that  no  monumental  ornaments 
should  mark  his  grave.  A  small  marble  slab  points  out  the  spot  where 
he  lies. 

Doctor  Franklin  had  two  children,  a  son  and  a  daughter.  The  son, 
under  the  British  government,  was  appointed  Governor  of  New  Jersey. 
On  the  breaking  out  of  the  revolution,  he  took  up  his  residence  in  Eng- 
land, where  he  spent  the  remainder  of  his  days.  The  daughter  was 
respectably  married  in  Philadelphia,  to  Mr.  William  Bache,  whose 
descendants  still  reside  in  that  city. 

In  stature,  Dr.  Franklin  was  above  the  middle  size.  He  possessed  a 
sound  constitution,  and  his  countenance  indicated  a  placid  state  of  mind, 
great  depth  of  thought,  and  an  inflexible  resolution.  In  youth  he  took 
a  sceptical  turn  with  regard  to  religion,  but  his  strength  of  mind  led  him 
to  fortify  himself  against  vice  by  such  moral  principles  as  directed  him 
to  the  most  valuable  ends,  by  honorable  means.  According  to  the  testi- 
mony of  his  most  intimate  friend.  Doctor  William  Smith,  he  became  in 
maturer  years  a  believer  in  divine  revelation.  The  following  epitaph  on 
himself  was  written  by  Doctor  Franklin,  many  years  previously  to  his 
death : 

The  hodv  of 

BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN,  Printer, 

like  the  cover  of  an  old  book, 

its  contents  torn  out, 

and  stript  of  its  lettering  and  gilding 

lies  here  food  for  worms. 

Yet  the  work  itself  shall  not  he  lost ; 

for  it  will  (as  he  believed)  appear  once  more 

in  a  new 

and  more  beautiful  edition, 

corrected  and  amended 

by  the  Author. 


ELBRIDGE    GERRY. 


Elbridge  Gerry  was  born  at  JNIarblehead,  in  the  State  of  Massachu- 
setts, July  17th,  1744.  He  became  a  member  of  Harvard  college  before 
his  fourteenth  year,  and  on  leaving  the  university,  engage  1  in  commer- 
cial pursuits  at  Marblehead,  under  the  direction  of  his  father.  His 
inclination  would  have  led  him  to  the  study  of  medicins ;  but  great 
success  attended  his  mercantile  enterprise,  and,  in  a  few  years,  he  found 
himself  in  the  enjoyment  of  a  competent  fortune. 

In  May,  1772,  Mr.  Gerry  was  chosen  a  representative  to  the  General 
Coart  of  Massachusetts,  to  which  office  he  was  re-elected  the  following 
year.  During  this  j-ear  he  was  appointed  one  of  the  committee  of  cor- 
respondence and  inquiry.  In  June,  the  celebrated  letters  of  Governor 
Hutchinson  to  persons  in  England  were  laid  before  the   House  by  Mr. 


ELBRIDGE    GEIIRY.  ^3 

Adam?.  In  the  debates  on  this  disclosure,  Mr.  Gerry  highly  distinguished 
himself.  He  was  also  particularly  active  in  the  scenes  of  1774.  He 
was  a  member  of  the  Provincial  Congress  which  met  at  Concord,  and 
powerfully  contributed  to  the  measures  of  opposition,  which  led  to  the 
Revolution.  In  1775,  the  new  Provincial  Congress,  of  Avhich  he  was  one. 
assembled  at  Cambridge.  In  this  body,  he  evinced  a  degree  of  patriotic 
intrepidity,  which  was  surpassed  by  none. 

A  committee  of  Congress,  among  whom  were  Mr.  Gerry,  Colonel 
Orne,  and  Colonel  Hancock,  had  been  in  session  in  the  village  of  Meno- 
tomy,  then  part  of  the  township  of  Cambridge.  The  latter  gentleman, 
after  the  close  of  the  session,  had  gone  to  Lexington.  Mr.  Gerry  and 
Mr.  Orne  remained  at  the  village;  the  other  members  of  the  committee 
had  dispersed.  Some  officers  of  the  royal  army  had  passed  through  the 
villages  just  before  dusk,  and  the  circumstance  so  far  attracted  the  atten- 
tion of  Mr.  Gerry,  that  he  dispatched  an  express  to  Colonel  Hancock, 
who,  v/ilh  Samuel  Adams,  was  at  Lexington.  Mr.  Gerry  and  Colonel 
Orne  retired  to  rest,  without  taking  the  least  precaution  against  personal 
exposure,  and  they  remained  quietly  in  their  beds,  until  the  British 
advance  were  within  view  of  the  dwelling-house.  It  Avas  a  beautiful 
night,  and  the  polished  arms  of  the  soldiers  glittered  in  the  moon-beams, 
as  they  moved  on  in  silence.  The  front  passed  on.  When  the  centre 
were  opposite  the  house,  occupied  by  the  committee,  an  officer  and  file 
of  men  were  detached  by  signal,  and  marched  towards  it.  The  inmates, 
for  whom  they  were  in  search,  found  means  to  escape,  half  dressed,  into 
an  adjoining  cornfield,  where  they  remained  concealed  until  the  troops 
were  withdrawn.  Every  part  of  the  house  was  searched  "  for  the  mem- 
bers of  the  rebel  Congress  :"  even  the  beds  in  which  they  had  lain  were 
examined.  But  their  property,  and,  among  other  things,  a  valuable  watch 
of  Mr.  Gerry's,  which  was  under  his  pillow,  were  undisturbed. 

On  the  17th  day  of  June,  the  memorable  battle  of  Bunker  Hill  was 
fought.  The  Provincial  Congress  was  at  that  time  in  session  at  Water- 
town.  Before  the  battle.  Doctor  Joseph  Warren,  President  of  the 
Congress,  who  was  the  companion  and  room-mate  of  Mr.  Gerry,  commu- 
nicated to  him  his  intention  of  mingling  in  the  approaching  contest. 
The  night  preceding  the  Doctor's  departure  to  the  scene  of  battle,  he  is 
said  to  have  lodged  in  the  same  bed  with  Mr.  Gerry.  In  the  morning, 
in  reply  to  the  admonitions  of  his  friend,  he  uttered  the  well  known 
A^ords,  "  Dulce  et  decorum  est,  pro  patria  mori."*  The  sweetness  and 
the  glory,  h>i  but  too  truly  experienced,  and  died  one  of  the  earliest 
victims  to  th»^.  cause  of  his  country's  freedom. 

In  1775,  Mr.  Gerry  proposed  a  law  in  the  Provincial  Congress  of  Mas- 
sachusetts, to  encourage  the  fitting  out  of  armed  vessels,  and  to  provide 
for  the  adjudication  of  prizes.  This  important  measure  was  passed,  and 
under  its  sanction,  several  of  the  enemy's  vessels,  with  valuable  cargoes, 
were  captured.  In  1776,  Mr.  Gerry  was  chosen  a  delegate  to  the  Conli 
nental  Congrpss,  in  which  body  he  shortly  after  took  his  seat.  His 
^services  in  this  capacity  were  numerous  and  important.     Having  married 


24  ELBRIDGE    GERRY. 

in  New  York,  he  returned  to  his  native  State,  and  fixed  his  residence  at 
Cambridge,  a  few  miles  from  Boston.  In  1787,  Mr.  Gerry  was  chosen 
a  delegate  to  the  Convention  which  assembled  at  Philadelphia,  to  revise 
the  articles  of  confederation.  To  him  there  appeared  strong  objections 
to  the  Federal  Constitution,  and  he  declined  affixing  his  signature  to  the 
instrument.  But  when  that  Constitution  had  gone  into  effect,  and  he 
was  chosen  a  representative  to  Congress,  he  cheerfully  united  in  its  sup- 
port, since  it  had  received  the  sanction  of  the  country. 

In  1797,  Mr.  Gerry  was  appointed  to  accompany  General  Pinckney 
and  Mr.  Marshall  on  a  special  mission  to  France.  On  their  arrival  in 
Paris,  the  tools  of  the  government  made  the  extraordinary  demand  of  a 
large  sum  of  money,  as  the  condition  of  any  negociation.  This  being 
refused,  the  ridiculous  attempt  was  made  by  the  Directory,  to  excite  their 
fears  for  themselves  and  their  country.  In  the  spring  of  179S,  two  of 
the  envoys,  Messrs.  Pinckney  and  Marshall,  were  ordered  to  ([uit  the 
territories  of  France,  while  Mr.  Gerry  was  invited  to  remain,  and  resume 
the  negociation  which  had  been  suspended.  He  accepted  the  invitation 
to  remain,  but  resolutely  refused  to  resume  the  negociation.  His  object 
m  remaining  was  to  prevent  an  immediate  rupture  with  France,  which, 
it  was  feared,  would  result  from  his  departure.  His  continuance  seems 
to  have  eventuated  in  the  good  of  his  country.  "  He  finally  saved  the 
peace  of  the  nation,"  said  the  late  President  Adams,  "  for  he  alone  dis- 
covered and  furnished  the  evidence  that  X.  Y.  and  Z.  were  employed 
by  Talleyrand;  and  he  alone  brought  home  the  direct,  formal,  and  official 
assurances  upon  which  the  subsequent  commission  proceeded,  and  peace 
was  made." 

Mr.  Gerry  returned  to  America  in  179S,  and  in  1805  was  elected  by 
the  republican  party.  Governor  of  Massachusetts.  In  the  following  year 
he  retired,  but  in  1810  was  again  chosen  Chief  Magistrate  of  that  com- 
monwealth, which  office  he  held  for  the  two  succeeding  years.  In  1812, 
he  was  elected  Vice-President  of  the  United  States,  into  which  office  he 
was  inaugurated  on  the  4th  of  March,  1813.  While  attending  to  his 
duties  at  Washington,  he  was  suddenly  summoned  from  the  scene  of  his 
earthly  labors.  A  beautiful  monument,  erected  at  the  national  expense, 
bears  the  following  inscription  : 

7hE   TOMB   OF 

ELBRIDGE   GERRY, 

Vice-President  of  the  United  States, 

who  died  suddenly,  in  this  city,  on  his  way  to  the 

Capitol,  as  President  oF  the  Senate, 

November  23d,  1814. 

Aged  70. 


25 


BUTTON    GWINNETT. 

Button  Gwinnett  was  born  in  England,  about  tbe  year  1732,  and  on 
coming  of  age  became  a  merchant  in  the  city  of  Bristol.  Some  time  af- 
ter his  marriage  in  his  native  country,  he  removed  to  Charleston,  South 
Carolina,  and  having  ;;ontinued  there  two  years,  he  purchased  a  large 
tract  of  land  in  Georgia,  where  he  became  extensively  engaged  in  agri- 
cultural pursuits. 

Mr.  Gwinnett  had  long  taken  a  deep  interest  in  the  welfare  of  the 
colonies  ;  but  he  despaired  of  a  successful  resistance  to  Great  Britain. 
His  sentiments  on  this  point,  however,  underwent  a  great  change,  and 
he  became  a  warm  advocate  for  opposing  the  unjust  exactions  of  the 
mother  country.  In  1776,  he  was  elected  a  representative  of  the  pro- 
vince of  Georgia,  in  Congress.  Ke  accordingly  repaired  to  Philadelphia, 
and  took  his  seat  in  the  National  Council,  to  which  he  was  re-elected 
the  ensuing  year.  He  was  afterwards  a  member  of  the  Convention  held 
at  Savannah,  to  frame  a  Constitution  for  the  State,  and  is  said  to  have  fur- 
nished the  outlines  of  the  Constitution,  which  was  finally  adopted.  Ori 
the  death  of  the  President  of  the  Provincial  Council,  Mr.  Gwinnett  was 
elected  to  the  vacant  station.  In  this  situation  he  seems  to  have  in- 
dulged in  an  unbecoming  hostility  towards  an  old  political  rival.  Colonel 
M'Intosh ;  adopting  several  expedients  to  mortify  his  adversary,  and 
never  divesting  himself  of  his  embittered  hatred  towards  him.  In  an 
expedition  which  he  had  projected  against  East  Florida,  Mr.  Gwinnett 
designed  to  command  the  continental  troops  and  militia  of  Georgia  him- 
self, thereby  excluding  Colonel  M'Intosh  from  the  command  even  of  his 
own  brigade. 

Just  at  this  period,  it  became  necessary  to  convene  the  Legislature. 
In  consequence  of  his  official  duties,  Mr.  Gwinnett  was  prevented  from 
proceeding  on  the  expedition.  He  therefore  appointed  to  the  command 
a  subordinate  officer  of  M'Intosh's  brigade.  The  expedition  failed  en- 
tirely, and  contributed  to  defeat  the  election  of  Mr.  Gwinnett  as  Governor 
of  the  State.  This  failure  blasted  his  hopes,  and  brought  his  political 
career  to  a  close.  M'Intosh  was  foolish  enough  to  exult  in  the  mortifi- 
cation of  his  adversary.  The  consequence  was,  that  Mr.  Gwinnett  pre- 
sented him  a  challenge.  They  fought  at  the  distance  of  onh^  twelve 
feet.  Both  were  severely  wounded.  The  wound  of  Sir.  Gwinnett 
proved  fatal.  He  expired  on  the  27th  of  May,  1777,  in  the  forty-fiflh 
year  of  his  age, — a  melancholy  instance  of  the  misery  produced  by  har- 
boring in  the  heart  the  absorbing  passion  of  rancorous  envy. 

In  person  Mr.  Gwinnett  was  tall,  and  of  a  noble  appearance.  In  his 
temprr  he  was  irritable ;  but  in  his  manners,  courteous,  graceful,  and 
oolite.  J) 


26 


LYMAN     HALL. 

Lyman  Hall  was  born  in  Connecticut,  about  the  year  1731.  After 
receiving  a  collegiate  education,  and  acquiring  a  competent  knowledge 
of  medicine,  he  removed  to  Georgia,  where  he  established  himself  in  his 
profession,  in  Sunbury,  in  the  district  of  Medway.  On  the  commence- 
ment of  the  struggle  with  Great  Britain,  he  accepted  of  a  situation  in 
the  parish  of  St.  John,  which  was  a  frontier  settlement,  and  exposed  to 
incursions  of  the  Creek  Indians,  and  of  the  royalists  of  Florida.  The 
parish  of  St.  John,  at  an  early  period,  entered  with  spirit  into  the  oppo- 
sition to  the  mother  country,  while  the  rest  of  Georgia,  generally,  main- 
tained different  sentiments.  So  widely  opposite  were  the  feelings  of 
this  patriotic  parish  to  those  of  the  other  inhabitants  of  the  province, 
that  an  almost  total  alienation  took  place  between  them. 

In  1774,  the  liberal  party  held  a  general  meeting,  at  Savannah,  where 
Dr.  Hall  appeared  as  a  representative  of  the  parish  of  St.  John.  The 
measures  adopted,  however,  fell  far  short  of  his  wishes,  and  those  of  his 
constituents.  At  a  subsequent  meeting,  it  was  agreed  to  petition  the 
King  for  a  redress  of  grievances. 

The  parish  of  St.  John,  dissatisfied  with  the  half-way  measures  of  the 
Savannah  Convention,  endeavored  to  negociate  an  alliance  with  the  com- 
mittee of  correspondence  in  Charleston,  South  Carolina.  But  this  being 
impracticable,  the  inhabitants  of  St.  John  resolved  to  c;:^  off  all  com- 
mercial intercourse  with  Savannah  and  the  surrounding  parishes.  Hav- 
ing taken  this  independent  stand,  they  next  made  an  unanimous  choice 
of  Dr.  Hall  as  their  representative  to  Congress.  In  the  following  May, 
Dr.  Hall  appeared  in  the  Hall  of  Congress,  and  by  that  body  was  unani- 
mously admitted  to  a  seat :  but  as  he  did  not  represent  the  whole  of  Geor- 
gia, it  was  resolved  to  reserve  the  question,  as  to  his  right  to  vote,  for 
further  deliberation.  Fortunately,  however,  on  the  15th  of  July,  Georgia 
acceded  to  the  general  confederacy,  and  proceeded  to  the  appointment  of 
five  delegates  to  Congress,  three  of  whom  attended  at  the  adjourned 
meeting  of  ihat  body  in  1775. 

Among  these  delegates.  Dr.  Hall  was  one.  He  was  annually  re- 
elected until  1780,  Avhen  he  retired  from  the  National  Legislature.  On 
the  possession  of  Georgia  by  the  British,  his  property  was  confiscated, 
and  he  obliged  to  leave  ^he  State.  He  returned  in  1782,  and  the  follow- 
ing year  was  elected  to  the  Chief  Magistracy  of  Georgia.  After  holding 
this  office  for  some  time,  he  retired  from  public  life,  and  died  at  his  resi 
denes,  in  Burke  county,  about  the  sixtieth  year  of  his  age. 


27 


JOHN    HANCOCK. 

John  Hancock  was  born  in  Quincy,  Massachusetts,  in  the  year  1737. 
Both  his  fatlier  and  grandfather  were  clerg-ymen.  Having  lost  the  for- 
mer relative  while  yet  a  child,  he  was  adopted  by  a  paternal  uncle, 
Thomas  Hancock,  "  the  most  opulent  merchant  in  Boston,  and  the  most 
enterprising  man  in  New  England."  A  professorship  had  been  founded 
in  Harvard  College  by  his  liberality,  and  to  the  library  of  that  inslitu- 
lion  he  was  a  principal  benefactor. 

Under  the  patronage  of  his  uncle,  the  nephew  received  a  liberal  edu- 
cation in  the  above  university,  where  he  was  graduated  in  1754.  On 
leaving  college,  he  was  employed  as  a  clerk  in  the  counting-house  of  his 
uncle,  where  he  continued  till'  1760,  when  he  visited  England  for  the 
purpose  of  extending  his  information  and  correspondence.  He  returned 
to  America  in  1764;  shortly  after  which,  his  uncle  died,  leaving  him  the 
direction  of  his  enormous  business,  and  a  fortune  the  largest  in  the  pro- 
vince. Hancock  became  neither  haughty  nor  profligate  by  this  sudden 
accession  of  wealth.  He  was  kind  and  liberal  to  the  numerous  persons 
dependent  upon  him  for  employment;  and  maintained  a  character  for 
integrity  and  ability  in  the  management  of  his  vast  and  complicated  con- 
cerns. His  princely  estate,  added  to  his  honorable  and  generous  charac- 
ter, soon  gave  him  influence,  and  ever  rendered  him  popular. 

In  1760,  he  was  chosen  a  member  of  the  Legislature  of  Massachu- 
setts, and  thus  became  intimately  associated  with  James  Otis,  Samuel 
Adams,  and  other  distinguished  patriots.  In  this  assembly,  his  genius 
rapidly  developed  itself,  and  he  became  conspicuous  for  the  purity  of  his 
principles,  and  the  excellence  of  his  abilities. 

The  arrival  of  a  vessel  belonging  to  Mr.  Hancock,  in  1768,  which 
was  said  to  be  loaded  contrary  to  the  revenue  laws,  produced  a  violent 
ebullition  of  popular  feeling.  This  vessel  was  seized  by  the  custom- 
house officers,  and  placed  under  the  guns  of  the  Romney,  at  that  time 
in  the  harbor,  for  security.  This  seizure  greatly  exasperated  the  people, 
and,  in  their  excitement,'  they  assaulted  the  revenue  officers,  and  com- 
pelled them  to  seek  safety  on  board  the  armed  vessel,  or  in  the  neigh- 
boring Castle.  The  boat  of  the  collector  was  destroyed,  and  several  of 
the  houses  of  his  partisans  were  razed  to  the  ground.  Mr.  Hancock, 
although  in  no  wise  concerned  in  this  transaction,  received  from  it  a  con- 
siderable accession  of  popularity. 

A  few  days  after  the  affray,  which  is  usually  termed  "  the  Boston 
Massacre,"  and  to  which  we  have  briefly  adverted  in  the  sketch  of  Sa- 
muel Adams,  Mr.  Hancock  was  appointed  to  deliver  an  address  in  com- 
memoration of  the  event.  After  speaking  of  his  attachment  to  a  just 
government,  and  his  detestation  of  tyranny,  he  proceeded  to  describe  the 
profligacy  and  abandoned  life  of  the  troops  quartered  amongst  them 
Not  satisfied  with  their  own  shameful  debauchery,  they  strove  to  vitiate 
the  morals  of  the  citizens,  and  "  thereby  render  them  loorthy  of  destruc- 
tion." He  spoke  in  terms  of  unmeasured  indignation  of  the  massacre  of 
the  inhabitants;  and  in  appalling  language  forewarned  the  perpetrators  of 


28  JOHN    HANCOCK. 

the  deed,  of  the  vengeance  which  would  overtake  them  hereafter,  "  h  -he 
laboring  earth  did  not  expand  her  jaws;  if  the  air  they  breathed  were 
not  commissioned  to  be  the  immediate  minister  of  death."  He  pro- 
ceeded in  the  following  spirited,  strain  : 

"  But  I  gladly  quit  this  theme  of  death.  I  would  not  dwell  too  long 
upon  the  horrid  effects,  which  have  already  followed  from  quartering 
regular  troops  in  this  town ;  let  our  misfortunes  instruct  posterity  to 
guard  against  these  evils.  Standing  armies  are  sometimes,  (I  would  by 
no  means  say  generally,  much  less  universally,)  composed  of  persons 
who  have  rendered  themselves  unfit  to  live  in  civil  society ;  who  are 
equally  indifferent  to  the  glory  of  a  George,  or  a  Louis;  who,  for  the 
addition  of  one  penny  a  day  to  their  wages,  would  desert  from  the  Chris- 
tian cross,  and  fight  under  the  crescent  of  the  Turkish  Sultan ;  from 
such  men  as  these  what  has  not  a  State  to  fear?  With  such  as  these, 
usurping  Cfesar  passed  the  Rubicon  ;  with  such  as  these  he  humbled 
mighty  Rome,  and  forced  the  mistress  of  the  world  to  own  a  master  in  a 
traitor.  These  are  the  men  Avhom  sceptred  robbers  now  employ  to  frus- 
trate the  designs  of  God,  and  render  vain  the  bounties  which  his  gra- 
cious hand  pours  indiscriminately  upon  his  creatures." 

The  intrepid  style  of  this  address  removed  all  doubts  as  to  the  devot- 
ed patriotism  of  Mr.  Hancock.  His  manners  and  habijs  had  spread 
an  opinion  unfavorable  to  his  republican  principles.  His  mansion  rival- 
ed the  magnificence  of  an  European  palace.  Gold  and  silver  embroi- 
dery adorned  his  garments;  and  his  carriage,  horses,  and  servants  in 
livery,  emulated  the  splendor  of  the  English  nobility.  But  the  senti- 
ments expressed  by  him  in  the  above  address  were  so  public,  and  explicit, 
as  to  cause  a  complete  renovation  of  his  popularity.  From  this  time,  he 
became  odious  to  the  Governor  and  his  adherents.  Efforts  were  made  to 
get  possession  of  his  person,  and  he,  with  Samuel  Adams,  was  excluded 
from  the  general  pardon  offered  by  Governor  Gage,  to  all  who  would 
manifest  a  proper  penitence  for  their  opposition  to  the  royal  authority. 

In  1774,  Hancock  was  unanimously  elected  to  the  presidential  chair 
of  the  Provincial  Congress  of  Massachusetts,  The  following  year,  the 
honor  of  the  presidency  of  the  Continental  Congress  was  conferred  upon 
him.  His  recent  proscription  by  Governor  Gage,  no  doubt,  contributed 
to  his  popularity  in  that  body.  In  this  station  Hancock  continued  till 
October,  1777 ;  when  his  infirm  health  induced  him  to  resign  his  office. 
He  was  afterwards  a  member  of  the  Convention  appointed  to  frame  a 
Constitution  for  Massachusetts,  and  in  17S0  was  chosen  first  Governor  of 
the  Commonwealth,  to  which  station  he  was  annually  elected,  until  the 
year  1785,  when  he  resigned.  After  an  interval  of  two  years,  he  was 
re-elected  to  the  same  office.  He  continued  in  it  till  the  time  of  his 
death,  which  took  place  on  the  8th  of  October,  1793,  in  the  fifty-fifth 
year  of  his  age. 

Mr.  Hancock  was  a  firm  and  energetic  patriot,  and  though  possessed 
of  immense  wealth,  devoted  himself  to  the  laborious  service  of  his 
country.  It  has  been  remarked,  that  by  the  force  with  which  he  inscribed 
his  name  on  the  parchment,  which  bears  the  declaration  of  independence, 
iip  spems  to  have  determined  that  his  name  should  nev^r   be   erasfd. 


BENJAMIN    HARRISON.  29 

His  libenility  was  great,  and  hundreds  of  families,  in  times  of  distress, 
were  daily  fed  from  his  munificence.  He  has  been  accused  by  his 
enemies  of  a  passion  for  popularity,  but  whatever  may  have  been  the 
truth  of  the  charge,  a  fondness  for  being  beloved  can  be  hardly  reckoned 
am.onn-  the  bad  traits  of  a  man's  character.  A  noble  instance  of  his 
contempt  of  wealth,  in  comparison  with  public  expediency,  is  recorded. 

At  the  time  the  American  army  was  besieging  Boston  to  expel  the 
British,  who  held  possession  of  the  town,  the  entire  destruction  of  the 
city  was  proposed  by  the  American  officers.  By  the  execution  of  such 
a  "plan,  the  whole  fortune  of  Mr.  Hancock  would  have  been  sacrificed. 
Yet  he  readily  acceded  to  the  measure,  declaring  his  willingness  to  sur- 
render his  all,  Avheuevcr  the  liberties  of  his  country  should  require  it. 


BENJAMIN    HARRISON. 

Benjamin  Harrison  was  born  in  Berkley,  Virginia.  He  was  the 
descendant  of  a  family  distinguished  in  the  history  of  the  State,  and  was 
a  student  in  the  College  of  William  and  Mary,  at  the  time  of  his  father's 
death.  In  consequence  of  a  misunderstanding  with  an  officer  of  that 
institution,  he  left  it  before  the  regular  period  of  graduation,  and  returned 
home. 

,  The  management  of  his  father's  estate  now  devolved  upon  him,  and 
he  displayed  an  unusual  degree  of  prudence  and  ability  in  the  discharge 
of  his  trust.  He  was  summoned  at  an  early  date,  even  before  he  had 
attained  the  age  required  by  law,  to  sustain  the  reputation  acquired  by 
his  ancestors,  in  state  affairs.  He  was  chosen  a  member  of  the  Legisla- 
ture about  the  year  1764,  a  station  which  he  may  be  said  to  have  held 
through  life,  since  he  was  always  elected  to  a  seat,  whenever  his  other 
political  avocations  admitted  of  his  occupying  it.  His  fortune  being 
ample,  and  his  influence  as  a  political  leader  very  considerable,  the  roj-^al 
government  proposed  to  create  him  a  member  of  the  executive  council 
of  Virginia.  Mr.  Harrison  was  not  to  be  seduced,  however,  by  the  attrac- 
tions of  rank  and  power.  Though  young,  he  was  ardently  devoted  to  the 
cause  of  the  people,  and  remained  steadfast  in  his  opposition  to  royal 
oppression. 

Mr.  Harrison  was  a  member  of  the  Congress  of  1774,  and  from  that 
period,  during  nearly  every  session,  represented  his  native  State  in 
that  assembly.  In, this  situation  he  was  characterized  for  great  firmness, 
good  sense,  and  a  peculiar  sagacity  in  difficult  and  critical  junctures. 
He  was  likewise  extremely  popular  as  chairman  of  the  committee  of  the 
whole  House.  An  anecdote  is  related  of  him  on  the  occasion  of  the 
Declaration  of  Independence.  While  signing  the  instrument,  he  noticed 
Mr.  Gerry,  of  Massachusetts,  standing  beside  him.  Mr.  Harrison  him- 
self was  quite  corpulent ;  Mr.  Gerry  was  slender  and  'pare.  As  the 
former  raised  his  hand,  having  inscribed  his  name  on  the  roll,  he  turned 
to  Mr.  Gerry,  and  facetiously  observed,  that  when  the  time  of  hanging 


30  JOHN   HART. 

should  come,  he  should  have  the  advantage  over  him.  "  It  will  be  over 
with  nie,"  said  he,  "  in  a  minute  ;  but  you  will  be  kicking  in  the  air  half 
an  hour  after  I  am  gone." 

Towards  the  close  of  1777,  Mr.  Harrison  resigned  his  seat  in  Congress, 
and  returned  to  Virginia.  In  1782,  he  was  chosen  Governor  of  the 
State,  to  which  office  he  was  twice  re-elected  ;  when  he  become  ineligi- 
ble by  the  provisions  of  the  Constitution.  In  1788,  when  the  new  Con- 
stitution of  the  United  States  was  submitted  to  Virginia,  he  was  returned 
a  member  of  her  Convention.  In  1790,  he  was  again  proposed  as  a 
candidate  for  the  executive  chair ;  but  declined  in  favor  of  his  friend, 
Beverly  Randolph.  In  the  spring  of  1791,  Mr.  Harrison  was  attacked 
by  a  severe  fit  of  the  gout,  a  recurrence  of  which  malady  shortly  after 
put  a  period  to  his  life. 

Mr.  Harrison  became  connected  by  marriage  with  Miss  Bassett,  a  niece 
to  the  sister  of  Mrs.  Washington.  He  had  many  children  ;  and  several 
of  his  sons  became  men  of  distinction.  His  third  son,  William  Henry 
Harrison,  has  honorably  served  his  country,  in  various  official  capacities. 


JOHN    HART. 


John  Hart  Avas  the  son  of  Edward  Hart,  of  Hopewell,  in  the  county 
of  Hunterdon,  in  New  Jersey.  He  inherited  from  his  father  a  conside- 
rable estate,  and  having  married,  devoted  himself  to  agricultural  pursuits, 
and  became  a  worthy  and  respectable  farmer. 

The  reputation  which  he  acquired  for  integrity,  discrimination,  and 
enlightened  prudence,  soon  brought  him  into  notice,  and  he  was  often 
chosen  a  member  of  the  Colonial  Assembly.  Although  one  of  the  most 
gentle  and  unobtrusive  of  men,  he  could  not  suppress  his  abhorrence  of 
the  aggressions  of  the  British  ministry.  He  maintained  a  fearless  and 
uniform  opinion  with  regard  to  the  rights  of  the  colonies,  and  did  not 
hesitate  to  express  it  when  occasion  invited  him.  On  the  meeting  of  the 
Congress  of  1774,  Mr.  Hart  appeared  and  took  his  seat ;  having  been 
elected  by  a  conference  of  committees  from  several  parts  of  the-colony. 
During  several  succeeding  sessions,  he  continued  to  represent  the  people 
of  New  Jersey,  in  thp  same  assembly.  When  the  question  of  a  Decla- 
ration of  Independence*  was  brought  forward,  he  was  at  his  post,  and 
voted  for  the  measure  with  unusual  zeal. 

In  1776,  New  Jersey  became  the  theatre  of  war,  and  Mr.  Hart  sus- 
tained severe  losses,  by  the  destruction  of  his  property.  His  children 
were  compelled  to  flee,  his  farm  was  pillaged,  and  great  exertions  were 
made  to  secure  him  as  a  prisoner.  For  some  time  he  was  hunted  with 
untiring  perseverance.  He  was  reduced  to  the  most  distressing  shifts 
to  elude  his  enemies;  being  often  severely  pressed  by  iiunger,  and 
destitute  of  a  place  of  repose  for  the  night.  In  one  instance,  he  was 
obliged  to  conceal  himself  in  the  usual  resting-place  of  a  large  dng,  who 
was  his  companion  for  the  time. 


JOSEPH    HEWES.  31 

The  battles  of  Tren'on  and  Princeton  led  to  the  evacuation  of  New 
Jersey  bj^  the  British.  On  this  event, Mr.  Hart  again  collected  his  family 
around  him,  and  began  to  repair  the  desolation  of  his  farm.  His  constitu- 
tion, however,  had  sustained  a  shock,  which  was  irreparable.  His  health 
gradually  failed  him;  and  though  he  lived  to  see  the  prospects  of  his 
country  brighten,  he  died  before  the  conflict  was  so  gloriously  terminated. 
Me  expired  in  the  year  17S0.  The  best  praise  that  can  be  awarc'ict'  to 
Mr.  Hart,  is,  that  he  Avas  beloved  by  all  who  knew  him.  He  was  very 
liberal  to  the  Baptist  church  of  Hopewell,  to  which  community  he 
belonged  ;  and  his  memory  was  hallowed  by  the  esteem  and  regret  of  a 
larsre  circle  of  friends. 


JOSEPH    HEWES. 


Joseph  Hewes  was  born  near  Kingston,  in  New  Jersey,  in  the  year 
1730.  His  parents  were  Quakers,  who  removed  from  Connecticut,  on 
account  of  the  existing  prejudices  against  them  among  the  Puritans,  and 
of  the  hostilities  of  the  Indians. 

At  a  suitable  age,  Joseph  Hewes  became  a  member  of  Princeton 
College  ;  and  after  having  graduated  in  due  course,  he  was  placed  in  the 
counting-house  of  a  gentleman  at  Philadelphia,  to  be  educated  as  a 
merchant.  On  leaving  this  situation,  he  entered  into  business  for  him- 
self, and  was  highly  successful  in  his  commercial  transactions.  At  the 
age  of  thirty  he  removed  to  North  Carolina,  and  settled  in  the  village  oi" 
Edenton.  Prosperity  continued  to  attend  him  here,  and  he  soon  acquired 
a  handsome  fortune.  By  his  probity  and  liberal  dealings,  he  also'gained 
the  esteem  of  the  people  among  whom  he  lived,  and  was  called  to  repre- 
sent them  in  the  Colonial  Legislature  of  the  province.  This  distinction 
was  conferred  upon  him  for  several  successive  years,  during  which  he 
increased  in  popularity  with  his  constituents. 

In  1774,  Mr.  Hewes  was  chosen  one  of  the  three  delegates  from  North 
Carolina  to  the  Continental  Congress.  No  members  of  that  body  brought 
with  them  credentials  of  a  bolder  stamp  than  the  delegates  from  North 
Carolina.  They  were  invested  with  such  powers  as  might  "  make  any 
acts  done  by  them,  or  consent  given  in  behalf  of  this  province,  obligatory 
in  honor  upon  any  inhabitant  thereof,  who  is  not  an  alien  to  his  country's 
good,  and  an  apostate  to  the  liberties  of  America."  On  the  meeting  of 
this  Congress,  Mr.  Hewes  was  nominated  one  of  the  committee  appointed 
to  "  state  the  rights  of  the  colonies  in  general,  the  several  instances  in 
which  those  rights  had  been  violated  or  infringed,  and  the  means  most 
proper  to  be  pursued  for  obtaining  a  restoration  of  them."  He  also 
assisted  in  preparing  their  celebrated  report,  which  was  drawn  up  as 
follows : 

"  1.  That  they  are  entitled  to  life,  liberty,  and  property  ;  and  they  have 
never  ceded  to  any  sovereign  power  whatever  a  right  to  dispose  of  either 
without  their  consent. 


o2  JOSEPH   HEWES. 

"2.  That  our  ances.ors,  who  first  settled  these  colonies,  were,  at  the 
time  of  their  emigration  from  the  mother  country,  entitled  to  all  the 
rights,  liberties,  and  immunities  of  free  and  natural  born  subjects,  within 
the  realm  of  England. 

"  3.  That  by  such  emigration  they  by  no  means  forfeited,  surrendered, 
or  lost,  any  of  those  rights ;  but  that  they  were,  and  their  descendants 
now  are,  entitled  to  the  exercise  and  enjoyment  of  all  such  of  them  as 
their  local  and  other  circumstances  enable  them  to  exercise  and  enjoy. 

"  4.  That  the  foundation  of  English  liberty,  and  of  free  government, 
is  a  right  in  the  people  to  participate  in  their  legislative  council ;  and  as 
the  English  colonists  are  not  represented,  and,  from  their  local  and  other 
circumstances,  cannot  properly  be  represented  in  the  British  Parliament, 
they  are  entitled  to  a  free  and  exclusive  power  of  legislation  in  their 
several  Provincial  Legislatures,  where  their  right  of  representation  can 
alone  be  pursued  in  all  cases  of  taxation  and  internal  polity,  subject  only 
to  the  negative  of  their  sovereign,  in  such  manner  as  has  been  heretofore 
used  and  accustomed  ;  but  if,  from  the  necessity  of  the  case,  and  a  regard 
to  the  mutual  interests  of  both  countries,  we  cheerfully  consent  to  the 
operation  of  such  acts  of  the  British  Parliament  as  are  boiia  fide  restrain- 
ed to  the  regulation  of  our  external  commerce,  for  the  purpose  of  securing 
the  commercial  advantages  of  the  whole  empire  to  the  mother  country, 
and  the  commercial  benefit  of  its  respective  members  ;  excluding  every 
idea  of  taxation,  internal  or  external,  for  raising  a  revenue  on  the  subjects 
in  America,  without  their  consent. 

"  5.  That  the  respective  colonies  are  entitled  to  the  common  law  of 
England,  and,  more  especially,  to  the  great  and  inestimoble  privilege  of 
being  tried  by  their  peers  of  the  vicinage,  according  to  the  course  of  the 
law.    . 

"6.  That  they  are  entitled  to  the  benefit  of  such  of  the  English 
statutes  as  existed  at  the  time  of  their  colonization,  and  which  they  have, 
by  experience,  respectively  found  applicable  to  their  several  local  and 
other  circumstances. 

"  7.  That  these  his  Majesty's  colonies  are  likewise  entitled  to  all  the 
immunities  and  privileges  granted  and  confirmed  to  them  by  royal  char- 
ters, or  secured  by  their  several  codes  of  provincial  laws. 

"  S.  That  they  have  a  right  peaceably  to  assemble,  consider  of  their 
grievances,  and  petition  the  King  ;  and  that  all  prosecutions,  prohibitory 
proclamations,  and  commitments  for  the  same,  are  illegal. 

"  9.  That  the  keeping  a  standing  army  in  these  colonies  in  times  of 
peace,  without  consent  of  the  Legislature  of  that  colony  in  which  such 
army  is  kept,  is  against  the  law. 

"  10.  It  is  indispensably  necessary  to  good  government,  and  rendered 
essential  by  the  English  Constitution,  that  the  constituent  branches  of  the 
Legislature  be  independent  of  each  other  ;  and  therefore  the  exercise  of 
legislative  power  in  several  colonies  by  a  council  appointed  during  plea- 
sure by  the  crown,  is  unconstitutional,  dangerous,  and  destructive  to  the 
freedom  of  American  legislation. 

"  All  and  each  of  which  the  aforesaid  deputies,  in  behalf  of  themselves 
and  their  constituents,  do  claim,  demand,  and  insist  on,  as  their  indispu- 


THOMAS    HEYWARD.  33 

table  rights  and  liberties,  which  cannot  be  legally  taken  from  thcni,  alter- 
ed, or  abridged,  by  any  power  whatever,  without  their  consent,  by  their 
representatives  in  their  several  Provincial  Legislatures." 

To  the  above  declaration  of  rights  was  added  an  enumeration  of  the 
wrongs  already  sustained  by  the  colonies;  after  stating  which,  the  report 
concluded  as  follows  : 

"  To  these  grievous  acts  and  measures,  Americans  cannot  submit ;  but 
in  hopes  their  fellow  subjects  in  Great  Britain  will,  on  a  revisiorj  of  them, 
restore  us  to  that  state  in  which  both  countries  found  happmess  and 
prosperity,  we  have,  for  the  present,  only  resolved  to  pursue  the  following 
peaceable  measures  :  1.  To  enter  into  a  non-importation,  non-consump- 
tion, and  non-exportation  agreement,  or  association.  2.  To  prepare  an 
address  to  the  people  of  Great  Britain,  and  a  memorial  to  the  inhabitants 
of  British  America.  And,  3.  to  prepare  a  loyal  address  to  his  majesty, 
agreeably  to  resolutions  already  entered  into." 

Although  engaged  in  extensive  commercial  transactions,  Mr.  Hewes, 
about  this  time,  assisted  in  forming  the  plan  of  the  non-importation 
association,  and  readily  became  a  member  of  it.  He  was  again  elect- 
ed to  Congress  by  the  people  of  North  Carolina  in  1775,  and  remained 
in  Philadelphia  until  the  adjournment  of  that  assembly  in  July.  He 
continued  to  represent  the  same  State,  almost  without  intermission,  for 
four  succeeding  years,  and  gave  very  general  satisfaction.  The  last  time 
that  he  appeared  in  Congress  was  on  the  29th  of  October,  1799.  After 
this  date,  an  indisposition,  under  which  he  had  labored  for  some  time, 
confined  him  to  his  chamber,  and  at  length,  on  the  10th  of  November, 
terminated  his  life,  in  the  fiftieth  year  of  his  age.  His  funeral  was 
numerously  attended,  and  in  testimony  of  their  respect  to  his  memory, 
Congress  resolved  to  wear  crape  round  the  left  arm  for  the  space  of  one 
month.     Mr.  Hewes  left  a  large  fortune,  but  no  children  to  inherit  it. 


THOMAS    HEYWARD. 


Thomas  Heyward  was  born  in  St.  Luke's  parish,  in  South  Carolina, 
in  the  year  1746.  His  father  was  a  planter  of  fortune,  and  young  Hey- 
ward received  the  best  education  that  the  province  could  afford.  Having 
finished  his  scholastic  studies,  he  entered  upon  those  of  the  law,  and  after 
the  usual  term  of  application,  was  sent  to  England  to  complete  himself 
in  his  profession.  He  was  enrolled  as  a  student  in  one  of  the  Inns  of 
Court,  and  devoted  himself  with  great  ardor  to  the  acquirement  of  legal" 
knowledge. 

On  completing  his  studies  in  England,  he  commenced  the  tour  of  Eu- 
rope, which  occupied  him  several  years.  After  enjoying  the  advantages 
of  foreign  travel,  he  returned  to  his  native  country,  and  devoted  himself, 
with  great  zeal  for  a  man  of  fortune,  to  the  labors  of  the  law.  In  1775, 
Mr.  Heyward  was  elected  to  supply  a  vacancy  in  Congress ;  and  arrived 
at  Philadelphia  in  season  to  join  in  the  discussion  of  the  great  questioa 
E 


34  WILLIAM     HOOPER 

of  Independence,  In  177S,  he  was  prompted  by  a  sense  of  duty  to  accept 
of  an  appointment  as  Judge  of  the  Criminal  Court  of  the  new  Go  rem- 
mcnt.  Soon  after  his  elevation  to  the  bench,  he  was  called  upon  to  pre- 
side at  the  trial  and  condemnation  of  several  persons  charged  with  a 
U-easonable  correspondence  with  the  enemy.  The  conviction  of  these 
individuals  was  followed  by  their  execution,  which  took  place  within 
view  of  the  British  army,  to  whom  it  rendered  the  Judge  particularly 
obnoxious. 

In  the  spring  of  1780,  the  city  of  Charleston  was  taken  possession  of 
by  General  Clinton.  Judge  Heyward,  at  that  time,  had  command  of  a 
battalion.  On  the  reduction  of  the  place,  he  became  a  prisoner  of  war, 
and  was  transported,  with  some  others,  to  St.  Augustine.  During  his 
absence,  he  suffered  greatly  in  respect  to  his  property.  His  plantation  was 
much  injured,  and  his  slaves  were  seized  and  carried  away.  He  at 
length  had  leave  to  return  to  Philadelphia.  On  his  passage  thither,  he 
narrowly  escaped  a  watery  grave.  By  some  accident  he  fell  overboard ; 
but,  fortunately,  he  kept  himself  from  sinking,  by  holding  to  the  rudder 
of  the  ship,  until  assistance  could  be  rendered  him.  On  his  return  to 
Carolina,  he  resumed  his  judicial  duties;  in  the  exercise  of  which,  he 
continued  till  1798.  He  was  a  member  of  the  Convention  for  forming 
the  State  Constitution,  in  1790;  and  was  conspicuous  for  his  sound 
judgment  and  unchanging  patriotism.  Having  retired  from  the  most 
arduous  of  his  public  labors  and  cares,  he  died  in  March,  1809,  in  the 
sixty-fourth  year  of  his  age.  Mr.  Heyward  was  twice  married,  and  was 
the  father  of  several  children.  He  was  estimable  for  his  amiable  dispo- 
sition, his  virtuous  principles,  and  his  extensive  acquaintance  with  men 
and  things. 


WILLIAM    HOOPER. 


William  Hooper  was  born  in  Boston,  on  -the  17th  of  June,  1742. 
He  entered  Harvard  University  at  the  age  of  fifteen,  and  was  graduated 
in  1760.  His  father,  who  was  pastor  of  Trinity  Church,  in  Boston,  had 
destined  his  son  for  the  ministerial  profession ;  but  the  latter  having  an 
inclination  for  the  law,  he  was  placed  in  the  office  of  the  celebrated 
James  Otis,  to  pursue  the  study  of  his  choice.  On  being  qualifiedfor 
the  bar,  young  Hooper  removed  to  North  Carolina,  and  having  married, 
finally  established  himself  in  the  practice  of  his  profession  at  Wil- 
mington. 

He  was  soon  placed,  by  his  talents,  among  the  foremost  advocates  of 
the  province,  and  was  chosen  to  represent  the  town  of  Wilmington,  in 
the  General  Assembly.  He  was  elected  to  a  seat  in  the  same  body  the 
following  year,  and  was  always  one  of  the  boldest  opposers  of  the  tyran- 
nical encroachments  of  the  British  Government.  In  1774,  Mr.  Hooper 
wns  chosen  a  delegate  to  the  memorable  Congress,  which  met  at  Phila- 
delphia.    He  took  an  important  share  in  the  discussions  of  this  .ALSsem- 


STEPHEN    HOPKINS.  35 

bly,  anj  was  remarkable  for  his  fluent  and  animated  elocution.  He  was 
a  member  of  the  same  body  the  following  year,  and  durino^  the  session, 
drew  up,  as  chairman  of  different  committees,  several  able  addresses  and 
reports.  In  1776,  the  private  affairs  of  Mr.  Hooper  requirinj>-  his  atten- 
tion in  North  Carolinii.,  he  did  not,  for  some  time,  attend  upon  the  sitting 
of  Congress.  He  returned,  however,  in  season  to  share  in  the  honoi 
and  danger  of  signing  the  imperishable  instrument  which  declared  the 
Colonies  of  North  America  free  and  independent.  Having  been  elected 
to  Congress  a  third  time,  Mr.  Hooper  was  obliged  to  resign  his  seat  in 
February,  1777,  and  return  to  the  adjustment  of  his  own  embarrassed 
affairs. 

In  1786  he  was  appointed,  by  Congress,  one  of  the  Judges  of  a  Fede- 
ral Court,  formed  for  the  purpose  of  settling  a  controversy  which  existed 
between  the  States  of  New  York  and  Massachusetts,  in  regard  to  cer- 
tain lands.  In  the  following  year,  his  health  being  consiuerably  im- 
paired, he  sought  to  restore  it  by  private  retirement.  This,  however,  he 
did  not  live  long  to  enjoy.  He  died  in  October,  1790,  at  the  age  of  forty- 
eight  years,  leaving  a  wife  and  three  children.  Mr.  Hooper  was  dis- 
tinguished for  his  conversational  powers,  his  good  taste,  and  his  devotion 
to  his  profession.  As  a  politician,  he  was  constant,  judicious,  and  en- 
.husiastic.  He  never  gave  wav  to  despondency ;  possessing  an  unshak- 
en confidence  that  Heaven  would  defend  the  risfht. 


STEPHEN   HOPKINS. 


Stephen  Hopkins  was  born  near  Providence,  (R.  I.)  in  a  place  now 
called  Scituate,  on  the  7th  of  March,  1707.  He  was  of  respectable  pa- 
rentage, being  a  descendant  of  Benedict  Arnold,  the  first  Governor  of 
Rhode  Island.  His  early  education  was  limited,  but  he  is  said  to  have 
excelled  in  penmanship,  and  in  the  practical  branches  of  mathematics. 

For  several  years  he  followed  the  profession  of  a  farmer.  He  was 
afterwards  chosen  Town  Clerk  of  Scituate,  and  a  Representative  to  the 
General  Assembly.  He  was  subsequently  appointed  a  Justice  of  the 
Peace,  and  a  Justice  of  one  of  the  Courts  of  Common  Pleas.  In  1733, 
he  became  Chief  Justice  of  that  court.  In  1742,  he  removed  to  Provi- 
dence, where  he  entered  into  commerce,  and  was  extensively  engaged  in 
building  and  fitting  out  vessels.  He  was  chosen  a  Representative  from 
that  town  to  the  General  Assembly,  and  became  Speaker  of  the  House 
of  Representatives.  In  1751,  he  was  made  Chief  Justice  of  the  Superior 
Court,  and  lield  that  otTice  till  the  year  1754,  when  he  was  appointed  a 
Commissioner  to  the  celebrated  Albany  Convention.  The  object  of  this 
Convention  was  the  securing  of  the  friendship  of  the  five  great  Indian 
nations,  in  the  approaching  French  war,  and  an  union  between  the 
several  colonies  of  America. 

In  1756,  ]\Ir.  Hopkins  was  elected  Chief  Magistrate  of  the  colony  of 
Rhode  Island.     This   office  he  continued  to  hold,  almost  without  inter- 


26  FRANCIS    HOPKINSON. 

mission,  until  1767  ;  dischargiiTg  its  duties  in  an  efficient  and  highly 
satisfactory  manner.  He  resolutely  espoused  the  cause  of  the  colonies, 
and  in  a  pamphlet  entitled,  "  The  rights  of  colonies  examined,"  proved 
the  injustice  of  the  Stamp  Act,  and  other  measures  of  the  British  minis- 
try. In  1774,  Mr.  Hopkins  received  the  appointment  of  Delegate  from 
Rhode  Island  to  the  Continental  Congress.  In  this  assembly  he  took 
his  seat  on  the  first  day  of  the  session,  and  became  one  of  the  mos. 
zealous  advocates  of  the  measures  adopted  by  that  illustrious  body  of 
men.  In  the  year  1775  and  1776,  he  again  represented  Rhode  Island  in 
Congress.  In  this  latter  year,  he  affixed  his  name  to  the  Declaration  of 
Independence.  His  signature  was  the  only  one  upon  the  roll,  which 
gave  indications  of  a  trembling  hand ;  but  it  was  not  the  tremulousness 
of  fear.  Mr.  Hopkins  had  for  some  time  been  afflicted  with  a  paralytic 
affection,  which  compelled  him,  when  he  wrote,  to  guide  his  right  hand 
with  his  left. 

In  1778,  Mr.  Hopkins  was  a  Delegate  to  Congress  for  the  last  time  : 
but  for  several  years  afterwards,  he  was  a  member  of  the  General  As- 
sembly of  Rhode  Island.  He  closed  his  useful  and  honorable  life  on  the 
13th  of  July,  1785,  in  the  seventy-eighth  year  of  his  age.  Mr.  Hopkins 
was  enabled  by  the  vigor  of  liis  understanding  to  surmount  his  early 
deficiencies,  and  rise  to  the  most  distinguished  offices  in  the  gift  of  his 
rellow  citizens.  He  possessed  considerable  fondness  for  literature,  and 
greatly  excelled  as  a  mathematician.  He  was  an  unshaken  friend  of 
nis  country,  and  an  enemy  to  civil  and  religious  intolerance,  distinguish- 
ed for  his  liberality,  and  for  the  correct  and  honorable  discharge  of  hi? 
various  duties. 


FRANCIS    HOPKINSON. 

Francis  Hopkinson  was  born  in  Philadelphia,  in  the  year  1737.  His 
father  was  an  Englishman,  who,  a  short  time  previous  to  his  emigration 
to  America,  married  a  niece  of  the  Bishop  of  Worcester.  He  was  a 
man  of  a  cultivated  mind  and  considerable  literary  accomplishments ; 
and  became  intimate  with  Benjamin  Franklin,  by  whom  he  was  held  in 
high  estimation.  Upon  the  death  of  Mr.  Hopkinson,  which  occurred 
whilo  he  was  in  the  prime  of  life,  the  care  of  his  family  devolved  upon 
his  widow,  who  was  eminently  qualified  for  the  task.  She  was  a 
woman  of  a  superior  mind  ;  and  discovering  early  indications  of  talent  in 
her  son,  she  resolved  to  make  every  sacrifice,  to  furnish  him  with  a  good 
education.  She  placed  him  at  the  college  of  Philadelphia,  and  hved 
to  see  him  graduate  with  reputation,  and  attain  a  high  eminence  at  the 
bar. 

In  1766,  Francis  Hopkinson  embarked  for  England,  and  received, 
upon  the  occasion,  a  public  expression  of  respect  and  affection  from  the 
Board  of  Trustees  of  the  College  of  Philadelphia.  After  a  residence  of 
more  than  two  years  in  the  land  of  his  forefathers,  he  returned  to  Ameri- 


SAMUEL    HUNTINGTON.  ^7 

ca.  Ho  soon  aftrr  married  Miss  Borden,  of  Bordonlown,  in  New  Jer- 
sey, where  he  took  up  his  residence,  and  was  appointed  collector  of  the 
customs  and  executive  counsellor.  These  ofTiccs  he  did  not  lonj^  enjoy, 
having:  sacrificed  them  to  his  attachment  to  the  liberties  of  his  country. 
He  enlisted  himself  warmly  in  the  cause  of  the  people,  and  in  1776  was 
appointed  a  delegate  from  New  Jersey  to  the  Continental  Cong-ress.  He 
voted  for  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  and  affixed  his  signature  to 
the  engrossed  copy  of  that  instrument.  In  1779,  he  was  a{)pointed 
Judge  of  the  Admiralty  Court  of  Pennsylvania,  and  for  ten  years  con- 
tinued to  discharge  with  fidelity  the  duties  of  that  office. 

Soon  after  the  adoption  of  the  Federal  Constitution,  Mr.  Hopkinson 
received  from  Washington  the  appointment  of  Judge  of  the  United  States 
(or  the  district  of  Pennsylvania.  In  this  station,  he  conscientiously 
avoided  mingling  in  party  politics.  His  life  was  suddenly  terminated, 
while  in  the  midst  of  his  usefulness,  on  the  Sth  of  May,  1791.  He  died 
of  an  apoplectic  fit,  Avhich,  in  two  hours  after  the  attack,  put  a  period  to 
hii-  existence. 

Mr.  Hopkinson  was  endued  with  considerable  powers  of  humor  and 
satire,  which  he  employed  eflectually  in  rousing  the  feelings  of  the  peo- 
ple, during  the  war  of  the  Revolution.  He  was  the  author  of  several 
fugidve  pieces,  which  were  very  popular  in  their  day.  His  well  known 
bailed,  called  "  The  Battle  of  the  Kegs,"  gives  evidence  of  a  rich  and 
exhaustless  fund  of  humor,  and  will  probably  last  the  wear  of  centuries. 
He  excelled  in  music,  and  had  some  knowledge  of  painting.  His  library 
was  extensive,  and  his  slock  of  knowledge  constantly  accumulating.  In 
stature,  Mr.  Hopkinson  was  below  the  common  size.  His  countenance 
was  animated,  his  speech  fluent ;  and  his  motions  were  unusually  rapid. 
Few  men  were  kinder  in  their  dispositions,  or  more  benevolent  in  their 
lives.  He  left,  at  his  decease,  a  widow  and  five  children.  The  eldest 
of  these,  Joseph  Hopkinson,  occupies  an  eminent  rank  among  the  advo 
cates  of  the  American  bar. 


SAMUEL    HUNTINGTON. 

Samuel  Huntington  was  born  in  Windham,  Connecticut,  on  the  2d 
of  July,  1732.  Being  the  eldest  son,  his  father  required  his  assistance 
on  the  farm,  and  his  opportunities  for  study  were  accordingly  brief  and 
extremely  rare.  He  possessed,  however,  a  vigorous  i.nderstanding,  and 
;upplied  his  deficiencies  of  instruction  by  an  assiduous  and  a  persevering 
devotion  to  the  acquisition  of  knowledge.  At  the  age  of  twenty-one 
years,  he  was  probably  equal,  in  point  of  literary  attainments,  to  most  of 
those  who  had  received  a  collegiate  education. 

Conceiving  a  fondness  for  legal  pursuits,  he  abandoned  his  occupation 
of  husbandry,  and  resolved  to  e^ter  alone  and  unaided  upon  the  study  of 
the  law.  He  soon  obtained  a  coiiipetent  knowledge  of  the  principles  of  the 
profession,  to  commence  the  practice  of  an  attorney  in  his  native  toAvn : 


-8  FRANCIS   LIGHTFOOT   LEE. 

but  in  17G0,  he  removed  to  Norwich,  where  a  wider  field  presented  itself 
for  the  exercise  of  his  talents.  Here  he  soon  became  distinguished  for 
his  ability,  his  integrity,  and  his  strict  attention  to  business.  In  1764, 
Mr.  Huntington  represented  the  town  of  Norwich  in  the  General  Assem 
biy ;  and  the  following  year  was  appointed  to  the  ofRce  of  King's  Attor- 
ne\.  In  1774,  he  became  an  Associate  Judge  in  the  Superior  Court, 
and  soon  after  an  assistant  in  the  Council  of  Connecticut. 

His  talents  and  patriotism  recommending  him  to  public  confidence,  he 
was  elected  in  1775  a  Delegate  to  the  Continental  Congress.  In  the 
subsequent  July,  he  voted  in  favor  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence. 
Mr.  Huntington  continued  a  member  of  Congress  until  the  year  17S1, 
when  ill  health  induced  him  to  resign.  On  the  departure  of  Mr.  Jay  as 
Minister  to  Spain,  he  had  been  appointed  to  the  presidency  of  the  Congress, 
and  had  served  in  that  honorable  station  with  distinguished  ability  and 
digiii'v.  in  testimony  of  their  approbation  of  his  conduct  in  the  chair, 
and  in  the  execution  of  public  business,  Congress,  soon  after  his  retire- 
Uient,  accorded  to  Mr.  Huntington  the  expression  of  their  public  thanks. 
On  his  return  to  his  native  State,  he  resumed  his  judicial  functions,  and 
in  17S2  was  re-elected  to  Congress.  He  did  not  attend,  however,  until 
the  following  year,  when  he  resumed  his  seat.  He  continued  a  con- 
.■^picuous  nuMnber,  until  November,  at  which  time  he  finally  retired  from 
the  National  Assembly. 

Soon  after  his  return  to  Connecticut,  he  was  placed  at  the  head  of  the 
Superior  Court,  and  the  following  year  was  chosen  Lieutenant-Governor 
of  the  State.  In  1786,  he  succeeded  Governor  Griswold  in  the  office  of 
Chief  jMagistrate,  and  was  annually  re-elected  to  that  station  during  the 
remainder  of  hi«  life.  His  death  took  place  on  the  5th  of  January,  1796, 
in  the  sixty-fourth  year  of  his  age.  Mr.  Huntington  was  a  sincere 
(JhriMiun,  and  few  men  possessed  a  greater  share  of  mildness  and  equa- 
nimity of  temper.  He  rose  from  the  humble  situation  of  a  ploughboy 
by  his  own  industry  and  perseverance,  and  without  the  advantage  of 
family  patronage  or  influence.  He  married  in  the  thirtieth  year  of  his 
age ;  "but  having  no  children,  he  adopted  a  son  and  daughter  of  his 
brother,  the  Reverend  Joseph  Huntington. 


FRANCIS    LIGHTFOOT    LEE. 

Francis  Lightfoot  Lee  Avas  born  in  Virginia  in  1734.  He  was  the 
lourth  son  of  Thomas  Lee,  who  for  several  years  held  the  office  of  Presi- 
dent of  the  King's  Council. 

Francis  Lightfoot  did  not  receive  the  advantage  enjoyed  by  his  elder 
brothers,  of  an  education  at  the  English  Universities.  He  was  placed, 
however,  under  the  care  of  an  accomplished  domestic  tutor  of  the  name 
of  Craig,  and  acquired  an  early  fondness  for  literature.  He  became  well 
versed  in  the  most  important  branches  of  science,  and  probably  obtained 
as  good  an  education  as  the   country  cuuld  then   afTord.     The  fortune 


FRANCIS    LIG  II  TFOOT   LEE.  39 

bequeathed  him  by  his  fatlier  rendered  the  study  of  a  profession  unne- 
cessary, ai'.d  he  accordingly  surrendered  himself,  for  several  years,  to  the 
enjoymen.of  literary  ease  and  social  intercourse.  He  possessed,  however 
an  active  mind,  and  i/armly  interested  himself  in  the  advancement  of 
his  coun'.ry.  In  1765,  he  was  returned  a  member  of  the  House  of  Bur- 
gesses from  the  county  of  Loudon,  where  his  estate  was  situated.  He 
was  annually  re-elected  to  this  office  until  1772,  when,  having  married  a 
lady  of  Riclimond  county,  he  removed  thither,  and  was  soon  after  chosen 
by  the  citizens  of  liiat  place  to  the  same  station. 

In  1775,  Mr.  Lee  was  appointed  by  the  Virginia  Convention  a  delegate 
to  the  Continental  Congress.  He  took  his  seat  in  this  assembly  ;  and, 
though  he  seldom  engaged  in  the  public  discussions,  way  surpassed  by 
none  in  his  zeal  to  forward  the  interests  of  the  colonies.  His  brother, 
Richard  Henry  Lee,  had  the  high  honor  of  bringing  forward  the  momen- 
tous question  ot  independence,  but  no  one  was  perhaps  a  warmer  friend 
of  the  measure  than  Francis  Lightfoot. 

Mr.  Lee  retired  from  Congress  in  1779.  He  was  fondly  attached  to 
the  pleasures  of  home,  and  eagerly  sought  an  opportunity  when  his 
services  were  not  essentially  needed  by  his  country,  to  resume  the  undis- 
turbed quiet  of  his  former  life.  He  was  not  long  permitted  to  enjoy  his 
seclusion.  He  reluctantly  obeyed  the  summons  of  his  fellow  citizens  to 
represent  them  once  more  in  the  Legislature  of  Virginia.  His  duties 
were  most  faithfully  discharged  while  a  member  of  this  body  ;  but  he 
soon  became  weary  of  the  bustle  and  vexations  of  public  life,  and  relin- 
quished them  for  the  pleasures  of  retirement.  In  the  latter  period  of  his 
life,  he  found  an  unfailing  source  of  happiness  to  himself,  in  contributing 
largely  to  the  enjoyment  of  others.  His  benevolence  and  the  urbanity 
of  his  manners  rendered  him  beloved  by  all.  He  was  a  practical  friend 
to  the  poor,  and  a  companion  to  the  young  or  the  aged,  the  lighthearted 
or  the  broken  in  spirit.  Having  no  children,  he  devoted  his  time  chiefly 
to  reading,  farming,  and  company.  His  death  was  occasioned  by  a  pleu- 
risy, which  disease  also  terminated  the  life  of  his  wife  a  few  days  after 
his  own  departure.  He  died  in  the  consoling  belief  of  the  Gospel,  and 
ir  peace  with  all  mankind  and  his  own  conscience. 

The  brothers  of  Mr.  Lee  were  all  eminently  distinguished  for  their 
talents  and  for  their  services  to  their  country.  Philip  Ludwell,  a  member 
of  the  King's  Council ;  Thomas  Ludwell,  a  member  of  the  Virginia 
Assembly  ;  Richard  Henry,  as  the  champion  of  American  freedom ; 
William,  as  a  sheriff  and  alderman  of  London,  and  afterwards  a  Com- 
missioner of  the  Continental  Congress  at  the  courts  of  Berlin  and  Vienna ; 
and  Arthur  as  a  scholar,  a  poli'.ician,  and  diplomatist. 


40 


RICHARD    HENRY    LEE. 

Richard  Henry  Lee,  a  brother  of  the  foregoing,  was  born  at  Stratford, 
in  Westmoreland  county,  Virginia,  on  the  20th  of  January,  1732.  He 
received  his  education  in  England,  where  his  acquisitions  were  conside- 
rable in  scientific  and  classical  knowledge.  He  returned  to  his  native 
country  when  in  his  nineteenth  year,  and  devoted  himself  to  the  general 
study  of  history,  politics,  law,  and  polite  literature,  without  engaging  in 
any  particular  profession. 

About  the  year  1757,  he  was  chosen  a  Delegate  to  the  House  of  Bur- 
gesses, where  a  natural'  diffidence  for  some  time  prevented  him  from 
displaying  the  full  extent  of  his  powers  and  resources.  This  impediment, 
however,  was  gradually  removed,  and  he  rapidly  rose  into  notice  as  a 
persuasive  and  eloquent  speaker.  In  1764,  he  was  appointed  to  draught  an 
address  to  the  King,  and  a  memorial  to  the  House  of  Lords,  which  are 
among  the  best  state  papers  of  the  period.  Some  years  afterwards,  he 
brought  forward  his  celebrated  plan  for  the  formation  of  a  committee  of 
correspondence,  whose  object  was  "  to  watch  the  conduct  of  the  British 
Parliament ;  to  spread  more  widely  correct  information  on  topics  con- 
nected with  the  interests  of  the  colonies,  and  to  form  a  chosen  union  of 
the  men  of  influence  in  each."  This  plan  was  originated  about  the  same 
time  in  Massachusetts,  by  Samuel  Adams. 

The  efforts  of  Mr.  Lee  in  resisting  the  various  encroachments  of  the 
British  government  were  indefatigable,  and  in  1774  he  attended  the  first 
General  Congress  at  Philadelphia,  as  a  delegate  from  Virginia.  He  was 
a  member  of  most  of  the  important  committees  of  this  body,  and  labored 
with  unceasing  vigilance  and  energy.  The  memorial  of  Congress  to  the 
people  of  British  America,  and  the  second  address  of  Congress  to  the 
people  of  Great  Britain,  were  both  from  his  pen.  The  following  year, 
he  was  again  deputed  to  represent  Virginia  in  the  same  assembly,  and 
his  exertions  were  equally  zealous  and  successful.  Among  other  respon- 
sible duties,  he  was  appointed,  as  chairman  of  a  committee,  to  furnish 
General  Washington,  who  had  been  summoned  to  the  command  of  the 
American  armies,  with  his  commission  and  instructions. 

On  the  7th  of  June,  1776,  Mr.  Lee  introduced  the  measure,  which 
declared,  "  That  these  united  colonies  are,  and  of  right  ought  to  be,  free 
and  independent  States  ;  that  they  are  absolved  from  all  allegiance  to 
the  British  crown  ;  and  that  all  political  connexion  between  them  and  the 
State  of  Great  Britain  is,  and  ought  to  be,  totally  dissolved."  This  im- 
portant motion  he  supported  by  a  speech  of  the  most  brilliant  eloquence. 
"  Why  then,  Sir,"  said  he,  in  conclusion,  "  why  do  we  longer  delay  ? 
Why  still  deliberate  ?  Let  this  happy  day  give  "birth  to  an  American 
republic.  Let  her  arise,  not  to  devastate  and  to  conquer,  but  to  re-estab- 
lish the  reign  of  peace  and  of  law.  The  eyes  of  Europe  are  fixed  upon 
us;  she  demands  of  us  a  living  example  of  freedom,  that  may  exhibit  a 
contrast  in  the  felicity  of  the  citizen  to  the  ever  increasing  tyranny  which 
desolates  her  polluted  shores.  She  invites  us  to  prepare  an  asylum, 
where  the  unhappj    may  find  solace,  and  the  persecuted  repose.     She 


RICHARD    HENRY    LEE.  41 

invites  us  to  cultivate  a  propitious  soil,  where  that  generous  plant  which 
first  sprung  up  and  grew  in  England,  but  is  now  withered  by  the  poisonous 
blasts  of  Scottish  tyranny,  may  revive  and  flourish,  shelterino-  under  its 
salubrious  and  interminable  shade,  all  the  unfortunate  of  the  human  race. 
If  we  are  not  this  day  wanting  in  our  duty,  the  names  of  the  American 
legislators  of  1776  will  be  placed  by  posterity  at  the  side  of  Theseus. 
Lycurgus,  and  Romulus,  of  the  three  Williams  of  Nassau,  and  of  all 
those  whose  memory  has  been,  and  ever  will  be,  dear  to  virtuous  men 
and  good  citizens." 

The  debate  on  the  above  motion  of  Mr.  Lee,  Avas  protracted  until 
the  tenth  of  June,  when  Congress  resolved:  "that  the  consideration  of 
the  resolution  respecting  Independence,  be  postponed  till  the  first  Mon- 
day in  July  next;  and  in  the  meanwhile,  that  no  time  may  be  lost,  in 
case  the  Congress  agree  thereto,  that  a  committee  be  appointed  to  pre 
pare  a  declaration  to  the  effect  of  the  said  resolution." 

As  the  mover  of  the  original  resolution  for  Independence,  it  would,  ac- 
cording to  parliamentary  usage,  have  devolved  upon  Mr.  Lee  to  have  been 
appointed  chairman  of  the  Committee  selected  to  prepare  a  declaration, 
and,  as  chairman,  to  have  furnished  that  important  document.  But  on 
the  day  on  which  the  resolution  was  taken,  Mr.  Lee  was  unexpectedly 
summoned  to  attend  upon  his  family  in  Virginia,  some  of  the  members 
of  which  were  dangerously  ill ;  and  Mr.  Jefferson  was  appointed  chair 
man  in  his  place. 

Mr.  Lee  continued  to  hold  a  seat  in  Congress  till  June,  1777,  when  he 
solicited  leave  of  absence,  on  account  of  the  delicate  state  of  his  health. 
In  August,  of  the  next  year,  he  was  again  elected  to  Congress,  and  conti- 
nued in  that  body  till  1780,  when  he  declined  a  re-election,  believing  that  he 
would  be  more  useful  to  his  native  State  by  holding  a  seat  in  her  Assem- 
bly. In  1784,  however,  he  again  accepted  an  appointment  as  represen- 
tative to  Congress,  of  which  body  he  was  unanimously  elected  President 
In  this  exalted  station,  he  presided  with  great  ability;  and  on  l>is  retire- 
ment, received  the  acknowledgments  of  Congress. 

_Mr.  Lee  was  opposed  to  the  adoption  of  the  Federal  Constitution, 
without  amendment.  Its  tendency,  he  believed,  was  to  consolidation. 
To  guard  against  this,  it  was  his  wish  that  the  respective  States 
should  impart  to  the  Federal  Head  only  so  much  power  as  was  neces- 
sary for  mutual  safety  and  happiness.  He  was  appointed  a  Senator 
from  Virginia,  under  the  new  Constitution. 

About  the  year  1792,  Mr.  Lee  was  compelled,  by  his  bodily  debility 
and  infirmities,  to  retire  wholly  from  public  business.  Not  long  after, 
he  had  the  pleasure  of  receiving  from  the  Legislature  of  his  native  State, 
an  unanimous  vote  of  thanks  for  his  public  services,  and  of  sympathy 
for  the  impaired  condition  of  his  health.  He  died  on  the  19th  of  June, 
1794,  at  the  age  of  sixty-three  years. 

In  private  life,  Mr.  Lee  was  the  delight  of  all  who  knew  him.  He 
had  a  numerous  family  of  children,  the  offspring  of  two  marriages,  who 
were  tenderly  devoted  to  their  father.  As  an  orator,  he  exercised  an  un- 
common sway  over  the  minds  of  men.  His  gesture  was  graceful  and 
highly  finished,  and  his  language  perfectly  chaste.     He  reasoned  well 

F 


42  FRANCIS    LEWIS. 

and  declaimed  freely  and  splendidly ;  and  such  was  his  promptitude, 
that  he  required  no  preparation  for  debate.  He  was  well  acquainted  with 
classical  literature,  and  possessed  a  rich  store  of  political  knowledge. 
Few  men  have  passed  through  life  in  a  more  honorable  and  brilliant 
manner,  or  left  behind  them  a  more  desirable  reputation,  than  Eichard 
Henry  Lee. 


FRANCIS    LEWIS. 

Francis  Lewis  was  a  native  of  Landaff,  in  South  Wales,  where  he  was> 
born  in  the  year  1713.  Being  left  an  orphan  at  the  age  of  four  or  five  years, 
the  care  of  him  devolved  upon  a  maiden  aunt,  who  took  singular  pains 
to  instruct  him  in  the  native  language  of  his  country.  He  was  after- 
wards sent  to  Scotland,  where,  in  the  family  of  a  relation,  he  acquired  a 
knowledge  of  the  Gaelic.  From  this  he  was  transferred  to  the  school 
of  Westminster,  where  he  completed  his  education;  and  enjoyed  the 
reputation  of  being  a  good  classical  scholar. 

Having  determined  on  the  pursuit  of  commerce,  he  entered  the 
counting-room  of  a  London  merchant,  and  in  few  years  acquired  a  com- 
petent knowledge  of  his  profession.  On  attaining  the  age  of  twenty- 
one  years,  he  converted  the  whole  of  his  property  into  merchandise,  and 
sailed  for  New  York,  where  he  arrived  in  the  spring  of  1735.  Leaving 
a  part  of  his  goods  to  be  disposed  of  by  Mr.  Edward  Annesly,  with 
whom  he  had  formed  a  commercial  connexion,  he  transported  the  remain- 
der to  Philadelphia.  After  a  residence  of  two  years  in  the  latter  city, 
he  returned  to  New  York,  and  there  became  extensively  engaged  in  na- 
vigation and  foreign  trade.  He  married  the  sister  of  his  partner,  by 
whom  he  had  several  children. 

Mr.  Lewis  acquired  the  character  of  an  active  and  enterprising  mer- 
chant. In  the  course  of  his  commercial  transactions,  he  visited  several 
of  the  sea-ports  of  Russia,  the  Orkney  and  Shetland  islands,  and  was  twice 
shipwrecked  on  the  Irish  coast. 

During  the  French  or  Canadian  war,  he  was  agent  for  supplying  the 
British  troops,  and  was  present,  in  1756,  at  the  surrender  of  Fort  Oswe- 
go to  the  French  general,  de  Montcalm.  He  exhibited  great  firmness 
and  ability  on  the  occasion ;  and  his  services  were  held  in  such  conside- 
ration by  the  British  Government,  that  at  the  close  of  the  war  he  received 
a  grant  of  five  thousand  acres  of  land. 

The  conditions  upon  which  the  garrison  at  Fort  Oswego  surrendered, 
were  shamefully  violated  by  de  Montcalm.  He  allowed  the  chief  war- 
rior of  the  Indians,  who  assisted  in  taking  the  fort,  to  select  about  thirty 
of  the  prisoners,  and  do  with  them  as  he  pleased.  Of  this  number  Mr. 
Lewis  was  one.  Thus  placed  at  the  disposal  of  savage  power,  a  speedy 
death  was  one  of  the  least  evils  to  be  expected.  It  has  been  asserted, 
however,  that  Mr.  Lewis  discovered  that  he  was  able  to  converse  with 
the  Indians,  by  reason  of  the  similarity  of  the  ancierit  language  of 


PHILIP    LIVINGSTON.  43 

Wales,  which  he  understood,  to  their  dialect.*  His  ability  to  communi- 
cate by  words  with  the  Chief,  so  pleased  the  latter,  that  he  treated  him 
Vindly,  and  on  arriving  at  Montreal,  requested  the  French  Governor  to 
allow  him  to  return  to  his  family  without  ransom.  The  request,  how- 
ever, was  not  granted,  and  Mr.  Lewis  was  sent  as  a  prisoner  to  France, 
from  which  country,  being  some  time  after  exchanged,  he  returned  to 
America. 

Although  Mr.  Lewis  was  not  a  native  of  America,  yet  his  attachment 
to  tlie  country  was  early  and  devoted.  He  vigorously  opposed  the  op- 
pressive measures  of  Great  Britain,  and  esteemed  liberty  the  choicest 
blessing  that  a  nation  can  enjoy.  His  intellectual  powers,  and  uniform 
nobility  of  sentiment,  commanded  the  respect  of  the  people ;  and  in 
1775,  he  was  unanimously  elected  a  delegate  to  Congress.  He  re- 
mained a  member  of  that  body  through  the  following  year,  1776,  and 
was  among  the  number  who  signed  the  Declaration  of  Independence. 
For  several  subsequent  years,  he  was  appointed  to  represent  New  York 
in  the  National  Assembly ;  and  performed  various  secret  and  important 
services,  with  great  fidelity  and  prudence. 

In  1775,  Mr.  Lewis  removed  his  family,  and  effects,  to  a  country-seat 
which  he  owned  on  Long  Island.  This  proved  an  unfortunate  step.  In 
the  autumn  of  the  following  year,  his  house  was  plundered  by  a  party 
of  British  light-horse.,  His  extensive  library  and  valuable  papers  were 
wantonly  destroyed.  His  wife  fell  into  the  power  of  the  enemy,  and 
was  retained  a  prisoner  for  several  months.  During  her  captivity,  she 
experienced  the  most  atrocious  treatment,  being  closely  confined,  and  de- 
prived of  a  bed  and  sufficient  clothing.  By  the  influence  of  Washing- 
ton, she  was  at  length  released ;  but  her  constitution  had  been  so  im- 
paired by  her  sufferings,  that  in  a  year  or  two,  she  sank  into  the  grave. 

The  latter  days  of  Mr.  Lewis  were  spent  in  comparative  poverty. 
He  died  on  the  30th  day  of  December,  1803,  in  the  ninetieth  year  of 
his  age. 


PHILIP    LIVINGSTON. 


Philip  Livingston,  was  born  at  Albany,  on  the  15th  of  January,  1716. 
He  was  the  fourth  son  of  Gilbert  Livingston,  and  his  ancestors  were 
highly  respectable,  holding  a  distinguished  rank  in  New  York,  and  pos- 
sessing a  beautiful  tract  of  land  on  the  banks  of  the  Hudson.  This 
tract,  since  known  as  the  Manor  of  Livingston,  has  belonged  to  the  fami- 
ly from  that  time  to  the  present. 

Philip  Livingston  received  his  education  at  Yale  College,  where  he  was 
graduated  in  1737.     He  soon  after  engaged  extensively  in  commerce  in 

*  ft  is  almost  needless  to  remark,  that  such  an  occurrence  is,  to  say  the  best  of  it, 
extremely  improbable.  There  exists  no  affinity  between  the  ancient  language  of 
Wiles  and  that  of  any  of  the  Indian  tribes  known  in  North  America. 


414  PHILIP    LIVINGSTON 

the  city  of  New  York,  and  was  very  successful  in  his  transactions.  In 
1754,  he  was  elected  an  Alderman,  and  continued  in  the  office  for  nine 
successive  years.  In  1759,  he  was  returned  a  member  to  the  General 
Assembly  of  the  colony,  where  his  talents  and  influence  were  most  use 
fully  employed.  His  views  were  liberal  and  enlightened,^  and  he 
did  much  to  improve  the  commercial  and  agricultural  facilities  of  the 
country. 

Previous  to  the  revolution,  it  was  usual  for  the  respective  colonies  to 
have  an  agent  in  England,  to  manage  their  individual  concerns  with  the 
British  Government.  This  agent  was  appointed  by  the  popular  branch 
of  the  Assembly.  In  1770,  the  agent  of  the  colony  of  New  York  dying, 
the  celebrated  Edmund  Burke  was  chosen  in  his  stead,  and  received  for 
the  office  a  salary  of  five  hundred  pounds.  Between  this  gentleman  and 
a  committee  of  the  Colonial  Assembly,  a  correspondence  was  maintained  ; 
and  upon  their  representations,  the  agent  depended  for  a  knowledge  of 
the  state  of  the  colony.  Of  this  committee,  Mr.  Livingston  was  a  mem- 
ber. From  his  communications  and  those  of  his  colleagues,  Mr.  Burke 
doubtless  obtained  that  information  of  the  state  of  the  colonies,  which  he 
sometimes  brought  forv/ard  to  the  perfect  surprise  of  the  House  of  Com- 
mons, and  upon  which  he  often  founded  arguments,  and  proposed 
measures,  which  were  not  to  be  resisted. 

Mr.  Livingston  regarded  with  patriotic  indignation,  the  measures  by 
which  the  British  ministry  thought  to  humble  the  spirit  of  the  colonies. 
His  avowed  sentiments,  and  the  prominent  part  he  had  ahvays  taken  in 
favor  of  the  rights  of  the  colonies,  caused  him  to  be  elected,  in  1774,  a 
Delegate  to  the  Continental  Congress.  He  was  also  a  member  of  the 
distinguished  Congress  of  1776,  and  was  among  those  whose  names  are 
enduringly  recorded  on  the  great  charter  of  their  country's  freedom  and 
njtional  existence.  He  was  re-elected  to  the  same  Assembly  the  follow- 
ing year,  and  was  also  chosen  a  Senator  to  the  State  Legislature,  after 
the  adoption  of  a  new  Constitution.  He  again  took  his  seat  in  Congress, 
in  May,  1778 ;  but  his  health  was  shockingly  impaired,  and  such  was 
the  nature  of  his  disease,  Avhich  was  a  dropsy  in  the  chest,  that  no  ra- 
tional prospect  existed  of  his  recovery.  Before  his  departure  from 
Albany,  he  took  a  final  farewell  of  his  family  and  friends,  and  expressed 
his  conviction  that  he  should  not  live  to  see  them  again.  His  anticipa- 
tions proved  true.  From  the  period  of  his  return  to  Congress,  his  de- 
cline was  rapid ;  and  he  closed  his  valuable  life  on  the  12th  of  June, 
1778.  Suitable  demonstrations  of  respect  to  his  memory  were  paid  by 
Congress;  and  his  funeral  was  publicly  attended. 

Mr.  Livingston  married  the  daughter  of  Colonel  Dirck  Ten  Broeck, 
by  whom  he  had  several  children.  His  family  has  furnished  many  dis- 
tinguished characters.  Mr.  Livingston  was  amiable  in  his  disposition, 
and  a  firm  believer  in  the  great  truths  of  Christianity.  He  died  respect- 
ed and  esteemed  by  all  who  knew  him. 


45 


THOMAS     LYNCH. 

Thomas  Lynch  was  born  on  the  5th  of  August,  1749,  at  Prince 
George's  Parish,  in  South  Carolina. 

Before  he  had  reached  the  age  of  thirteen  years,  young  Lynch  was 
sent  to  England  for  his  education.  Having  passed  some  time  at  the 
institution  of  Eaton,  he  was  entered  a  member  of  the  University  of  Cam- 
bridge, the  degrees  of  which  college  he  received  in  due  course.  He  lett 
Cambridge  with  a  high  reputation  for  classical  attainments,  and  virtues 
of  character  ;  and  entered  his  name  at  the  Temple,  with  a  view  to  the 
profession  of  law.  After  applying  himself  assiduously  to  the  study  of 
jurisprudence,  and  enriching  himself  both  in  mind  and  manners,  with  the 
numberless  accomplishments  of  a  gentleman,  he  returned  to  South  Caro- 
lina, after  an  absence  of  eight  or  nine  years. 

In  1775,  on  the  raising  of  the  first  South  Carolina  regiment  of  provin- 
cial regulars,  Mr.  Lynch  was  appointed  to  the  command  of  a  company. 
Unfortunately,  on  his  march  to  Charleston,  at  the  head  of  his  men,  he 
was  attacked  by  a  violent  fever,  which  greatly  injured  his  constitution, 
and  from  the  effects  of  which,  he  never  afterwards  wholly  recovered. 
He  joined  his  regiment,  but  the  enfeebled  state  of  his  health  prevented 
him  from  performing  the  exertions,  which  he  considered  incumbent  upon 
him.  Added  to  this,  he  received  afflicting  intelligence  of  the  illness  of 
his  father,  at  Philadelphia,  and  resolved  to  make  arrangements  to  depart 
for  that  city.  Upon  applying  for  a  furlough,  however,  he  was  deniad 
by  the  commanding  officer.  Colonel  Gadsden.  But  being  opportunely 
elected  to  Congress,  as  the  successor  of  his  father,  he  was  repaid  for 
his  disappointment,  and  lost  no  time  in  hastening  to  Philadelphia. 

The  health  of  the  younger  Mr.  Lynch,  soon  after  joining  Congress, 
began  to  decline  with  the  most  alarming  rapidity.  He  continued,  how- 
ever, his  attendance  upon  that  body,  until  the  Declaration  of  Indepen- 
dence had  been  voted,  and  his  signature  affixed  to  it.  He  then  set  out 
for  Carolina  in  company  with  his  father  ;  but  the  Ufe  of  the  latter  wa? 
terminated  at  Annapolis,  by  a  second  paralytic  attack. 

Soon  after  this  afflicting  event,  a  change  of  climate  was  recommended 
to  Mr.  Lynch,  as  presenting  the  only  chance  of  his  recovery.  He  em- 
barked with  his  wife,  on  board  a  vessel  proceeding  to  St.  Eustatia,  de- 
signing to  proceed  by  a  circuitous  route  to  the  south  of  France.  From 
the  time  of  their  sailing,  nothing  more  has  been  known  of  their 
fate !  Various  rumors  for  a  time  were  in  circulation,  which  served  to 
keep  their  friends  in  painful  suspense ;  but  the  conclusion  finally  adopt- 
ed was,  that  the  vessel  must  have  foundered  at  sea,  and  the  faithful  pair 
been  consigned  to  a  watery  grave. 


46 


THOMAS    M'KEAN. 

Thomas  M'Kean  was  of  Irish  descent,  and  born  in  New-London 
Chester  countj-,  Pennsylvania,  on  the  19th  of  March,  1734.  After  com 
pleting  the  regular  course  of  school  instruction,  he  was  entered  as  a 
student  at  law,  in  the  office  of  David  Finney,  who  resided  in  New  Cas- 
tle, in  Delaware,  Before  he  had  fittained  the  age  of  twenty-one  years,  he 
commenced  the  practice  of  the  law,  in  the  Courts  of  Common  Pleas,  for 
the  counties  of  New-Castle,  Kent,  and  Sussex,  and  also  in  the  Supreme 
Court.  In  1757,  he  was  admitted  to  ihe  bar  of  the  Supreme  Court  in 
Pennsylvania,  and  was  elected  Clerk  of  the  House  of  Assembly. 

The  political  career  of  Mr.  M'Kean  commenced  in  1762,  at  which 
time  he  was  returned  a  member  of  the  Assembly  from  the  county  of 
New-Castle.  This  county  he  continued  to  represent  in  the  same  body 
for  several  successive  years,  although  the  last  six  years  of  that  period,  he 
spent  in  Philadelphia. 

A  Congress,  usually  called  the  Stamp  Act  Congress,  assembled  in 
New  York  in  1765,  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  a  redress  of  the  grievanc- 
es under  which  the  colonies  then  labored.  Of  this  memorable  body, 
Mr.  M'Kean  was  a  member,  along  with  James  Otis,  and  other  celebrated 
men, 

A  short  time  previous  to  the  meeting  of  the  Congress  of  1774,  Mr. 
M'Kean  took  up  his  permanent  residence  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia. 
The  people  of  the  lower  counties  on  the  Delaware,  were  desirous  that  he 
,-hoald  represent  them  in  that  body,  and  he  was  accordingly  elected  as 
their  Delegate.  On  the  3d  of  September,  he  took  his  seat  in  Congress, 
From  this  time  until  the  1st  of  February,  1783,  a  period  of  eight  years 
and  a  half,  he  was  annually  chosen  a  member  of  the  great  National 
Council.  At  the  same  time,  Mr.  M'Kean  represented  Delaware  in  Con- 
gress ;  he  was  President  of  it  in  1781,  and  from  July,  1777,  was  the 
Chief  Justice  of  Pennsylvania. 

Mr.  M'Kean  was,  from  the  first,  decidedly  in  favor  of  a  Declaration  of 
Independence.  He  subscribed  his  name  to  the  original  instrument,  but, 
by  some  mistake,  it  was  omitted  in  the  copy  published  in  the  journals  of 
Congress. 

At  the  time  Congress  passed  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  the 
situation  of  Washington  and  his  army  in  New  Jersey,  was  extremely 
precarious.  On  the  5th  of  July,  it  was  agreed  by  several  public  com- 
mittees in  Philadelphia,  to  dispatch  all  the  associated  militia  of  the  State 
to  the  assistance  of  Washington.  Mr.  M'Kean  was  at  this  time  Colonel 
of  a  regiment  of  associated  militia.  A  few  days  subsequent  to  the  De- 
claration of  Independence,  he  was  on  his  way  to  Perth  Amboy,  in  Nev/ 
Jersey,  at  the  head  of  his  battalion. 

The  associate  militia  being  at  length  discharged,  Mr.  M'Kean  returned 
to  Philadelphia,  and  was  present  in  Congress  on  the  2d  of  August,  when 
the  engrossed  copy  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence  was  signed  by 
the  members.  A  few  days  after  this,  receiving  intelligence  of  his  being 
elected  a  member  of  the  Convention  in  Delaware,  assembh^d  for  the  pur- 


ARTHUR    MIDDLETON.  47 

pose  of  forming  a  ConstitiUion  for  that  State,  he  departed  for  Dover. 
Although  excessively  fatigued,  on  his  arrival,  at  the  request  of  a  committee 
of  gentlemen  of  the  Convention,  he  retired  to  his  room  in  the  public  inn, 
where  he  was  employed  the  whole  night  in  preparing  a  Constitution  for 
the  future  government  of  the  State.  This  he  did  without  the  least 
assistance,  and  even  without  the  aid  of  a  book.  At  ten  o'clock  the  next 
morning  it  was  presented  to  the  Convention,  by  whom  it  was  unanimous- 
ly adopted. 

In  1777,  Mr.  M'Kean  was  chosen  President  of  the  State  of  Delaware, 
and  during  the  same  year  was  appointed  Chief  Justice  of  Pennsylvania. 
The  duties  of  the  latter  station  he  discharged  with  great  dignity  and 
impartiality  for  twenty-two  years.  At  the  time  of  his  accepting  these 
offices,  he  was  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Assembly,  and  member  of  Con- 
gress. He  was  chosen  President  of  Congress  in  1781 ;  and  his  conduct 
in  the  chair  was  highly  honorable  and  satisfactory. 

Mr.  M'Kean  was  a  delegate  from  Philadelphia,  in  1787,  to  the  Con- 
vention assembled  to  ratify  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.  He 
was  a  principal  leader  in  this  assembly,  and  was  an  able  and  eloquent 
advocate  for  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution ;  declaring  it  to  be,  in  his 
consideration,  "  the  best  the  world  had  yet  seen." 

In  1799  he  was  elected  a  Governor  of  the  State  of  Pennsylvania,  and 
his  administration  continued  for  nine  years.  His  course  was  ultimately 
beneficial  to  the  State  ;  but  the  numerous  removals  from  office  of  his 
political  opponents  produced  considerable  excitement,  and  perhaps  placed 
his  character  in  an  unamiable  light.  During  the  years  1807  and  1808, 
an  attempt  was  made  to  impeach  him  of  certain  crimes  and  misdemeanors  ; 
and  an  inquiry  was  instituted  by  the  Legislature  into  his  official  conduct. 
The  result  was  an  honorable  acquittal  from  the  charges  alleged,  and  a 
total  vindication  of  his  character. 

In  1808,  Mr.  M'Kean  retired  from  public  life,  having  discharged  the 
duties  of  a  great  variety  of  offices  with  much  ability  and  reputation. 
He  died  on  the  24th  of  June,  1817,  in  the  eighty-third  year  of  h:*.s  age. 


ARTHUR    MIDDLETON. 

Akthcju  ]\Iiddleton  was  born  in  the  year  1743,  in  South  Carolina, 
near  the  banks  of  the  Ashley.  At  the  age  of  twelve  years,  he  was  sent 
to  the  school  of  Hackney,  near  London ;  and  tw'o  years  afterwards  was 
sent  to  the  school  of  Westminster.  Here  he  soon  became  a  proficient  in 
classical  literature,  and  gained  the  reputation  of  being  an  excellent  Greek 
scholar.  After  several  years  spent  in  obtaining  his  education,  and  in 
foreign  travel,  ]Mr.  Middletdn  returned  to  South  Carolina. 

Soon  after  his  return  he  married,  and  again  embarked  for  Europe, 
accompanied  by  his  wife.  He  possessed  a  great  fondness  for  travelling, 
and  during  this  tour  visited  many  places   in  England,  and  the  principal 


48  LEWIS   MORRIS. 

places  of  France  and  Spain.  In  1773,  Mr.  Middleton  again  Jeturned  to 
America,  and  settled  on  the  delightful  banks  of  the  Ashley. 

In  the  spring  of  1775,  Mr.  Arthur  Middleton  was  chosen  one  of  a 
secret  committee,  who  were  authorized  to  place  the  colony  in  a  state  of 
defence ;  and  in  June,  the  Provincial  Assembly  of  South  Carolina  ap- 
pointed him  a  member  of  the  Council  of  Safety.  In  the  following  year 
he  was  chosen  on  a  committee  to  prepare  a  Constitution  for  the  colony. 
Shortly  afterwards  he  was  elected  a  delegate  from  South  Carolina  to  the 
Congress  assembled  at  Philadelphia.  Here  he  had  an  opportunity  of 
inscribing  his  name  on  the  great  charter  of  American  liberty.  At  the 
close  of  the  year  1777,  he  resigned  his  seat,  leaving  behind  a  character 
for  the  purest  patriotism  and  the  most  fearless  decision. 

In  1778,  Mr.  Middleton  was  elected  to  the  chair  of  Governor  of 
South  Carolina,  which  office  had  been  left  vacant  in  consequence  of 
the  resignation  of  John  Rutledge,  who  had  refused  his  assent  to  the 
new  Constitution  formed  by  the  Legislature.  But  candidly  avowing  the 
same  sentiments  with  the  late  Governor,  Mr.  Middleton  conscientiously 
refused  to  accept  the  appointment,  under  the  Constitution  which  had  been 
adopted.  The  Assembly  proceeded  to  another  choice,  and  elected  Mr. 
Lowndes  to  fill  the  vacancy,  who  gave  his  sanction  to  the  new  Constitu- 
tion. 

In  the  year  1779,  many  of  the  southern  plantations  were  ravaged  by 
the  enemy,  and  that  of  Mr.  Middleton  did  not  escape.  His  valuable 
collection  of  paintings  was  much  injured,  but  his  family  were  fortunately 
absent  from  the  place.  On  the  surrender  of  Charleston,  Mr.  Middleton 
was  taken  prisoner,  and,  with  several  others,  was  sent  by  sea  to  St.  Au- 
gustine, in  East  Florida,  where  he  was  kept  in  confinement  for  nearly  a 
year.  At  length,  in  July,  17S1,  he  was  exchanged,  and  proceeded  in  a 
cartel  to  Philadelphia.  On  his  arrival  there,  he  was  appointed  a  repre- 
sentative in  Congress,  to  which  office  he  was  also  elected  the  following 
year. 

In  1783,  Mr.  Middleton  declined  accepting  a  seat  in  Congress,  but  was 
afterwards  occasionally  a  member  of  the  State  Legislature.  He  died  on 
the  1st  of  January,  1787. 


LEWIS    MORRIS. 


Lewis  Morris  was  born  at  the  manor  of  Morrisania,  in  the  State  of 
New  York,  in  the  year  1726.  He  was  educated  at  Yale  College,  of  which 
institution  he  received  the  honors.  On  his  return  home,  he  devoted 
himself  to  agriculture.  When  the  dissensions  with  the  mother  country 
began,  he  was  in  a  most  fortunate  condition  ;  with  an  ample  estate,  a 
fine  family,  an  excellent  constitution,  literary  taste,  and  general  occupa- 
tions, of  which  he  was  fond.  He  renounced  at  once  all  these  comforts 
and  attractions,  in  order  to  assert  the  rights  of  his  country.  He  was 
elected  a  delegate  from  New  York  to  the  Congress  of  1775,  wherein  he 


ROBERT   MORRIS.  40 

served  on  the  most  important  committees.  He  was  placed  on  a  commit- 
tee of  which  Washington  was  chairman,  to  devise  means  to  supply  thf 
colonies  with  ammunition;  and  was  appointed  to  the  arduous  task  of 
detaching  the  M'estern  Indians  from  a  coalition  with  Great  Britain.  On 
this  errand,  he  repaired  to  Pittsburg,  and  acted  with  great  zeal  and 
address.  In  the  beginning  of  1776,  he  resumed  his  seat  in  Congress, 
where  jie  continued  a  laborious  and  very  useful  member. 

When  the  subject  of  independence  began  to  be  openly  talked  of  among 
the  people  of  America,  in  none  of  the  colonies  was  a  greater  unwilling- 
ness to  the  measure  betrayed  than  among  the  inhabitants  of  New  York. 
There  were  many,  however,  who  were  the  determined  opposers  of  all 
farther  attempts  at  compromise;  and  among  the  latter  was  Mr.  Morris. 
When  he  signed  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  it  was  at  the  most 
obvious  risk  of  his  rich  and  beautiful  estate,  the  dispersion  of  his  family, 
and  the  ruin  of  his  domestic  enjoyments  and  hopes.  He  manifested  on 
the  occasion  a  degree  of  patriotism  and  disinterestedness,  which  few  had 
it  in  their  power  to  display. 

It  happened  as  was  anticipated.  The  beautiful  manor  of  Morrisania 
was  laid  waste  by  the  hostile  army ;  and  a  tract  of  woodland  of  more 
than  a  thousand  acres  in  extent  was  destroyed.  Few  men  during  the 
Revolution  were  called  to  mak^  greater  sacrifices  than  Mr.  Morris ;  and 
none  could  make  them  more  cheerfully. 

He  quitted  Congress  in  1777,  and  was  afterwards  a  member  of  the 
State  Legislature,  and  a  Major  General  of  militia.  His  latter  years  were 
devoted  to  the  pursuit  of  agriculture  ;  his  fondness  for  which  was  an  amia- 
ble trait  in  his  character.  He  died,  very  generally  esteemed,  on  hia 
paternal  estate,  in  January,  1798,  at  the  age  of  seventy-one  years. 


ROBERT   MORRIS. 


Robert  JNIorris,  the  great  financier  of  the  American  Revolution,  was 
born  in  Lancashire,  England,  January,  1733-4,  O.  S.,  of  respecta- 
ble parentage.  His  father  embarked  for  America,  and  caused  him  to 
follow  at  the  age  of  thirteen.  He  received  a  respectable  education,  and 
before  he  reached  his  fifteenth  year,  was  placed  in  the  counting-house  of 
Mr.  Charles  Willing,  at  that  time  one  of  the  first  merchants  at  Philadel- 
phia. His  diligence  and  capacity  gained  him  the  full  confidence  of  Mr. 
Willing,  after  whose  death,  he  entered  into  partnership  with  his  son, 
Thomas  Willing,  subsequently  President  of  the  bank  of  the  United 
States.  This  connexion  lasted  from  the  year  1754  until  1793, — a 
period  of  thirty-nine  years. 

At  the  commencement  of  the  American  Revolution,  Mr.  Morris  was 
more  extensively  engaged  in  commerce  than  any  other  merchant  of  Phi- 
ladelphia. He  zealously  opposed  the  encroachments  of  the  British  Go- 
vernment on  the  liberties  of  the  colonists,  and  embraced  the  popular 
cause,  at  the  imminent  sacrifice  of  his  private  interest  and  wealth.  He 
G 


50  ROBERT    MORRIS. 

declareJ  himself  immediately  against  the  stamp  act,  signed,  without  hesi- 
tation, the  non-importation  agreement  of  1765,  and,  in  so  doing,  made  a 
direct  sacrifice  of  trade. 

In  1775,  Mr.  Morris  was' elected,  by  the  Legislature  of  Pennsylvania, 
a  delegate  to  the  second  General  Congress.  He  was  placed  upon  every 
committee  of  ways  and  means,  and  connected  with  all  the  deliberations 
and  arrangements  relative  to  the  navy,  maritime  affairs,  and  financial  in- 
terests. Besides  aiding  his  country  by  his  talents  for  business,  his  judg- 
ment, and  his  knowledge,  he  employed  his  extensive  credit  in  obtaining 
loans,  to  a  large  amount,  for  the  use  of  the  Government. 

In  May,  1777,  he  was  elected  a  third  time  to  Congress,  and  continued 
to  be  the  chief  director  of  the  financial  operations  of  the  Government. 
In  17S0,  he  proposed  the  establishment  of  a  bank,  the  chief  object  of 
which  was,  to  supply  the  army  with  provisions.  He  headed  the  list 
with  a  subscription  of  ten  thousand  pounds ;  and  others  followed  to  the 
amount  of  three  hundred  thousand  pounds.  The  institution  was  esta- 
blished, and  continued  until  the  bank  of  North  America  went  into  opera- 
tion in  the  following  year. 

In  1781,  Mr.  Morris  was  appointed,  by  Congress,  Superintendent  of 
Finance.  The  state  of  the  treasury,  when  he  was  appointed  to  its  su- 
perintendence, was  as  bad  as  possible.  Abroad,  the  public  credit  was 
every  moment  in  danger  of  annihilation.  At  home,  the  greatest  public, 
as  well  as  private  distress,  prevailed.  The  treasury  was  so  much  in 
arrears  to  the  servants  of  the  public  offices,  that  many  of  them  could  not 
without  payment  perform  their  duties,  but  must  have  gone  to  jail  for 
debts  they  had  contracted  to  enable  them  to  live.  It  was  even  asserted, 
by  some  of  the  members  of  the  board  of  war,  that  they  had  not  the 
mpans  of  sending  an  express  to  the  army.  But  the  wasted  and  prostrate 
Bieleton  of  public  credit  sprung  to  life  and  action  at  the  reviving  touch 
of  Robert  Morris.  The  face  of  things  was  suddenly  changed.  Public 
and  private  credit  was  restored ;  and  it  has  been  said,  that  "  the  Ameri- 
cans owe  as  much  acknowledgment  to  the  financial  operations  of  Robert 
Morris,  as  to  the  negociations  of  Benjamin  Franklin,  or  even  the  arms 
of  George  Washington." 

The  establishment  of  the  bank  of  North  America  was  one  of  his  first 
and  most  beneficial  measures ;  an  institution  which  he  himself  planned, 
and  to  forward  which,  he  pledged  his  personal  credit  to  an  immense 
amount. 

In  17SG,  Mr.  Morris  was  chosen  to  the  Assembly  of  Pennsylvania; 
and  the  same  year  was  elected  a  member  of  the  Convention  which 
framed  the  Federal  Constitution.  For  the  adoption  of  the  present  sys- 
tem, he  was  one  of  the  most  strenuous  advocates.  In  17SS,  the  Gene- 
ral Assembly  of  Pennsylvania  appointed  him  to  represent  the  State  in  the 
first  Senate  of  the  United  States,  which  assembled  in  New  York.  He 
was  a  fluent  and  impressive  speaker ;  and  wrote  with  great  ease  and 
power.  His  conversation  was  replete  with  interest  and  instruction. 
When  the  Federal  Government  was  organized,  Washington  offered  him 
the  post  of  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  which  he  declined ;  and,  being 
requested  to  designate  a  person  for  it,  he  named  General  Hamilton.     At 


JOHN    MOP.TON.  £1 

the  conclusion  of  the  war,  he  Avas  among^  the  first  who  engaged  in  tha 
East  India  and  China  trade.  He  was,  also,  the  first  who  made  an  at- 
tempt to  effect  what  is  termed  an  out  of  season  passage  to  China. 

In  his  latter  days,  Mr.  Morris  embarked  in  vast  land  speculations, 
which  proved  fatal  to  his  fortune.  The  man  who  had  so  immensely  con- 
tributed to  our  national  existence  and  independence,  passed  the  closing 
years  of  his  life  in  a  prison  ;  a  beautiful  commentary  upon  those  laws 
which  make  no  distinction  between  guilt  and  misfortune,  and  condemn 
the  honest  debtor  to  the  punishment  of  the  convicted  felon!  He  died  on 
the  8th  of  Mav,  1S06,  in  the  seventy-third  year  of  his  age. 

Until  the  period  of  his  impoverishment,  the  house  of  Mr.  Morris  was 
a  scene  of  the  most  lavish  hospitality.  It  was  open,  for  nearly  half  a 
century,  to  all  the  respectable  strangers  who  visited  Philadelphia.  He 
was  active  in  the  acquisition  of  money,  but  no  one  more  freely  parted 
with  his  gains.  No  one  pursued  a  more  enlightened  policy,  or  mani- 
fested through  life  a  greater  degree  of  humanity,  virtue,  energy,  and 
gentlemanly  spirit,  than  Robert  Morris. 


JOHN    MORTON. 


John  Morton  was  born  in  the  county  of  Chester,  (now  Delaware,)  in 
Pennsylvania.  His  ancestors  were  of  Swedish  extraction  ;  and  his  father 
died  a  few  months  previous  to  his  birth. 

About  the  year  T^64,  Mr.  Morton  was  sent  as  a  delegate  to  the  General 
Assembly  of  Pennsylvania,  of  which  he  continued  for  several  years  an 
active  and  distinguished  member.  He  was  also  appointed  to  attend  the 
General  Congress  at  New  York.  In  1766,  he  was  made  sheriff  of  the 
county  in  which  he  resided,  and,  shortly  after,  was  elevated  to  a  seat  on 
the  bench,  in  the  Superior  Court  of  Pennsylvania.  He  was  deputed  to 
the  Congress  of  1774;  and  continued  to  represent  Pennsylvania  in  that 
assembly  through  the  memorable  session  of  1776.  On  the  question  of 
declaring  independence,  in  the  latter  year,  the  delegation  from  Pennsyl- 
vania being  divided,  Mr.  Morton  gave  his  casting  vote  in  the  affirmative. 
This  was  an  act  of  great  intrepidity,  under  all  the  circumstances  of  the 
case  ;  and  placed  upon  him  a  fearful  load  of  responsibility.  But  he  did 
not  hesitate  to  assume  it.  The  enemies  of  the  measure  were  exasperated 
at  his  conduct ;  but  on  his  death-bed,  he  desired  his  attendants  to  tell  his 
revilers,  that  the  hour  would  come,  when  it  would  be  acknowledged,  that 
his  vote  in  favor  of  American  Independence  was  the  most  illustrious  act 
of  his  life.  It  is  needless  to  observe  how  fully  and  comprehensively 
his  prophetic  annunciation  has  been  fulfilled. 

In  1777,  Mr.  Morton  assisted  in  organizing  a  system  of  confederation 
for  the  colonies,  and  was  chairman  of  the  committee  of  the  whole,  at  the 
time  when  it  was  agreed  to.  Dur-i.g  the  same  year,  he  was  seized  with  an 
inflammatory  fever,  and  died  on  the  15th  of  November,  in  the  fifty-fourth 
year  of  his  age.  He  left  behind  a  character  for  piety,  liberality,  and 
patriotism,  which  his  actions  are  sufficient  to  substantiate. 


52 


THOMAS    NELSON,    Jun. 

Thomas  Nelson  was  born  at  York,  in  Virginia,  on  the  26th  of  Decenj- 
Ler,  1738.  At  the  age  of  fourteen,  he  was  sent  to  England;  and  placed 
at  a  private  school  in  the  neighborhood  of  London.  He  was  afterwards 
removed  to  the  University  of  Cambridge,  where  he  enjoyed  the  instruc- 
tion of  the  eminent  Doctor  Porteus,  subsequently  Bishop  of  London. 
About  the  close  of  1761,  he  returned  to  his  native  country,  and,  in  the 
following  year,  married  the  daughter  of  Philip  Grymes,  Esq.,  of  Bran- 
don. His  ample  fortune  enabled  him  to  indulge  his  spirit  of  hospitality 
to  its  fullest  extent,  and  to  live  in  a  style  of  unusual  elegance. 

It  is  not  determined  with  certainty  at  what  period  the  political  career  of 
Mr.  Nelson  commenced.  He  was  a  member  of  the  House  of  Burgesses 
in  1774,  and  during  the  same  year  was  deputed  to  the  first  general  Con- 
vention of  the  province  which  met  at  Williamsburg  on  the  1st  of  Au- 
gust. The  next  year  he  was  again  returned  a  member  to  the  General 
Convention,  and  introduced  a  resolution  for  organizing  a  military  force 
in  the  province. 

In  July,  1775,  Mr.  Nelson  was  appointed  a  delegate  from  Virginia  to 
the  General  Congress  about  to  assemble  at  Philadelphia.  He  retained 
his  seat  in  this  body  until  1777.  In  May  of  that  year,  he  was  obliged 
to  resign  all  serious  occupation,  in  consequence  of  a  disease  in  the  head. 
When  relieved  from  this  malady,  his  energies  were  again  called  into 
action,  and  he  was  appointed  Brigadier  General  and  Commander  in  chief 
of  the  forces  of  the  commonwealth.  In  this  office,  he  rendered  the  most 
important  service  to  his  country,  and  in  times  of  emergency  often  advan- 
ced money,  to  carry  forward  the  military  operations.  In  1779,  he  was 
again  chosen  to  Congress ;  but  a  close  application  to  business  produced 
a  recurrence  of  his  former  complaint,  and  he  was  again  compelled  to 
return  home. 

Soon  after  his  recovery.  General  Nelson  entered  with  animation  into 
several  military  expeditions  against  the  British,  who,  at  that  time,  were 
making  the  southern  States  the  chief  theatre  of  war.  It  was  owing  to 
his  measures  that  the  army  was  kept  together,  until  the  capture  of  York- 
town  terminated  the  war.  For  this  service,  Governor  Nelson  had  the 
pleasure  of  receiving  the  acknowledgments  of  Washington,  who,  in  his 
general  orders  of  the  20th  of  October,  1781,  thus  spoke  of  him :  "  The 
General  would  be  guilty  of  the  highest  ingratitude,  a  crime  of  which  he 
hopes  he  shall  never  be  accused,  if  he  forgot  to  return  his  sincere 
acknowledgments  to  his  Excellency  Governor  Nelson,  for  the  succors 
Avhich  he  received  from  him,  and  the  militia  under  his  command,  to 
whose  activity,  emulation,  and  bravery,  the  highest  praises  are  due." 

A  month  subsequent  to  the  surrender  of  Lord  Cornwallis,  Governor 
Nelson  resigned  his  station  in  consequence  of  ill  health,  and  immediately 
afterwards  was  accused,  by  his  enemies,  of  having  transcended  his  powers 
in  acting  without  the  consent  of  his  council ;  but  he  was  honorably 
acquitted  by  the  Legislature,  before  whom  the  charge  was  preferred. 
He  died  on  the  4th  of  January,  1789,  just  after  he  had  completed  his 
fiftieth  year. 


53 


WILLIAM    PACA. 

"William  Paca  was  born  on  the  31st  of  October,  1710.     He  was  the 

second  son  of  John  Paca,  a  gentlenrian  of  large  estate,  who  resided  in 
Hartford  county,  Maryland.  After  receiving  his  degree  of  bachelor  of 
arts  at  the  College  of  Plxiladelphia,  in  1759,  he  studied  law,  and,  when 
admit  led  to  the  bar,  established  himself  at  Annapolis. 

In  1771,  Mr.  Paca  was  chosen  a  representative  of  the  county  in  the 
Legislature.  At  this  time  much  contention  existed  between  the  proprie- 
tary government  of  Maryland,  and  the  people.  Mr.  Paca,  who  repre- 
sented the  people  in  this  body,  proved  himself  a  staunch  and  determined 
asserlor  of  thei^  rights,  which  no  one  more  clearly  understood.  He 
zealously  opposed  the  avaricious  proceedings  of  the  Proprietor  and  his 
pariizans ;  and  manifested  on  all  occasions  a  settled  hostility  to  tjTanny 
and  oppression. 

]\Ir.  Paca  was  a  delegate  from  Maryland  to  the  Continental  Congress 
of  1774;  and  was  re-appointed  to  the  same  station  until  the  year  1778, 
at  the  close  of  which  he  retired.  He  was  an  open  advocate  for  a  Decla- 
ration of  Independence,  as  were  several  of  his  colleagues.  A  majority 
of  the  people  of  Maryland,  however,  were  not  prepared  for  such  a 
measure.  A  change  was  afterwards  effected  among  the  people  in  relation 
to  this  subject.  The  Convention  of  Maryland  recalled  their  prohibitory 
instructions  to  their  delegates  ;  and  Mr.  Paca  gladly  received  permission 
to  vote  according  to  the  dictates  of  his  own  fearless  and  unshackled  judg- 
ment. 

In  1778,  Mr.  Paca  was  appointed  Chief  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court 
of  Maryland,  an  office  which  he  continued  to  exercise  with  great  ability 
until  1780,  when  he  was  made  by  Congress  Chief  Judge  of  the  Court  of 
Appeals  in  prize  and  admiralty  cases.  In  1782,  he  was  elected  Governor 
of  his  native  State.  He  was  distinguished  for  great  correctness  and 
integrity  in  the  discharge  of  the  duties  of  this  station,  and  manifested  a 
peculiar  regard  for  the  interests  of  religion  and  literature.  At  the  close 
of  the  year  he  retired  to  private  life.  In  1786,  he  again  accepted  the 
executive  chair,  and  continued  in  it  for  a  year.  On  the  organization  ot 
the  Federal  Government,  in  1789,  he  received  from  Washington  the 
appointment  of  Judge  of  the  District  Court  of  the  United  States  for  Ma- 
ryland. This  office  he  held  until  the  year  1799,  when  he  died  in  the 
sixtieth  year  of  his  age. 


ROBERT    TREAT    PAINe. 

Robert  Treat  Paine  was  born  in  Boston,  in  1731. 

At  the  age  of  fourteen  years,  he  became  a  member  of  Harvard  college, 
and  after  leaving  it,  kept,  for  a  period,  a  public  school,  the  fortune  of  his 
father  having  been  considerably  reduced.     With   the   view  o(  obtaining 


54  ROBERT    TREAT    PAINE. 

more  ample  me  ins  for  the  maintenance  of  his  parents,  he  also  made  a 
voyage  to  Europe.  Before  entering  on  the  study  of  the  law,  he  devoted 
some  time  to  the  subject  of  theology.  In  1775,  he  acted  as  chaplain  to 
the  troops  of  the  provinces  at  the  northward,  and  afterwards  preached  oc- 
casionally in  other  places.  At  length  he  applied  himself  earnestly  to  the 
study  of  the  law.  On  being  admitted  to  the  bar,  he  established  himself 
at  Taunton,  in  the  county  of  Bristol,  where  he  resided  for  many  years. 
In  176S,  he  was  chosen  a  Delegate  from  that  town  to  the  Convention 
called  by  the  leading  men  of  Boston,  in  consequence  of  the  abrupt  dis- 
solution of  the  General  Court,  by  Governor  Bernard. 

In  1770,  Mr.  Paine  was  engaged  in  the  celebrated  trial  of  Captain 
Preston,  and  his  men,  for  the  part  which  they  acted  in  the  well  known 
Boston  massacre.  On  this  occasion,  in  the  absence  of  the  Attorney 
General,  he  conducted  the  prosecution  on  the  part  of  the  crown.  He 
managed  the  case  with  great  credit  and  ability,  and  received  from  it  a 
considerable  degree  of  distinction.  In  1773,  he  was  elected  a  Eepresen- 
tative  to  the  General  Assembly  from  Taunton  ;  and  was  afterwards 
chosen  a  member  of  the  Continental  Congress,  which  met  at  Philadel- 
phia.    The  following  year  he  was  re-elected. 

Of  the  Congress  of  1776,  Mr.  Paine  was  also  a  member ;  and  to  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  gave  his  vote  and  signed  his  name. 

In  1780,  Mr.  Paine  was  sent  to  the  Convention  which  met  to  delibe- 
rate respecting  a  Constitution  for  the  State  of  Massachusetts  ;  and  of  the 
committee  which  framed  the  instrument  he  was  a  conspicuous  member. 
Under  the  government  organized,  he  was  appointed  Attorney  General,  an 
office  which  he  held  until  1790,  when  he  was  transferred  to  a  seat  on  the 
bench  of  the  Supreme  Judicial  Court.  In  this  station,  he  continued  till  his 
seventy-third  year.  His  legal  attainments  were  extensive  ;  and  he  dis- 
charged his  judicial  functions  with  the  most  rigid  impartiality.  Indeed, 
his  strict  fidelity  sometimes  gave  him  the  reputation  of  unnecessary  se- 
verity ;  but  the  charge  could  only  have  proceeded  from  the  lawless  and 
licentious.  His  memory  was  uncommonly  retentive  ;  and  his  conversa- 
tion was  marked  by  great  brilliancy  of  wit,  and  quickness  of  apprehen- 
sion. If  he  sometimes  indulged  in  raillery,  he  evinced  no  ill  humor  at 
being  the  subject  of  it  in  his  turn.  He  was  an  excellent  scholar ;  and  to 
literary  and  religious  institutions  rendered  important  services.  The 
death  of  Judge  Paine  occurred  on  the  11th  of  May,  1814;  he  having  at- 
tained the  age  of  eighty-four  years. 

He  was  a  founder  of  the  American  Academy,  established  in  Massachu- 
setts in  17S0,  and  continued  his  services  to  it  until  his  death.  The 
degree  of  Doctor  of  Laws  was  conferred  on  him  by  Harvard  Colleg'e. 


65 


JOHN    PENN. 

John  Penn  was  bom  in  Caroline  county,  Virginia,  on  the  17th  ot 
May,  1741.  His  early  education  was  greatly  neglected;  and  at  his  fa- 
ther's death,  in  1759,  he  became  the  sole  manager  of  the  fortune  left  him, 
which,  though  not  large,  was  competent. 

At  the  age  of  twenty-one,  he  was  licensed  as  a  practitioner  of  law. 
He  rose  rapidly  into  notice  ;  and  was  soon  eminently  distinguished  as  an 
advocate. 

In  1744,  Mr.  Penn  moved  to  the  province  of  North  Carolina,  where  he 
attained  as  high  a  rank  in  his  profession,  as  he  had  done  in  Virginia.  The 
following  year  he  was  chosen  a  Delegate  from  North  Carolina  to  the 
General  Congress,  in  which  body  he  took  his  seat  on  the  12th  of  Octo- 
ber. He  was  successively  re-elected  to  Congress,  in  the  years  1777, 
1778,  and  1779,  and  was  respected  for  his  promptitude  and  fidelity  in 
the  discharge  of  the  duties  assigned  him.  He  was  seldom  absent  from 
his  seat,  and  was  a  watchful  guardian  of  the  rights  and  liberties  of  his 
constituents.  He  was  urgent  in  forwarding  the  measures  which  led  to 
the  total  emancipation  of  the  colonies. 

After  the  return  of  peace,  Mr.  Penn  betook  himseif  to  private  retire- 
ment. The  even  tenor  of  his  way  was  marked  by  few  prominent  inci- 
dents after  this  period.  He  departed  from  this  world,  September,  1788, 
at  the  age  of  forty-six  years.  He  had  three  children,  two  of  whom  died 
unmarried. 


GEORGE   READ. 


George  Read  was  born  in  Maryland,  in  the  year  1734.  Being  de- 
signed by  his  parents  for  one  of  the  learned  professions,  he  was  placed 
at  a  seminary  at  Chester,  in  Pennsylvania.  Having  there  acquired  the 
rudiments  of  the  languages,  he  was  transferred  to  the  care  of  the  accom- 
plished Dr.  Allison,  with  whom  he  remained  until  his  seventeenth  year. 
He  was  then  placed  in  the  office  of  John  Morland,  Esq.,  a  lawyer  in  the 
city  of  Philadelphia,  for  the  purpose  of  fitting  himself  for  the  legal  pro- 
fession. 

In  1753,  at  the  age  of  nineteen  years,  Mr.  Read  was  admitted  to  the 
bar.  In  the  year  following,  he  commenced  the  practice  of  the  law,  in  the 
town  of  New-Castle.  In  1763,  ho  was  appointed  Attorney  General  of 
the  three  lower  counties  on  the  Delaware.  In  the  year  1765,  Mr.  Read 
was  elected  a  Representative  from  New-Castle  county,  to  the  General 
Assembly  of  Delaware,  x  post  which  he  occupied  for  twelve  years. 

On  the  first  of  August,  1774,  Mr.  Read  was  chosen  a  Delegate  from 
Delaware  to  the  Continental  Congress.  To  this  station  he  was  annually 
re-elected,  during  the  whole  revolutionary  war.  Mr.  Read  did  not  vote 
for  the  Declai-^"-  -"i  of  Independence.     But  when,  at  length,  the  measure 


b6  C  JESAR    RODNEY. 

had  received  the  sanction  of  the  great  National  Council,  and  the  tinie 
arrived  for  signing  the  instrument,  Mr.  Read  affixed  his  signature  to  it, 
with  all  the  cordiality  of  those  who  had  voted  in  its  favor. 

Mr.  Read  was  President  of  the  Convention  which  formed  the  first  Con- 
stitution  of  the  State  of  Delaware.  In  1782,  he  accepted  the  appoint- 
ment of  Judge  of  the  Court  of  Appeals,  in  admiralty  cases,  an  office 
which  he  held  until  the  abolition  of  the  court.  In  1787,  he  represented 
the  State  of  Delaware,  in  the  Convention  which  framed  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States,  under  which  he  was  immediately  chosen  a  member 
of  the  Senate.  The  duties  of  this  exalted  station,  he  discharged  till 
1793,  when  he  accepted  of  a  seat  on  the  bench  of  the  Supreme  Court  of 
Delaware,  as  Chief  Justice.  He  died  in  this  office,  in  the  autumn  of 
1798. 

The  legal  attainments  of  Mr.  Read  were  extensive ;  and  his  decisions 
are  still  respected  as  precedents  of  no  slight  authority.  In  private  life  he 
was  esteemed  for  an  expanded  benevolence  to  all  around  him. 


CiESAR    RODNEY. 


C^SAR  Rodney  was  a  native  of  D"over,  in  Delaware,  where  he  was 
born  about  the  year  1730.  He  inherited  from  his  father  a  large  landed 
estate.  At  the  age  of  twenty-eight,  he  was  appointed  High  SherifT 
in  the  county  where  he  resided,  and  on  the  expiration  of  his  term 
of  service,  was  created  a  Justice  of  the  Peace  and  a  Judge  of  the 
lower  Courts.  In  1762,  and  perhaps  at  an  earlier  date,  he  represent- 
ed the  county  of  Kent,  in  the  Provincial  Legislature.  In  the  year 
1765,  he  was  sent  to  the  first  General  Congress,  which  assembled  at 
New  York,  to  adopt  the  necessary  measures  for  obtaining  a  repeal  of  the 
stamp  act,  and  other  odious  measures  of  the  British  ministry. 

In  1769,  Mr.  Rodney  Avas  elected  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatixes,  an  office  which  he  continued  to  fill  for  several  years.  About 
the  same  time,  he  was  appointed  Chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Cor- 
respondence with  the  other  colonies.  He  was  a  member  of  the  well- 
known  Congress  of  1774;  when  he  had  for  his  colleagues,  Thomas 
M'Koan,  and  George  Read. 

At  the  time  that  the  question  of  independence  came  before  Congress, 
Mr.  Rodney  was  absent  on  a  tour  of  duty,  in  the  southern  part  of  Dela- 
ware. Mr.  M'Kean,  and  Mr.  Read,  his  colleagues,  were  divided  upon 
the  subject.  Aware  of  the  importance  of  an  unanimous  vote,  Mr. 
M'Kean  dispatched,  at  his  private  expense,  an  express  into  Delaware,  to 
acquaint  Mr.  Rodney  of  the  delicate  posture  of  affairs,  and  to  hasten  his 
return  to  Philadelphia.  With  great  exertion,  he  arrive!  on  the  spot, 
just  as  the  members  were  entering  the  door  of  the  State-House,  at  the 
final  discussion  of  the  suV<ject. 

In  the  autumn  of  1776,  a  Convention  was  called  in  Delaware,  for  the 
purpose  of  framing  a  new  Constitution,  and  of  appointing  delegates  to 


GEORGE   EOSS.  57 

the  succeeding  Congress.  In  this  Convention,  the  influence  of  the  roy- 
alists proved  sufficiently  strong  to  deprive  Mr.  Rodney  of  his  seat  in  Con- 
gress. He  remained,  however,  a  member  of  the  Courcil  of  Safety,  and 
of  the  Counnitlce  of  Inspection,  in  both  of  which  oflici  s  he  exerted  him- 
self with  great  diligence.  In  1777,  he  repaired  in  person  to  the  camp 
near  Princeton,  where  he  remained  for  nearly  two  months,  in  the  most 
active  and  laborious  employment.  During  the  same  year,  he  was  re- 
appointed a  delegate  to  Congress,  but,  before  taking  his  seat,  was  elected 
President  of  the  State.  In  the  latter  office  he  continued  for  about  four 
years,  at  the  close  of  which  period  he  retired  from  public  life.  He  was 
again  elected  to  Congress,  but  it  does  not  appear  that  he  ever  after  took 
his  seat  in  that  body.  A  cancer,  which  had  affiicted  him  for  some  time, 
and  which  had  greatly  disfigured  his  face,  now  increased  its  ravages, 
and,  in  the  early  part  of  the  year  17S3,  brought  him  to  the  grave.  Mr. 
Rodney  was  distinguished  for  a  remarkable  degree  of  good  humor  and 
vivacity ;  and  in  generosity  of  character,  was  an  ornament  to  human 
nature. 


GEORGE    ROSS. 


■George  Ross  was  born  at  New-Castle,  Delaware,  in  the  year  1730. 
At  the  age  of  eighteen,  he  entered  upon  the  study  of  the  law,  and  when 
admitted  ♦o  the  bar  established  himself  at  Lancaster,  Pennsylvania. 
Here  he  riarried,  and  devoted  himself,  with  great  zeal  to  the  duties  of 
his  profession. 

Mr.  Ross  commenced  his  political  career  in  1768,  .when  he  was  sent  a 
representative  to  the  Assembly  of  his  adopted  State.  Of  this  body  he 
continued  a  member  until  the  year  1774,  when  he  was  elected  a  Dele- 
gate to  the  Continental  Congress.  To  this  office  he  Avas  annually  re- 
elected till  January,  1777,  when  he  retired.  The  high  sense  entertained 
by  his  constituents,  of  his  public  services  and  patriotism,  was  expressed, 
not  merely  by  thanks,  but  by  a  present  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  pounds. 
This  ofl'er  was  respectfully  but  firmly  declined. 

Mr.  Ross  was  an  active  and  influential  member  of  the  Provincial  Le- 
gislature. He  was  also  a  member  of  the  Convention  which  assembled 
to  prepare  a  declaration  of  rights  on  behalf  of  the  State,  and  to  define 
what  should  be  considered  high  treason  against  it.  In  1779,  he  was  ap- 
pointed a  Judge  of  tlie  Court  of  Admiralty,  for  the  State  of  Pennsylva- 
nia. In  July  of  the  same  year,  he  died  of  a  sudden  attack  of  the  gout, 
in  the  fiftieth  year  of  his  age.  He  left  behind  him  the  reputation  of  a 
thorough  and  skilful  lawyer,  a  consistent  politician,  and  an  estimable 
man.  H 


58 


BENJAMIN    RUSH. 

Benjamin  Rush  was  born  in  Byberry,  Pennsylvania,  on  the  24th  of 
December,  1745.  His  father  died  when  he  was  only  six  years  of  age, 
and  the  care  of  his  education  devolved  upon  his  mother,  whose  prudent 
management  of  her  son  may  be  learned  from  the  result. 

After  completing  his  preparatory  studies,  he  was  entered,  in  1759,  a 
student  in  the  college  of  Princeton.  On  leaving  college,  he  commenced 
the  study  of  medicine,  under  the  superintendence  of  Dr.  Redman,  of  Phi- 
ladelphia. In  1766,  he  went  to  Edinburgh,  where  he  spent  two  years  at 
the  university  in  that  city,  and  from  which  he  received  the  degree  of  M.  D., 
in  176S.  The  next  winter  after  his  graduation  he  passed  in  London, 
and  having  visited  France,  he  returned,  in  the  autumn  of  the  same  year, 
to  Philadelphia,  and  commenced  the  practice  of  medicine.  In  1769,  he 
was  elected  professor  of  chemistry  in  the  college  of  Philadelphia ;  and 
was  afterwards  appointed  professor  of  the  institutes,  and  practice  of  medi- 
cine, and  of  clinical  practice,  in  the  same  university. 

In  the  year  1793,  Philadelphia  was  visited  by  that  horrible  scourge, 
the  yellow  fever.  For  some  time  after  its  commencement,  no  successful 
system  of  management  was  resorted  to.  Dr.  Rush  afterwards  met  with 
a  manuscript,  which  contained  an  account  of  the  yellow  fever,  as  it  pre- 
vailed in  Virginia,  in  1741,  and  which  was  given  to  him  by  Dr.  Frank- 
lin, and  had  been  written  by  Dr.  Mitchell,  of  Virginia.  In  this  manu- 
script, the  efficacy  of  powerful  evacuants  was  urged,  even  in  cases  of 
extreme  debility.  This  plan  Dr.  Rush  adopted,  and  imparted  the  pre- 
scription to  the  college  of  physicians.  An  immense  accession  of  busi- 
ness was  the  consequence,  and  his  mode  of  treatment  was  wonderfully 
.jccessful.  The  following  entry,  dated  September  10th,  is  found  in  his 
notebook :  "  Thank  God,  out  of  one  hundred  patients,  whom  I  visited 
or  prescribed  for  this  day,  I  have  lost  none." 

Between  the  8th  and  15th  of  September,  Dr.  Rush  visited  and  pre- 
scribed fot  a  hundred  and  a  hundred  and  twenty  patients  a  day.  In  the 
short  intervals  of  business,  which  he  spent  at  his  meals,  his  house  was 
filled  with  patients,  chiefly  the  poor,  waiting  for  his  gratuitous  advice. 
For  many  weeks  he  seldom  ate  without  prescribing  for  many  as  he  sat 
at  table.  While  thus  endangering  his  health  and  his  life  by  excess  of 
practice.  Dr.  Rush  received  repeated  letters  from  his  friends  in  the  coun- 
try, entreating  him  to  leave  the  city.  To  one  of  these  letters  he  replied, 
'  that  he  had  resolved  to  stick  to  his  principles,  his  practice,  and  his  pa- 
tients, to  the  last  extremity." 

The  incessant  labors  of  Dr.  Rush,  during  this  awful  visitation,  nearly 
prostrated  his  constitution ;  but  he  was  finally  so  far  restored  as  to  re- 
sume the  duties  of  his  profession.  His  mode  of  treatment  was  also 
called  into  question  by  many  of  his  contemporaries,  notwithstanding  the 
success  which  had  attended  it.  At  length  the  prejudices  against  him  infect- 
ed not  only  physicians,  but  a  considerable  part  of  the  community.  The 
public  journals  were  enlisted  against  him,  and  in  numerous  pamphlets 
his  system  was  attacked  with  great  severity      He  was  even  called  a 


BENJAMIN   RUSH.  59 

murderer,  and   was  at  length  threatened  to  be  prosecuted  and  expelled 
the  city. 

Notwithstanding  the  great  labors  of  Dr.  Rush  as  a  lecturer  and  prac- 
titioner, he  was  a  voluminous  writer.  His  printed  works  consist  of  seven 
volumes,  six  of  which  treat  of  medical  subjects,  and  the  other  is  a  collec- 
tion of  essays,  literary,  moral,  and  philosophical.  He  was  a  constant 
and  indefatigable  scholar.  He  extracted  so  largely  from  the  magazine  of 
information  accumulated  in  the  mind  of  Benjamin  Franklin,  that  he 
once  mentioned  to  a  friend,  his  intention  of  writing  a  book  with  the  title 
of  Frankliniana,  in  which  he  proposed  to  collect  the  fragments  of  wis- 
dom, which  he  had  treasured  in  his  memory,  as  they  fell  in  conversation 
from  the  lips  of  that  great  man. 

Doctor  Rush  was  a  member  of  the  celebrated  Congress  of  1776,  which 
declared  these  States  free  and  independent.  The  impulse  given  to 
learning  and  science  by  this  event  he  used  to  estimate  of  incalculable 
value.  In  1777,  he  was  appointed  Physician  General  of  the  military 
hospital  in  the  middle  department.  In  1737,  he  became  a  member  of 
the  Convention  of  Pennsylvania,  for  the  adoption  of  the  Federal  Consti- 
tution. This  instrument  received  his  warmest  approbation.  For  the 
last  fourteen  years  of  his  life,  he  was  Treasurer  for  the  United  States 
Mint,  by  appointment  of  President  Adams. 

Doctor  Rush  took  a  deep  interest  in  the  many  private  associations,  for 
the  advancement  of  human  happiness,  with  which  Pennsylvania  abounds. 
He  led  the  way  in  the  establishment  of  the  Philadelphia  Dispensary,  and 
was  the  principal  agent  in  founding  Dickinson  College,  in  Carlisle.  For 
some  years  he  was  President  of  the  Society  for  the  Abolition  of  Slavery, 
and  also  of  the  Philadelphia  Medical  Society.  He  was  a  founder  of  the 
Philadelphia  Bible  Society,  and  a  Vice-President  of  the  American  Philo- 
sophical Society.  He  was  an  honorary  member  of  many  of  the  literary 
institutions,  both  of  this  country  and  of  Europe.  In  1805,  he  was 
honored  by  the  King  of  Prussia,  with  a  medal,  for  his  replies  to  oertain 
questions  on  the  yellow  fever.  On  a  similar  account,  he  was  presented 
with  a  gold  medal  in  1807,  from  the  Queen  of  Etruria;  and  in  1811, 
the  Emperor  of  Russia  sent  him  a  diamond  ring,  as  a  testimony  of  his 
respect  for  his  medical  character. 

The  pen  of  Doctor  Rush  was  powerfully  employed  against  some  of 
the  vices  and  habits  of  mankind.  His  "  Inquiry  into  the  effects  of  ar- 
dent spirits  upon  the  human  body  and  mind,"  has  been  more  read  than 
any  of  his  works.  He  was  a  brilliant  and  eloquent  lecturer;  and  he 
possessed  in  a  high  degree  those  talents  which  engage  the  heart. 

The  life  of  Doctor  Rush  was  terminated  on  the  19th  of  Apfil,  1813, 
in  the  sixty-eighth  year  of  his  age.  During  his  illness,  which  was  but 
of  few  days'  continuance,  his  house  was  beset  by  crowds  of  citizens,  such 
was  the  general  anxiety  in  respect  to  this  excellent  man.  When  at 
length  he  died,  the  news  of  his  decease  spread  a  deep  gloom  over  the 
city,  and  expressions  of  profound  sympathy  were  received  from  all  parts 
of  the  country. 


60 


EDWARD    RUTLEDGE. 


Edward  Rutledge  was  bom  in  Charleston,  South  Carolina,  November, 
1749.  After  receiving  a  respectable  education  in  the  learned  languages, 
he  commenced  the  study  of  the  law  with  his  elder  brother,  who,  at  that 
time,  was  becoming  the  most  eminent  advocate  at  the  Charleston  bar. 

When  arrived  at  the  age  of  twenty-one  years,  Edward  Rutledge  sailed 
for  England,  to  complete  his  legal" education.  In  1773,  he  returned  to 
his  native  country,  and  began  the  practice  of  his  profession.  He  soon 
became  distinguished  for  his  quickness  of  apprehension,  fluency  of  speech, 
and  graceful  delivery.  The  general  estimation  in  which  his  talents  were 
held,''was  evinced  in  1774,  by  his  appointment  to  the  General  Congress 
as  delegate  from  South  Carolina.  He  was  at  this  time  but  twenty-five 
years  of  age. 

In  the  Congress  of  1776,  Mr.  Rutledge  took  a  conspicuous  part  in  the 
discussions,  which  preceded  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  At  a  sub- 
sequent date,  he  was  appointed,  with  Doctor  Franklin  and  John  Adams, 
a  commissioner  to  wait  upon  Lord  Howe,  who  had  requested  Congress 
to  appoint  such  a  committee  to  enter  with  him  into  negociations  for  peace. 
Mr.  Rutledge  was  again  elected  to  Congress  in  1779  ;  but  in  consequence 
of  ill  health,  he  was  unable  to  reach  the  seat  of  government,  and  returned 
home.  In  1780,  during  the  investment  of  Charleston  by  the  British,  he 
was  taken  prisoner  by  the  enemy,  and  sent  to  St,  Augustine,  where  he 
was  detained  nearly  a  year  before  he  was  exchanged. 

On  the  evacuation  of  Charleston  by  the  British,  he  returned  to  the 
place  of  his  nativity,  and,  for  the  space  of  seventeen  years,  was  success- 
fully engaged  in  the  practice  of  his  profession ;  rendering  from  time  to 
time  important  services  to  the  State,  as  a  member  of  her  Legislature. 
In  1798,  he  relinquished  his  station  at  the  bar,  and  was  elected  Chief 
]\Iagistrate  of  South  Carolina.  He  continued  to  perform  the  duties  of 
this  office  until  within  a  short  time  before  his  death,  which  took  place  on 
the  2.3d  day  of  January,  1800.  Military  and  other  honors  were  paid  to 
his  memory ;  and  universal  regret  was  expressed  at  his  departure. 


ROGER    SHERMAN. 


Roger  Sherman  was  born  in  Newton,  Massachusetts,  on  the  19th  of 
April,  1721.  He  was  early  apprenticed  to  a  shoemaker,  and  followed 
the  business  of  one  for  some  time  after  he  was  twenty-two  years  of  age. 
The  father  of  Roger  Sherman  died  in  1741,  leaving  his  family,  which 
was  quite  numerous,  dependent  upon  his  son  for  support.  He  entered 
upon  the  task  with  great  cheerfulness.  Towards  his  mother,  whose  life 
was  protracted  to  a  great  age,  he  always  manifested  the  tenderest  affec- 
tion, and  assisted  two  of  his  younger  brothers  to  qualify  themselves  for 
clergymen. 


ROGER    SHERMAN.  01 

An  elder  brother  had  established  himself  in  New  Milford,  Connecticut. 
In  1743,  the  family  of  Mr.  Sherman  removed  to  that  place,  and  he  again 
commenced  business  as  a  shoemaker ;  but  not  long  after,  he  entered  into 
partnership  with  his  brother,  whose  occupation  was  that  of  a  country 
merchant.  The  mind  of  Roger  Sherman  was  invincibly  bent  upon  the 
acquisition  of  knowledge.  The  variety  and  extent  of  his  attainments, 
even  at  this  time,  were  almost  incredible.  He  soon  became  known  in 
the  county  of  Litchfield,  where  he  resided,  as  a  man  of  superior  talents, 
and  of  unusual  skill  in  the  science  of  mathematics.  At  the  early  age  of 
twenty-four,  he  was  appointed  to  the  office  of  county  surveyor.  At  ihii 
time,  he  had  also  made  no  trifling  advances  in  the  science  of  astronomy. 
As  early  as  1748,  he  supplied  the  astronomical  calculations  for  an  alma- 
nac, published  in  New  York,  and  continued  to  furnish  them  for  several 
succeeding  years. 

In  1749,  he  was  married  to  Miss  Elizabeth  Hartwell,  of  Stoughton,  in 
Massachusetts.  After  her  decease,  in  1760,  he  married  Miss  Rebecca 
Prescot,  of  Danvers,  in  the  same  State.  By  these  wives  he  had  fifteen 
children. 

In  1751,  Mr.  Sherman  was  admitted  as  an  attorney  to  the  bar.  The 
circumstance  which  led  to  his  study  of  the  profession  was  merely  acci- 
dental, and  an  accident  which,  in  a  mind  less  decided  and  persevering 
than  that  of  Sherman,  would  have  passed  away  without  improvement. 
He  became  rapidly  distinguished  as  a  counsellor,  and  the  year  following 
his  admission  to  the  bar,  was  appointed  a  Justice  of  the  Peace  for  New 
Milford,  which  town  he  also  represented  in  the  Colonial  Assembly.  In 
1759,  he  Ayas  appointed  Judge  of  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas  for  the 
county  of  Litchfield,  which  office  he  held  for  two  years.  At  the  expira- 
tion of  ihat  time,  he  became  a  resident  of  New  Haven,  of  which  town 
he  was  soon  after  appointed  a  Justice  of  the  Peace,  and  often  represented 
it  in  the  Colonial  Assembly.  In  1765,  he  was  made  a  Judge  of  the 
Court  of  Common  Pleas,  and  about  the  same  time  was  appointed  Trea- 
surer of  Yale  College,  which  institution  bestowed  upon  him  the  honorarv 
degree  of  Master  of  Arts. 

In  1766,  Mr.  Sherman  was  elected  a  member  of  the  Upper  House,  in 
the  General  Assembly  of  Connecticut ;  and  during  the  same  year  he 
was  appointed  a  Judge  of  the  Superior  Court.  He  continued  a  member 
of  the  Upper  House  for  nineteen  years,  until  17S5,  when  the  two  offices 
which  he  held  being  considered  incompatible,  he  relinquished  his  seat 
at  the  council  board,  preferring  his  station  as  a  Judge.  The  latter  office 
he  continued  to  exercise  until  17S9,  when  he  resigned  it  on  being  chosen 
to  Congress,  under  the  Federal  Constitution. 

Mr.  Sherman  was  a  delegate  to  the  celebrated  Congress  of  1774.  and 
continued  uninterruptedly  a  member  of  that  body,  until  his  death  in  1793 
His  services  during  his  congressional  career  were  many  and  important. 
He  was  employed  on  numerous  committees,  and  was  indefatigable  in  the 
investigation  of  complicated  and  difficult  subjects.  In  1776,  he  received 
the  most  flattering  testimony  of  the  high  respect  in  which  he  was 
held,  in  being  associated  with  Adams,  Jefferson,  Franklin,  and  Livings- 
ton, in  the  responsible  duty  of  preparing  the  Declaration  of  Independence. 


62  JAMES    SMITH. 

In  the  State  where  he  resided,  Mr.  Sherman  continued  to  receive  repeated 
demonstrations  of  the  esteem  with  which  his  fellow  citizens  regarded 
him. 

Under  the  new  Constitution,  Mr.  Sherman  was  elected  a  Representa- 
tive to  Congress  from  the  State  of  Connecticut.  At  the  expiration  of 
two  years,  a  vacancy  occurring  in  the  Senate,  he  was  elevated  to  a  seat 
in  that  body.  In  this  office  he  died  on  the  23d  of  July,  1793,  in  the 
seventy-third  year  of  his  age. 

A  predominant  trait  in  the  character  of  Roger  Sherman  was  his  prac- 
tical wihdum.  Although  inferior  to  many  in  rapidity  of  genius,  he  was 
surpassed  by  none  in  clearness  of  apprehension,  energy  of  mind,  ol 
honesty  of  action.  A  remark  of  Jefferson  bears  testimony  to  the 
strength  and  soundness  of  his  intellect.  "  That  is  Sherman,"  said  he  to 
a  friend,  to  whom  he  was  pointing  out  the  most  remarkable  men  of  Con- 
gress, "  a  man  who  never  said  a  foolish  thing  in  his  life."  Not  less 
honorable  to  the  integrity  of  h:s  character,  is  the  remark  of  Fisher  Ames, 
who  was  wont  to  say :  "  If  I  am  absent  during  the  discussion  of  a  sub- 
iecl,  and  consequently  know  not  on  which  side  to  vote,  I  always  look  at 
Roger  Sherman,  for  I  am  sure  if  I  vote  tvith  him  I  shall  vote  right." 


JAMES    SMITH. 


James  Smith  was  born  in  Ireland,  but  at  what  period  has  not  been 
ascertained.  His  father  was  a  respectable  farmer,  who  removed  to 
America  with  a  numerous  family,  and  settled  on  the  west  side  of  the 
Susquehanna  river. 

After  being  qualified  for  the  piufession  of  the  law,  Mr.  Smith  took  up 
his  residence  as  a  lawyer  and  surveyor,  near  the  present  town  of  Ship- 
pensburg;  but  he  subsequently  removed  to  the  flourishing  village  of 
York,  where  he  continued  the  practice  of  his  profession  during  the  re- 
mainder of  his  life.  On  the  commencement  of  the  difficulties  with  the 
mother  country,  he  resolutely  enlisted  himself  on  the  patriotic  side,  and 
became  an  uncompromising  opposer  of  the  insulting  aggressions  of  the 
British  Government.  He  was  chosen  a  delegate  to  all  the  patriotic 
meetings  of  the  Province,  and  was  always  in  favor  of  the  most  vigorous 
and  decided  measures.  He  was  the  first  one  who  raised  a  volunteer 
corps  in  Pennsylvania,  in  opposition  to  the  armies  of  Great  Britain;  and 
was  elected  captain,  and  afterwards  colonel  of  a  regiment.  In  January, 
1775,  he  was  a  delegate  to  the  Convention  for  the  I'rnvince  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, and  concurred  in  the  spirited  declarations  of  that  Assembly. 

In  the  month  of  July,  a  Convention  was  held  in  Philadelphia,  for  the 
purpose  of  forming  a  new  Constitution  for  Pennsylvania.  Of  this  body, 
Mr.  Smith  was  a  member,  and  by  it  he  was  chosen  a  Delegate  to  Con- 
gress. He  continued  to  represent  his  constituents  for  several  years  in 
the  great  National  Assembly,  and  was  always  active  and  efficient  in  the 
discharge  of  his  duties.     On  withdrawing  from  Congress,  in  November, 


RICHARD    STOCKTON  GiJ 


J788,  he  resumed  his  professional  pursuits,  which  he  continued  to  ex- 
ercise until  the  year  1800,  when  he  withdrew  from  the  bar,  having  prac- 
tised the  law  for  about  sixty  years.     He  died  in  the  year  1806. 


RICHARD    STOCKTON. 

RiciiAKD  Stockton  was  born  near  Princeton,  New  Jersey,  on  the  first 
day  of  October,  1730,  and  received  his  education  at  the  college  in  his 
native  State,  where  he  graduated  at  the  age  of  eighteen. 

On  leaving  college,  Mr.  Stockton  commenced  the  study  of  the  law, 
and  on  his  admission  to  the  bar,  rose  quickly  to  an  enviable  distinc- 
tion. About  the  year  1767,  he  relinquished  his  professional  business 
for  the  purpose  of  visiting  Great  Britain.  During  his  tour  through  the 
united  countries,  he  was  received  with  great  attention.  On  visiting  Ed- 
inburgh, he  was  complimented  with  a  public  dinner,  by  the  authorities 
of  that  city,  the  freedom  of  which  was  unanimously  conferred  upon  him. 
During  his  stay  in  Scotland,  he  was  so  fortunate  as  to  induce  the  Eeve- 
rend  Dr.  Witherspoon,  of  Paisley,  to  remove  to  America,  and  accept  the 
presidency  of  New  Jersey  College. 

On  his  return  to  this  country,  ]\Ir.  Stockton  stood  high  in  the  royal  fa- 
vor, and  was  appointed  one  of  the  Royal  Judges  of  the  Province,  and  a 
member  of  the  Executive  Council.  But  on  the  commencement  of  the  ag- 
gravating system  of  oppression  by  which  the  mother  country  hoped  to 
humiliate  the  colonists,  he  separated  himself  from  the  Royal  Council, 
and  joyfully  concurred  in  all  the  liberal  measures  of  the  day.  On  the 
21st  of  June,  1776,  he  was  elected  a  Delegate  to  the  General  Congress, 
then  sitting  in  Philadelphia.  Here  he  discharged,  with  fidelity  and  energy, 
all  the  duties  assigned  him ;  and  on  the  agitation  of  the  great  question 
of  independence,  he  addressed  the  House  in  its  behalf. 

On  the  30th  of  November,  Mr.  Stockton  was  unfortunately  taken  pri- 
soner by  a  party  of  refugee  royalists.  He  was  dragged  from  his  bed  at 
night,  and  carried  to  New  York.  Here  he  was  treated  with  the  utmost 
rigor  and  indignity.  Congress  remonstrated  with  General  Howe  in  his 
behalf,  and  he  was  finally  released  from  his  captivity;  but  the  iron 
had  entered  his  soul.  His  constitution  had  experienced  an  irreparable 
shock,  and  his  ample  fortune  was  completely  reduced.  He  continued  to 
languish  for  several  years,  and  at  length  died,  at  his  residence  in  Prince- 
ton, on  the  2Sth  of  February,  1781,  in  the  fifty-third  year  of  his  age. 
His  character  was  in  every  respect  estimable.  He  possessed  a  culti  rated 
.aste  for  literature,  and  was  a  polished  and  eloquent  speaker. 


64 


THOMAS    STONE. 

Thomas  Stone  was  born  in  Charles  county,  Maryland,  in  1743.  He 
was  a  descendant  of  William  Stone,  who  was  Governor  of  Maryland 
during  the  protectorate  of  Oliver  Cromwell. 

After  acquiring  a  tolerable  acquaintance  Avith  the  learned  languages,  he 
entered  upon  the  study  of  the  law.  Having  obtained  a  competent 
knowledge  of  the  profession,  he  commenced  practice  in  Fredericktown, 
Maryland.  After  residing  at  this  place  two  years,  he  removed  to 
Charles  county,  in  the  same  State.  At  the  age  of  twenty-eight,  he  re- 
ceived by  marriage,  the  sum  of  one  thousand  pounds  sterling ;  and  with 
it  purchased  a  farm  near  the  village  of  Port  Tobacco,  upon  which  he 
continued  to  reside  during  the  revolutionary  struggle.  Although  his  busi- 
ness was  by  no  means  lucrative,  nor  his  fortune  considerable,  his  well 
known  honesty  and  ability  caused  him  to  be  sent  a  Delegate  to  the  Con- 
gress of  1776,  to  which  body  he  was  elected  for  several  subsequent 
years.  After  the  Maryland  Legislature  had  relieved  him  and  his  col- 
leagues of  the  restrictions  which  bound  them,  he  joyfully  affixed  his 
name  to  the  Declaration  of  Independence. 

Mr.  Stone  was  a  member  of  the  committee  appointed  by  Congress  to 
prepare  Articles  of  Confederation ;  and  the  manner  in  which  he  dis- 
charged the  duties  devolving  upon  him  in  that  station,  was  highly  satis- 
factory. After  seeing  the  Confederation  finally  agreed  upon  in  Congress, 
he  declined  a  re-appointment  to  that  body,  but  became  a  member  of  the 
Legislature  of  his  native  State.  In  1783,  he  was  again  chosen  to  Con- 
gress ;  and  in  the  session  of  1784,  acted  for  some  time  as  President  pro 
tempore.  On  the  adjournment  of  Congress  this  year,  he  retired  from 
that  body,  and  engaged  actively  in  the  duties  of  his  profession.  His 
practice  now  became  lucrative  in  Annapolis,  whither  he  had  removed ; 
and  he  soon  rose  to  distinction  at  the  bar.  As  an  advocate,  he  excelled 
in  strength  of  argument ;  and  was  often  employed  in  cases  of  great  dif- 
ficulty. 

Mr.  Stone  died  on  the  5th  of  October,  1787,  in  the  forty-fifth  year  of 
his  age,  and  while  on  the  point  of  embarking  for  Europe,  for  the  benefit 
of  his  health. 


GEORGE    TAYLOR. 


Gkorge  Taylor  was  born  in  Ireland,  in  the  year  1716.  At  a  suitable 
age  he  commenced  the  study  of  medicine ;  but  his  genius  not  being 
adapted  to  his  profession,  he  relinquished  his  medical  studies,  and  soon 
after  set  sail  for  America.  On  his  arrival  he  was  entirely  destitute  of 
money,  and  was  obliged  to  resort  to  manual  labor  to  pay  the  expenses 
of  his  voyage.  He  was  first  engaged  in  the  iron  works  of  Mr.  Savage, 
at  Durham,  on   the   Delaware,  and  was  afterwards  taken  into  his  count- 


MATTHEW    THORNTON.  G5 

ing-room  as  a  clerk.  In  this  situation,  he  rendered  himself  very  aseful, 
and,  at  length,  upon  the  death  of  Mr.  Savage,  he  became  connected  in 
marriage  with  his  widow,  and  consequently  the  proprietor  of  the  whole 
establishment.  In  a  few  years,  the  fortune  of  Mr.  Taylor  was  considerably 
augmented.  He  now  purchased  a  handsome  estate,  near  the  river  Le- 
high, in  the  county  of  Northampton,  where  he  erected  a  spacious  man- 
sion, and  took  up  his  permanent  abode.  In  1764,  he  was  chosen  a 
member  of  the  Pi'ovincial  Assembly,  where  he  soon  became  connpicuous. 
In  this  body  he  continued  to  represent  the  county  of  Northampton  until 
1770;  but  he  afterwards  returned  to  Durham,  to  repair  the  losses  of  for- 
tune, to  which  the  change  of  his  place  of  business  had  led. 

In  October,  1775,  he  was  again  chosen  to  the  Provincial  Assembly, 
and  the  following  month,  was  appointed,  in  connexion  with  others,  to  re- 
port a  set  of  instructions  to  the  Delegates  which  the  Assembly  had  just 
appointed  to  the  Continental  Congress.  Pennsylvania  v/as  for  some 
time  opposed  to  an  immediate  nipture  with  the  mother  country;  and  it 
was  only  by  the  casting  vote  of  Mr.  Morton,  that  her  consent  to  the 
measure  of  Independence  was  secured.  On  the  20th  of  July,  1776,  the 
Pennsylvania  Convention  proceeded  to  a  new  choice  of  representatives. 
Mr.  Morton,  Dr.  Franklin,  Mr.  Morris,  and  Mr.  Wilson,  who  had  voted 
in  favor  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  were  re-elected.  Those 
who  had  opposed  it  were  at  this  time  dropped,  and  the  following  gentle- 
men were  appointed  in  their  place,  viz.  Mr.  Taylor,  Mr.  Ross,  Mr. 
Clymer,  Dr.  Rush,  and  Mr.  Smith. 

Mr.  Taylor  retired  from  Congress  in  1777 ;  and  died  on  the  23d  of 
February,  1781,  in  the  sixty-si.xth  year  of  his  age. 


MATTHEW    THORNTON. 

Matthew  Thornton  was  born  in  Ireland,  about  the  year  1714. 
When  he  Avas  two  or  three  years  old,  his  father  emigrated  to  America, 
and  after  a  residence  of  a  few  years  at  Wiscasset,  in  Maine,  he  removed 
to  Worcester,  in  Massachusetts.  Here  young  Thornton  received  a  re- 
spectable education,  and  subsequently  commenced  the  study  of  medicine. 
Soon  after  completing  his  preparatory  course,  he  removed  to  Londonder- 
ry, in  New-Hampshire,  where  he  entered  upon  the  practice  of  his  pro- 
fession, and  soon  became  distinguished,  both  as  a  physician  and  a 
surgeon. 

In  1745,  Dr.  Thornton  was  appointed  to  accompany  the  New-Hamp- 
ahire  troops,  as  a  surgeon,  in  the  well  known  expedition,  planned  by 
Governor  Shirley,  against  Cape  Breton.  His  professional  abilities  were 
here  creditably  tested  ;  for  of  the  corps  of  five  hundred  men,  of  whom  he 
had  charge  as  a  physician,  only  six  died  of  sickness,  previous  to  the 
surrender  of  Louisburg,  notwithstanding  the  hardships  to  which  they 
were  exposed. 

Under  the  Royal  Government,  Dr.  Thornton  was  invested  with  the 
i 


to  GEORGE    WALTON. 

office  of  Justice  of  the  Peace,  and  commissioned  as  Colonel  of  the  militia. 
But  when  that  Government  was  dissolved,  Colonel  Thornton  abjured  the 
British  interest,  and  adhered  to  the  patriotic  cause.  He  was  President 
of  a  Provincial  Convention,  assembled  at  Exeter,  in  1775. 

The  next  year  he  was  chosen  a  Delegate  to  the  Continental  Congress, 
and  signed  his  name  to  the  engrossed  copy  of  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence. During  the  same  year,  he  was  appointed  Chief  Justice  of 
the  Court  of  Common  Pleas  ;  and  shortly  after  was  raised  to  the  office 
of  Judge  of  the  Superior  Court  of  New-Hampshire,  in  which  office  he 
continued  until  17S2.  Two  years  previous  to  this  latter  date,  he  had 
purchased  a  farm,  pleasantly  situated  on  the  banks  of  the  Merrimack, 
near  Exeter,  where  he  principally  devoted  himself  to  agriculture.  He 
was  a  member  of  the  General  Court  for  one  or  two  years,  and  a  Senator 
in  the  State  Legislature,  as  also  a  member  of  the  Council  in  1785,  under 
President  Langdon.  Dr.  Thornton  died  while  on  a  visit  at  Newburyport, 
on  the  24th  of  June,  1S03,  in  the  eighty-ninth  year  of  his  age. 

He  was  a  man  of  strong  powers  of  mind,  and  was  remarkably  enter- 
laininiT  and  instructive  in  conversation. 


GEORGE    WiiLTON 


George  Walton  was  born  in  the  county  of  Frederick,  Virginia,  about 
the  year  1740.  He  was  early  apprenticed  to  a  carpenter,  who,  being  a 
man  of  contracted  views,  not  only  kept  him  hard  at  work  during  the  day, 
but  refused  him  the  privilege  of  a  candle,  by  which  to  read  at  night. 
Young  Walton,  however,  was  resolutely  bent  on  the  acquisition  of 
knowledge,  and  contrived  to  collect,  at  his  leisure  moments,  pieces  of 
lightwood,  which  served  at  nisfht,  in  place  of  a  candle.  His  application 
was  intense  ;  and  his  attainments  were  rapid  and  valuable. 

At  the  expiration  of  his  apprenticeship,  he  removed  to  the  province  of 
Georgia,  and  entering  upon  the  study  of  the  law,  commenced,  in  1774, 
the  practice  of  that  profession.  At  this  time  the  British  Government 
was  in  the  exercise  of  full  power  in  Georgia.  Mr.  Walton  was  one  of 
the  most  zealous  of  the  few  advocates  of  the  patriot!:  cause.  He  was  a 
member  ot  the  commiUce  which  prepar'^d  a  petition  to  the  King ;  and  in 
1776,  he  was  elected  a  Delegate  lo  the  Continental  Congress.  In  this 
.station  he  continued  to  represent  the  State  of  Georgia,  until  October, 
1781.  He  wa?  extremely  useful  on  many  important  committees,  and 
always  evinced  much  zeal  and  intelligence  in  the  discharge  of  his 
duties. 

In  December,  1778,  Mr.  Walton  received  a  Colonel's  commission  in 
the  militia,  and  was  present  at  the  surrender  of  Savannah  to  the  British 
arms.  -  During  the  obstinate  defence  of  that  place,  he  was  wounded  in 
the  thigh,  in  consequence  of  which,  he  fell  from  his  horse,  and  was 
made  a  prisoner  by  the  British  troops.  A  Brigadier  General  was  de- 
manded in  exchange  for  him,  but  in  September,  1779,  he  was  exchanged 


fr 


WILLIAM    WHIPPLE.  h7 

for  ti  Captain  of  the  navj'.  In  the  following  inonlh,  he  was  chosen 
Governor  of  the  State ;  and  in  the  succeeding  January,  was  elected  a 
member  of  Congre-ss  for  two  years. 

The  remainder  of  Mr.  Walton's  life,  was  filled  up  in  the  discharge  of 
the  most  respectable  offices  within  the  gift  of  the  State.  He  was  at  six 
(lifTercnt  times  chosen  a  Representative  to  Congress;  twice  appointed 
Governor  of  the  State  ;  once  a  Senator  of  the  United  States  ;  and  at  four 
different  periods,  a  Judge  of  the  Superior  Courts.  He  was  a  man  of  no 
ordinary  talents  ;  and  was  conspicious  for  his  uniform  devotion  to  liberty. 
He  died  on  the  2d  of  February,  1804. 


WILLIAM    WHIPPLE. 


William  Whiffle  was  born  at  Kittcry,  Maine,  in  the  year  1730. 
His  education  was  limited,  a..d  on  leaving  school,  he  entered  on  board  a 
merchant  vessel,  and  devoted  himself  for  several  years  to  commercial 
pursuits.  His  voyages  were  chiefly  to  the  West  Indies,  and  proving 
successful,  he  acquired  a  considerable  fortune. 

In  1759,  he  relinquished  his  seafaring  occupation,  and  commenced 
business  at  Portsmouth.  He  entered  with  spirit  into  the  controversy 
between  Great  Britain  and  the  Colonies  ;  and  in  1775,  represented  the 
town  of  Portsmouth  in  the  Provincial  Congress,  which  met  at  Exeter. 
In  1776,  he  was  appointed  a  Delegate  to  the  General  Congress,  of 
which  body  he  continued  a  member,  until  September,  1799. 

In  the  year  1777,  while  Mr.  Whipple  was  a  member  of  Congress,  the 
appointment  of  Brigadier  General  was  bestowed  upon  him,  and  the  cele- 
ebrated  John  Stark,  by  the  Assembly  of  New-Hampshire.  He  was 
present  at  the  desperate  battle  of  Saratoga  ;  and  his  meritorious  conduct  on 
the  occasion  was  rewarded,  by  his  being  jointly  appointed  with  Colonel 
Wilkinson,  as  the  representative  of  General  Gates,  to  meet  two  officers 
from  General  Burgoyne,  Efnd  settle  the  articles  of  capitulation.  He  was 
also  selected  as  one  of  the  officers,  who  were  appointed  to  conduct  the 
surrendered  army  to  their  destined  encampment,  on  Winter  Hill,  in  the 
vicinity  of  Boston.  In  1778,  General  Whipple,  with  a  detachment  of 
New-Hampshire  militia,  was  engaged,  under  General  Sullivan,  in  exe- 
cuting a  plan  for  the  re-taking  of  Rhode  Island  from  the  British. 

During  the  remaining  years  of  his  life,  Mr.  Whipple  filled  many  im- 
portant offices.  As  a  representative  ♦o  the  State  Legislature,  he  was 
highly  popular;  and  in  1782,  he  received  the  appointment  of  Receiver 
of  Public  Moneys  for  New-Hampshire,  from  Mr.  Morris,  the  superinten- 
dent of  finance.  He  relinquished  the  office  in  1784,  and  continued  in 
the  station  of  Judge  of  the  Superior  Court  of  Judicature.  The  duties  of 
the  latter  office  he  discharged  until  the  2Sth  of  November,  17S5, 
when  he  expired,  in  the  55ih  year  of  his  age. 


6S 


WILLIAM    WILLIAMS. 

WiLLiABi  Williams  was  born  in  Lebanon,  Connecticut,  on  the  8th  of 
April,  1731.  At  the  age  of  sixteen  he  entered  Harvard  College,  and 
after  the  usual  period  was  honorably  graduated.  For  some  time  after  his 
return  home,  he  devoted  himself  to  theological  studies,  under  the  direc- 
tion of  his  father.  In  1755,  he  belonged  to  the  staff  of  Colonel  Ephraim 
AVilliams,  the  founder  of  Williams  College  in  Massachusetts,  and  was 
present  at  the  celebrated  battle  fought  at  the  head  of  Lake  George,  be- 
tween the  provincial  troops,  and  the  French  Canadians.  During  the 
contest.  Colonel  Williams  was  shot  through  the  head  by  an  Indian,  and 
killed. 

Soon  after  this  occrarrence,  William  Williams  returned  to  Lebanon  ; 
and  in  1756  was  chosen  Clerk  of  the  town,  an  office  which  he  continued 
to  hold  for  the  space  of  forty-five  years.  About  the  same  time,  he  was 
appointed  a  Representative  to  the  General  Assembly  of  Connecticut.  In 
this  latter  capacity  he  served  for  many  years,  during  which  he  was  often 
appointed  Clerk  of  the  House,  and  not  unfrequently  filled  the  Speaker's 
chair.  In  17S0,  he  was  transferred  to  the  Upper  House,  being  elected 
an  Assistant ;  an  office  which  he  held  for  twenty-four  years. 

Mr.  Williams  was  a  member  of  the  Continental  Congress,  during  the 
years  1776  and  1777 ;  and  took  an  honorable  part  in  the  deliberations 
of  that  body.  During  his  campaign  at  the  north,  he  had  been  disgusted 
with  the  British  commanders,  on  account  of  the  haughtiness  of  their 
conduct,  and  the  little  attachment  which  they  manifested  for  his  native 
country.  The  impression  was  powerful  and  enduring  ;  and  led  him  to 
form  a  sincere  and  devoted  wish  for  the  independence  of  America. 

The  following  anecdote  has  been  related  as  a  proof  of  the  patriotic 
spirit  of  Mr.  Williams.  Towards  the  close  of  the  year  1776,  the  military 
affairs  of  the  colonies  wore  a  gloomy  aspect.  In  this  doubtful  state  of 
things,  the  council  of  safety  for  Connecticut  was  called  to  sit  at  Lebanon. 
Two  of  the  members  of  this  council,  William  Hillhouse  and  Benjamin 
Huntington,  quartered  with  Mr.  Williams.  One  evening,  the  conversa- 
tion turned  upon  the  gloomy  state  of  the  country,  and  the  probability 
that,  after  all,  success  would  crown  the  British  arms.  "  Well,"  said 
Mr.  Williams,  with  great  calmness,  "if  they  succeed,  it  is  pretty  evident 
what  will  be  my  fate.  I  have  done  much  to  prosecute  the  contest,  and 
one  thing  I  have  done  which  the  British  will  never  pardon — I  have 
signed  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  I  shall  be  hung."  Mr.  Hill- 
house  expressed  a  confident  hope,  that  America  would  yet  be  successful. 
Mr.  Huntington  observed,  that,  in  case  of  ill  success,  he  should  be  ex- 
empt from  the  gallows,  as  his  signature  was  not  attached  to  the  Declara- 
tion, nor  had  he  written  any  thing  against  the  British  government.  To 
this  Mr.  Williams  replied,  his  eye  kindling  as  he  spoke,  "  Then,  Sir, 
you  deserve  to  be  hanged,  for  not  having  done  your  duty." 

Mr.  Williams  died  on  the  2d  day  of  August,  ISll,  in  the  eighty-first 
year  of  his  age. 


69 


JAMES   WILSON. 

James  Wilson  was  born  in  Scotland,  about  the  year  1742.  He  re 
ceivfd  an  excellenl  educuliun  ;  studying  successively  at  Gla^^gow,  St, 
Andrews,  and  Edinburgh,  and  enjoying  the  instruction  of  tlip  disliii- 
guislied  Dr.  Blair,  and  the  not  less  celebrated  Dr.  Watts. 

•After  completing  his  studies,  he  embarked  for  America,  and  arrived  at 
Philadelphia,  early  in  the  year  1766.  Here  he  served  some  time  in  the 
capacity  of  tutor  in  the  College  of  the  city,  and  acquired  the  reputation 
of  being  a  fine  classical  scholar.  He  shortly  after  entered  the  law  of- 
fice of  Mr.  John  Dickinson,  and,  at  the  expiration  of  two  years,  commenc- 
ed practice,  first  at  Reading  and  Carlisle,  then  at  Annapolis,  and  finally 
at  Philadelphia,  where  he  continued  to  reside  during  the  remainder  of 
his  life.  At  an  early  period,  Mr.  Wilson  espoused  the  cause  of  the 
colonies.  He  was  an  American  in  principle  from  the  time  that  he  land- 
ed on  the  American  shore.  He  became  a  member  of  the  Provincial 
Convention  of  Pennsylvania,  and  in  1775,  was  unanimously  elected  a 
Delegate  to  Congress.  His  standing  during  the  whole  course  of  his  at- 
tendance on  this  body,  was  deservedly  high.  He  evinced  great 
ability  and  fidelity  in  the  discharge  of  his  numerous  duties,  and  voted  in 
favor  of  Independence  in  opposition  vo  a  majority  of  his  colleagues. 

The  high  estimation  in  which  Mr.  Wilson  was  held,  may  be  learned 
from  his  receiving  the  appointment  of  Advocate  General  for  the  French 
Government,  in  the  United  States.  He  continued  to  hold  this  office, 
which  was  both  arduous  and  delicate,  for  several  years,  at  the  close  of 
which,  the  King  of  France  handsomely  rewarded  him  by  a  gift  of  ten 
thousand  livres.  About  the  year  1782,  Mr.  Wilson  was  appointed  a 
Counsellor  and  Agent  for  Pennsylvania,  in  the  great  controversy  between 
that  State  and  the  State  of  Connecticut,  relating  to  certain  lands  within 
the  charter  boundary  of  Pennsylvania.  He  discovered  much  legal 
knowledge  and  tact  in  the  management  of  this  business ;  and  the  ques- 
tion was  finally  settled  in  favor  of  Pennsylvania. 

He  was  a  member  of  the  celebrated  Convention  of  1787,  which  assem- 
bled in  Philadelphia,  for  the  purpose  of  forming  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States.  During  the  long  deliberations  on  this  instrument,  he 
rendered  the  most  important  services.  He  was  on  the  committee  which 
reported  the  draught  of  the  Constitution,  and  did  much  to  settle,  upon  just 
principles,  the  great  and  important  points  which  naturally  arose  in  the 
■formation  of  a  new  Government. 

When  the  State  Convention  of  Pennsylvania  assembled  to  ratify  the 
Federal  Constitution,  Mr.  Wilson  was  returned  a  member  of  that  body , 
and  as  he  was  the  only  one  who  had  assisted  in  forming  that  instrument, 
it  devolved  upon  him  to  explain  to  the  Convention  the  principles  upon 
which  it  was  founded,  and  the  great  objects  which  it  had  in  view. 

In  17S9,  Mr.  Wilson  was  appointed  by  Washington,  a  Judge  of  the 
Supreme  Court,  under  the  Federal  Constitution.  In  this  office,  he  con- 
tinued until  his  death,  which  occurred  on  the  28th  of  August,   179S,  at 


70  JOHN    WITHERSPOON. 

Edenton,  in  North  Carolina,  while  on  a  circuit  attending  lu  his  judicial 
duties.  .  Mr.  Wilson  was  twice  married  ;  the  first  time  to  a  daughter  of 
William  Bird,  of  Berks  county,  and  the  second  time  to  a  daughter  of  Mr. 
Ellis  Gray,  of  Boston. 


JOHN    WITHERSPOON. 

John  Witherspoon,  alike  distinguished  as  a  minister  of  the  Gospel 
and  a  patriot  of  the  Revolution,  was  born  in  the  parish  of  Yester,  a  few 
miles  from  Edinburgh,  on  the  5th  of  February,  1722.  He  was  lineally 
descended  from  John  Knox,  the  celebrated  Scottish  reformer ;  and  was 
sent  at  an  early  age  to  the  public  school  at  Haddington,  where  he  applied 
himself  closely  to  the  study  of  classical  literature. 

At  the  age  of  fourteen,  he  was  removed  to  the  University  of  Edin- 
burgh ;  and  on  completing  his  theological  studies,  he  was  ordained  and 
settled  in  the  parish  of  Beith,  in  the  west  of  Scotland. 

Doctor  Witherspoon  left  behind  him  a  sphere  of  great  usefulness  and 
respectability,  in  retiring  from  his  native  land.  He  arrived  in  America 
in  August,  1768,  and  in  the  same  month  was  inaugurated  President  of 
the  College  of  New  Jersey.  His  exertions  in  raising  the  character  and 
increasing  the  funds  of  this  institution,  were  successful  and  indefatigable. 

On  the  occurrence  of  the  American  war,  the  college  was  broken  up, 
and  the  officers  and  students  were  dispersed.  Doctor  Witherspoon  now 
assumed  a  new  attitude  before  the  American  public.  On  becoming  a 
citizen  of  the  country,  he  warmly  espoused  her  cause  against  the  British 
ministry.  He  was  a  Delegate  to  the  Convention  which  formed  the 
republican  Constitution  of  New  Jersey ;  and  proved  himself  as  .able  a 
politician  as  he  was  known  to  be  philosopher  and  divine.  Early  in  the 
year  1776,  he  was  chosen  a  Representative  to  the  General  Congress,  by 
the  people  of  New  Jersey.  He  took  a  part  in  the  deliberations  on  the 
question  of  Independence,  for  Avhich  he  was  a  warm  advocate.  To  a 
gentleman,  who  declared  that  the  country  was  not  yet  ripe  for  a  Decla- 
ration of  Independence,  he  replied :  "  Sir,  in  my  judgment,  the  country 
is  not  only  ripe,  but  rotting." 

For  the  space  of  seven  years.  Doctor  Witherspoon  continued  a  Delegate 
from  New  Jersey  to  the  Continental  Congress.  Few  men  acted  Avith 
more  energy  or  promptitude,  or  attended  more  closely  and  faithfully  than 
he  to  the  duties  of  his  station. 

At  the  close  of  the  year  1779,  Doctor  Witherspoon  voluntarily  retired 
from  Congress,  and  resigned  the  care  and  instruction  of  the  students  to 
another.  His  name,  however,  continued  to  add  celebrity  to  the  institu- 
tion, over  which  he  had  so  creditably  presided.  But  he  did  not  remain  long 
in  repose.  In  1781,  he  was  again  chosen  to  Congress,  and  in  1783,  he 
embarked  for  England,  with  the  view  of  promoting  the  interests  of  the 
College,  for  which  he  had  already  done  so  much.  He  returned  to  Ame- 
rica in  1784,  and  again  withdrew  from  active  life. 

Doctor  Witherspoon  was  an  admirable  model  for  a  young  preacher 


OLIVER   WOLCOTT.  71 

•"A  profound  theologian,  perspicuous  and  simple  in  his  naanner ;  an 
universal  scholar,  ac(iuainied  with  human  nature;  a  grave,  dignified, 
solemn  speaker ; — he  brought  all  the  advantages  derived  from  these 
sources,  to  the  illustration  and  enforcement  of  divine  truth.  His  social 
qualities  rendered  him  one  of  the  most  companionable  of  men." 

Doctor  Witherspoon  was  twice  married ;  the  first  time  in  Scotland,  at 
an  early  age,  to  a  lady  of  the  name  of  Montgomery  ;  and  the  sec«,nd 
time,  at  the  age  of  seventy  years,  to  a  lady  who  was  only  twenty-three. 
He  had  several  children,  who  all  passed,  or  are  passing,  honorably 
through  life.  He  died  on  the  15th  day  of  November,  1794,  in  the 
seventy-third  year  of  his  age.  His  works  have  been  collected  in  four 
volumes,  octavo. 


OLIVER    WOLCOTT. 


Oliver  Wolcott  Avas  born  in  Connecticut  in  the  year  1726.  His 
family  was  ancient  and  distinguished ;  and  his  ancestors  successively 
held  a  long  list  of  honorable  oflices  in  the  State.  He  was  graduated  at 
Yale  College  in  1747 ;  and  the  same  year  received  a  commission  as 
Captain  in  the  army,  in  the  French  war.  At  the  head  of  a  company, 
which  was  raised  by  his  own  exertions,  he  proceeded  to  the  defence  of  the 
northern  frontiers,  where  he  continued  until  the  peace  of  Aix-la-Chapelle. 

At  this  time  he  returned  to  his  native  State,  and  entered  upon  the  study 
of  medicine.  He  never  engaged  in  the  practice  of  the  profession,  how- 
ever, in  consequence  of  receiving  the  appointment  of  Sheriff  of  the 
county  of  Litchfield.  In  1774,  he  was  elected  an  Assistant  in  the  Council 
of  the  State,  and  continued  in  the  office  till  1786.  He  was  also  for  some 
time  Chief  Judge  of  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas  for  the  county,  and 
Judge  of  the  Court  of  Probate  for  the  district  of  Litchfield.  In  1776, 
he  was  chosen  a  Delegate  from  Connecticut  to  the  National  Congress, 
wdiich  assembled  at  Philadelphia.  He  participated  in  the  deliberations 
of  that  body,  and  had  the  honor  of  recording  his  name  in  favor  of  the 
Declaration  of  Independence. 

From  the  time  of  the  adoption  of  that  measure  until  1786,  he  was 
either  in  attendance  upon  Congress,  in  the  field  in  defence  of  his  country, 
or,  as  a  Commissioner  of  Indian  afl[airs  for  the  northern  department, 
assisting  in  settling  the  terms  of  peace  with  the  Six  Nations.  In  1786, 
he  was  chosen  Lieutenant-Governor  of  Connecticut,  an  office  which  he 
continued  to  hold  for  ten  years,  at  the  expiration  of  which  he  Avas  raised 
to  the  Chief  Magistracy  of  the  State.  He  died  on  the  1st  of  December, 
1797,  in  the  seventy-second  year  of  his  age. 

Mr.  Wolcott  was  possessed  of  great  resolution  of  character  ;  and  his 
attainments  in  literature  were  of  a  superior  order.  He  was  also  distin- 
guished for  his  love  of  order  and  religion.  In  1755,  he  was  married  to  a 
Miss  Collins,  of  Guilford,  an  estimable  woman,  with  whom  he  enjoyed 
much  domestic  felicity,  for  the  space  of  forty  years. 


72 


GEORGE    WYTHE. 

George  Wythe  was  born  in  the  county  of  Elizabeth  city,  Virginia,  ift. 
the  year  1726.  His  mother,  who  was  a  woman  of  superior  acquirements, 
instructed  him  in  the  learned  languages,  and  he  made  considerable  pro- 
gress in  several  of  the  solid  sciences,  and  in  polite  literature.  Before 
he  became  of  age,  he  was  deprived  of  both  his  parents ;  and  inheriting 
considerable  property,  he  became  addicted,  for  several  years,  to  dissipated 
courses  and  habits  of  profligacy.  But  at  the  age  of  thirty,  he  abandoned 
entirely  his  youthful  follies,  and  applied  himself  with  indefatigable  indus- 
try to  study ;  never  relapsing  into  any  indulgence  inconsistent  with  a 
manly  and  virtuous  character. 

Having  studied  the  profession  of  law,  he  soon  attained  a  high  reputa- 
tion at  the  bar,  and  was  appointed  from  his  native  county  to  a  seat  in  the 
House  of  Burgesses.  He  took  a  conspicuous  part  in  the  proceedings  of 
this  assembly,  and  some  of  the  most  eloquent  state  papers  of  the  time 
were  drawn  up  by  him.  The  remonstrance  to  the  House  of  Commons, 
which  was  of  a  remarkably  fearless  and  independent  tone,  was  the  pro- 
duction of  his  pen.  By  his  patriotic  firmness  and  zeal,  he  powerfuUy 
contributed  to  the  ultimate  success  of  his  country. 

In  1775,  Mr.  Wythe  was  elected  a  Delegate  from  Virginia  to  the  Conti- 
nental Congress  in  Philadelphia.  He  assisted  in  bringing  forward  and 
urging  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  and  affixed  his  name  to  that  death- 
less instrument.  During  this  latter  year,  he  was  appointed,  in  connexion 
with  Thomas  Jefferson,  Edward  Pendleton,  and  others,  to  revise  the  laws 
of  the  State  of  Virginia.  In  the  year  1777,  Mr.  Wythe  was  chosen 
Speaker  of  the  House  of  Delegates,  and  during  the  same  year  was  made 
Judge  of  the  High  Court  of  Chancery.  On  the  new  organization  of  the 
Court  of  Equity,  in  a  subsequent  year,  he  was  appointed  sole  Chancellor, 
a  station  which  he  filled  with  great  ability,  for  more  than  twenty  years. 

In  the  course  of  the  Revolution,  Mr.  Wythe  suffered  much  in  respect 
to  his  property.  By  judicious  management,  however,  he  contrived  to 
retrieve  his  fortune,  and  preserve  his  credit  unimpaired.  Of  the  Con- 
vention of  1787,  appointed  to  revise  the  Federal  Constitution,  he  was  an 
efficient  member.  During  the  debates,  he  acted  for  the  most  part  as 
chairman.  He  was  a  warm  advocate  for  the  Constitution,  and  esteemed 
it  the  surest  guarantee  of  the  peace  and  prosperity  of  the  country.  He 
died  on  the  8th  of  June,  1806,  in  the  eighty-first  year  of  his  age,  after  a 
short  but  very  excruciating  sickness.  By  his  last  will  and  testament, 
Mr.  Wythe  bequeathed  his  valuable  library  and  philosophical  apparatus  to 
his  friend,  Mr.  Jefferson,  and  distributed  the  remainder  of  his  little  property 
among  the  grand-children  of  his  sister,  and  the  slaves  whom  he  had  set 
fr3e. 


73 


EARLY    HISTORY    OF    AMERICA. 


It  is  a  singular  fact,  that  the  principal  European  nations  owe  their 
possessions  in  America  to  the  enterprise  and  skill  of  Italian  navigators, 
though  not  a  single  colony  was  planted  by  the  Italians  themselves.  Co- 
lumbus opened  to  Europe  a  new  world,  and  acquired  for  Spain  a  dominion 
wide  and  rich  enough  to  satisfy  even  Castilian  ambition,  and  his  recom- 
pense was  ingratitude,  imprisonment,  and  an  old  age  dishonored  by  chains. 
Cabot,  a  Venetian  in  the  English  service,  acquired  claims  upon  the  lasting 
remembrance  of  Great  Britain,  whose  extent  he  never  lived  to  realize. 
Verazzani,  of  Florence,  explored  America  for  the  benefit  of  France,  but 
when  sailing  in  a  second  expedition  to  this  country,  perished  at  sea. 
Amerigo  Vespucci,  who  was  also  a  Florentine,  though  he  associated  his 
name  in  imperishable  union  with  the  new  world,  bought  but  an  empty 
fame  for  himself  and  his  country. 

Columbus  sailed  on  his  first  voyage  of  discovery,  from  the  bar  of 
Saltes,  a  small  island  in  front  of  the  town  of  Huelva,  early  on  the  morning 
of  the  8d  of  August,  1492.  He  directed  his  course  in  a  south-westerly 
direction,  for  the  Canary  Islands,  and  immediately  commenced  a  minute 
journal  of  the  voyage,  in  the  preface  to  which  he  recounted  the  motives 
which  led  him  to  the  expedition.  In  the  conclusion  of  this  preface,  he 
says,  "  I  intend  to  write,  during  this  voyage,  very  punctually,  from  day 
to  day,  all  that  I  may  do,  and  see,  and  experience,  as  will  hereafter  be 
seen.  Also,  my  sovereign  princes,  beside  describing  each  night  aM  that 
has  occurred  in  the  day,  and  in  the  daj''  the  navigation  of  the  night,  I 
propose  to  make  a  chart,  in  which  I  will  set  down  the  waters  and  lands 
of  the  Ocean  sea,  in  their  proper  situations  under  their  bearings ;  and, 
further,  to  compose  a  book,  and  illustrate  the  whole  in  picture  by  latitude 
from  the  equinoctial,  and  longitude  from  the  west :  and  upon  the  whole, 
it  will  be  essential  that  I  should  forget  sleep,  and  attend  closely  to  the 
navigation,  to  accomplish  these  things,  which  will  be  a  great  labor." 

The  first  land  that  Columbus  expected  to  meet  was  Cipango,  which 
had  been  placed  by  geographers  at  the  eastern  extremity  of  India.  This 
Avas  the  name  given  to  the  island  now  called  Japan,  by  Marco  Polo,*  the 
celebrated  Venetian  traveller.  The  most  extravagant  accounts  of  the 
riches  of  this  country  were  given  by  the  writers  of  that  age,  and  the 
Admiral  was  anxious  to  proceed  directly  there.  At  sunrise,  on  Sunday, 
the  7th  of  October,  the  Nina,  which  had  outsailed  the  other  vessels,  on 
account  of  her  swiftness,  hoisted  a  flag  at  her  mast-head,  and  fired  a  gun, 
as  a  signal  of  having  discovered  land.  There  had  been  a  reward  pro- 
mised by  the  King  and  Queen  to  the  man  who  should  first  make  this 
discovery  ;  and  each  of  the  vesse^  was  striving  very  eagerly  to  ^et 
ahead,  and  obtain  the  promised  recompense.     As  they  found  nothir.g  of 


74  EARLY   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

the  land  the  Nina  made  signals  for,  the  Admiral  shifted  his  course,  about 
evening,  towards  the  west-south-west,  with  a  determination  to  sail  two  days 
in  that  direction.  The  reason  for  making  this  change  was  from  watching 
the  flight  of  the  birds.  The  Portuguese  had  discovered  most  of  their 
islands  in  this  manner,  and  Columbus  noticed  that  the  flocks  which 
passed  them  all  flew  from  the  north  to  the  south-west.  He  inferred  from 
this  that  land  was  situated  in  that  quarter.  After  sailing  a  day  or  two, 
they  found  the  air  as  soft  as  that  of  Seville  in  April,  and  wonderfully 
fragrant;  the  weeds  appeared  very  fresh,  and  many  land  birds  were 
taken.  The  men,  however,  had  lost  faith  in  all  signs  of  land,  and  did 
not  cease  to  murmur  and  complain.  The  Admiral  encouraged  them 
in  the  best  manner  he  could,  representing  the  riches  they  were  about  to 
acquire,  and  adding  that  it  was  to  no  purpose  to  complain;  for,  having 
come  so  far,  they  had  nothing  to  do  but  to  continue,  till,  by  the  assistance 
of  Heaven,  they  should  arrive  at  the  Indies. 

On  the  11th  of  October,  they  met  with  signs  of  land  that  could  not  be 
mistaken  ;  and  all  began  to  regain  spirits  and  confidence.  The  crew  of 
the  Pinta  saw  a  cane  and  a  log,  and  picked  up  a  stick,  which  appeared 
to  have  been  carved  with  an  iron  instrument,  a  small  board,  and  abun- 
dance of  weeds  that  had  been  newly  washed  from  the  banks.  The  crew 
of  the  Nina  saw  other  similar  signs,  and  found,  beside,  a  branch  of  a  thorn 
full  of  red  berries.  Convinced,  by  these  tokens,  of  the  neighborhood  of 
land,  Columbus,  after  evening  prayers,  made  an  address  to  his  crew, 
reminding  them  of  the  mercy  of  God  in  bringing  them  so  long  a  voyage 
with  such  fair  weather,  and  encouraging  them  by  signs  that  were  every  day 
plainer  and  plainer.  He  repeated  the  instructions  that  he  had  previously 
given,  that  when  they  had  sailed  seven  hundred  leagues  to  the  westward 
without  discovering  land,  they  should  lie  by  from  midnight  till  daybreak. 
He  told  them  that,  as  they  had  strong  hopes  of  finding  land  that  night, 
every  one  should  watch  in  his  place;  and,  besides  the  thirty  crowns 
a  year,  which  the  Spanish  sovereigns  had  promised  to  the  first  discoverer, 
he  would  give  him  a  velvet  doublet. 

About  ten  o'clock  that  evening,  while  Columbus  was  keeping  an 
anxious  look-out  from  the  top  of  the  cabin,  he  thought  he  beheld  a  light 
glimmering  at  a  great  distance.  Fearing  that  his  hopes  might  deceive 
him,  he  called  two  of  his  companions  to  confirm  him.  One  of  them 
came  in  season  to  observe  it,  but  the  other  was  too  late.  It  had  disap- 
peared. From  this  they  supposed  it  might  be  the  torch  of  some  fisher- 
man, raised  up  and  then  suddenly  dropped  again.  They  were  all 
confident  of  being  near  land.  About  two  o'clock  in  the  morning,  the 
Pinta  gave  the  signal  of  land.  It  was  first  perceived  by  a  sailor  named 
Rodrigo  de  Triana ;  the  thirty  pounds  a  year  were  not  granted  to  him, 
but  to  the  Admiral,  who  had  first  seen  the  light  in  the  midst  of  darkness. 
His  son  says,  "  that  this  signified  the  spiritual  light  he  was  spreading  in 
ihose  dark  regions."  When  the  day  appeared,  they  perceived  before 
them  a  large  island,  quite  level,  full  of  green  trees  and  delicious  waters, 
and,  to  all  appearance,  thickly  inhabited.  Numbers  of  the  people  imme- 
diately collected  together,  and  ran  d^jj^n  to  the  shore.  They  were  very 
much  astonished  at  the  sight  of  the  ships,  which  they  believed  to   be 


=^ 


EARLY  HISTORY   OF    AMERI  :A. 


76 


living  creatures.  The  ships  imtnedialely  came  to  anchor.  The  Ad- 
miral went  ashore  in  his  boat,  well  armed,  and  bearing  the  royal  standard. 
The  other  captains  each  took  a  banner  of  the  green  cross ;  containing 
the  initials  of"  the  names  of  the  King  and  Queen  on  each  side,  and  a 
crown  over  each  letter.  The  Admiral  called  upon  the  two  captains,  and 
.he  rest  of  the  crew  who  landed,  to  bear  witness  that  he  took  possession 
of  that  island  for  his  sovereigns.  They  all  gave  thanks  to  God,  kneeling 
upon  the  shore,  shedding  tears  of  joy  for  the  great  mercy  received.  The 
Admiral  rose,  and  called  the  island  San  Salvador.  The  Indians  called 
it  Guanahani,  and  it  is  now  called  Cat  Island,  and  belongs  to  the  group 
of  the  Bahamas.  Many  of  the  natives  came  down  to  witness  this  cere- 
mony. They  were  very  peaceable  and  quiet  people,  and  the  Admiral 
gave  them  some  red  caps,  glass  beads,  and  a  few  other  trifles  of  small 
value,  with  which  they  were  much  delighted.  They  imagined  that  the 
strangers  had  descended  from  heaven,  and  valued  the  slightest  token 
they  could  receive  from  them,  as  of  immense  worth. 

When  the  Admiral  and  his  companions   returned  to  their  vessels,  the , 
natives  followed  them  in  large  numbers.     Some  swam ;  others  went  in 


their  canoes,  carrying  parrots,  spun  cotton,  javelins,  and  other  articles,  to 
exchange  for  hawks'  bells,  and  strings  of  beads.  They  went  entirely 
naked,  seeming  to  be  very  poor  and  simple.  They  were  generally  young, 
of  good  stature,  with  thick  and  short  black  hair.  Their  features  were 
good,  and  their  countenances  pleasant,  though  an  extreme  highness  of 
the  forehead  gave  them  rather  a  wild  appearance.  Some  were  painted 
black,  others  with  white  and  red ;  some  on  the  face  only,  others  over  the 
whole  body.  They  had  no  knowledge  of  weapons,  and  grasped  the 
swords  which  were  shown  to  them  by  the  blades.  Their  javelins  were 
made  of  sticks,  with  points  hardened  at  the  fire,  and  armed  with  fish 
bones  instead  of  iron.  They  easily  learned  the  words  that  were  spoken 
to  them.  No  beasts  were  seen  upon  the  island,  and  no  birds  but  parrots, 
m  which  the  sailors  and  the  Indians  continued  trafTicing  till  night. 
Colun\bus  pursued  his  voyage  among  the  many  green,  fertile,  and 


7b  EAKLY   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

populous  islands  which  cluster  in  the  seas  he  had  reached.  He  had 
hoped  to  find  great  wealth  of  gold,  and  the  information  he  received  by 
signs  from  the  Indians  seemed  always  to  confirm  this  opinion,  and  to 
send  him  on  some  expedition  where  he  was  confident  of  finding  rocks 
sparkling  with  riches,  and  rivers  flowing  over  golden  sands.  But  he  wa3 
continually  deceived,  or  continually  deceived  himself.  At  an  island  they 
called  Isabella,  he  remained  several  days  in  the  vain  expectation  of  pro- 
curing some  gold.  The  Indians  had  told  his  people  stories  of  a  rich 
king  dressed  in  splendid  garments,  and  covered  with  golden  ornaments 
and  they  were  in  hopes  that  he  would  be  civil  enough  to  visit  them,  and 
bring  a  great  many  valuable  things  with  him.  But  no  person  of  that 
description  appeared,  and  they  began  to  grow  tired  of  waiting ;  and 
taking  in  a  fresh  supply  of  water,  they  set  sail  for  some  other  island,  in 
search  of  the  rich  king  and  the  gold  mines. 

They  directed  their  course  towards  Cuba,  where  they  felt  sure  of  find- 
ing the  land  of  spices,  silks,  and  precious  metals,  of  which  they  were  in 
quest.  With  this  island  they  Avere  exceedingly  delighted,  though  they 
still  found  it  by  no  means  the  promised  land.  On  the  northern  coast 
they  sailed  into  a  beautiful  river,  twelve  fathoms  deep  at  its  mouth.  The 
banks  of  this  river,  upon  both  sides,  were  covered  with  trees  of  a  most 
rich  and  luxuriant  foliage,  and  with  beautiful  shrubs  and  flowers  of  every 
description.  They  ascended  the  river  some  distance,  and  the  Admiral 
says  it  was  exceedingly  pleasant  to  behold  the  delightful  verdure  which 
presented  itself,  and  to  listen  to  the  songs,  and  admire  the  variegated 
plumage,  of  the  birds.  The  island  was  full  of  pleasant  mountains,  and 
the  grass  grew,  long  and  green,  down  to  the  very  edge  of  the  water. 

On  the  24th  of  December,  the  weather  being  very  calm,  and  the  vessel 
lying  about  a  league  off  the  Holy  Cape,  Columbus,  at  about  eleven  o'clock 
at  night,  retired  to  rest.  It  was  so  very  calm,  that  the  man  whom  the 
Admiral  had  left  in  charge  of  the  helm,  contrary  to  express  orders,  com- 
mitted it  to  a  boy,  and  went  to  sleep.  Columbus  says  that  the  sea  was 
as  still  as  water  in  a  dish,  so  that  there  was  not  a  seaman  awake  on  board 
of  the  ship,  when  the  current  carried  them  directly  upon  breakers  that 
were  roaring  with  a  noise  that  might  have  been  heard  a  league  off".  As 
the  rudder  struck,  the  fellow  at  the  helm  cried  out,  and  Columbus  imme- 
diately awoke  and  ran  upon  deck.  The  master,  whose  watch  it  was, 
then  came  out,  and  the  Admiral  ordered  him  and  the  other  sailors  to  take 
the  boat,  and  carry  out  an  anchor  astern.  Instead  of  obeying  his  com- 
mand, they  immediately  rowed  off' to  the  other  caravel,  at  that  time  half  a 
league  distant.  On  perceiving  this  desertion,  Columbus  ordered  the 
masts  to  be  cut  away,  and  the  vessel  lightened  as  much  as  possible.  But 
all  was  in  vain  ;  she  continued  fast  a-ground,  and  was  rapidly  filling  with 
water.  The  men  on  board  the  other  caravel  would  not  receive  the 
deserters  in  the  boat,  but  obliged  them  to  put  back  to  their  own  ship. 
As  it  was  impossible,  by  this  time,  to  preserve  the  vessel,  Columbus  was 
only  anxious  to  save  the  men.  They  went  to  the  other  caravel,  and  on 
the  succeeding-day,  with  the  assistance  of  the  natives,  and  their  canoes, 
they  preserved  every  thing  of  value.  The  Indians  were  very  honest  and 
kind,  every  thing  being  guarded   by  them  with   extreme  care,  at  the 


EARLY    HISTORY   OF    AMERICA, 


77 


express   orilor   of  tlie  King ;  they  lamented  as   much  as  if  the  loss  had 
been  their  own. 

The  chief  King  of  the  place  gave  the  adventurers  three  houses,  in 
\vl:ich  to  store  the  articles  they  had  saved  from  the  wreck.  Perceiving 
the  desire  of  the  Admiral  to  procure  gold,  he  informed  him  there  was  a 
place  in  the  neighborhood,  where  it  might  be  found  in  large  quantities. 
Columbus  entertained  the  King  on  board  of  the  caravel,  and  received  an 
invitation  to  a  feast  upon  shore.  The  Indian  monarch  treated  the  Admi- 
ral with  ever}  D'>nor,  feasting  him  with  several  sorts  of  shrimps,  game, 
and  other  vianus,  and  with  the  bread  which  they  called  cassavi.  He 
afterwards  conducted  him  into  an  arbor  near  his  house,  where  they  were 
attended  by  more  than  a  thousand  persons.  The  King  wore  a  shirt  and 
a  pair  of  gloves,  which  Columbus  had  presented  to  him,  and  with  which 
he  was  very  much  pleased.  He  was  very  neat  in  his  manner  of  taking 
food,  rubbing  his  hands  with  herbs,  and  washing  them  after  the  repast. 
They  then  went  down  to  the  shore,  when  Columbus  sent  for  a  Turkish  bow 
and  some  arrows.     These  were  given  to  one  of  his  crew,  who  happened 


to  be  very  expert  in  their  use.  The  people  were  astonished  with  this 
exhibition,  as  they  knew  nothing  of  these  weapons ;  but  they  spoke  of 
some  people  called  Caribs,  who  Avere  accustomed  to  come  and  attack 
them  with  bows  and  arrows.  Upon  which  Columbus  told  the  King,  that 
the  sovereigns  of  Castile  would  send  people  to  fight  against  the  Caribs, 
and  take  them  prisoners.  By  order  of  Columbus,  several  guns  were  then 
fired.  The  King  was  astonished,  and  his  followers  were  very  much 
frightened,  falling  upon  the  ground  in  terror  and  wonder.  Afterwards,  a 
mask  was  brought,  with  pieces  of  go-Id  at  the  eyes  and  ears,  and  in  other 
places.  This  was  given  to  the  Admiral,  together  with  other  jewels  of 
gold,  which  were  placed  upon  his  head  and  neck.  Many  other  presents 
were  also  made  to  the  Spaniards.  All  these  things  contributed  to  lessen 
the  grief  of  the  Admiral  at  having  lost  his  vessel  ;  and  he  began  to  be 
convinced  that  the  accident  had  providentially  happened,  in  order  that  this 
place  might  be  selected  for  a  settlemen 


78  EARLY    HISTORY    OF    AMERICA 

Many  of  his  crew  were  very  desirous  to  remain,  and  the  AdmiraJ 
accordingly  chose  a  situation  for  a  fort.  He  thought  this  necessarj,-, 
because  the  territory  was  at  such  a  distance  from  Spain,  that  the  natives 
ought  to  be  held  "in  obedience,  by  fear  as  well  as  by  love."  The 
Spaniards  were  so  active  in  building  the  fort,  and  the  Indians  so  diligent 
in  assisting  them,  that  it  was  erected  in  ten  days.  A  large  vault  was 
dug,  over  which  a  strong  wooden  tower  was  buih,  and  the  whole  sur- 
rounded by  a  wide  ditch.  In  the  account  of  the  voyage,  drawn  up  for 
his  sovereigns,  Columbus  says  that  he  hopes,  on  his  return  from  Castile, 
to  find  a  ton  of  gold  collected  by  the  men  left  here,  by  trading  with  the 
natives ;  and  tha't  he  believes  they  will  have  discovered  mines  and  spices 
in  such  abundance,  that  before  three  years,  the  King  and  Queen  may 
undertake  the  recovery  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre.  "For  I  have  before 
protested  to  your  majesties,"  says  he,  "that  the  profits  of  this  enterprise 
shall  be  employed  in  the  conquest  of  Jerusalem,  at  which  your  majesties 
smiled,  and  said  you  were  pleased,  and  had  the  same  inclinations." 

Columbus  left  thirty-nine  men  in  the  island,  with  seed  for  sowing,  and 
provision  to  last  a  twelvemonth ;  he  left  there  also  the  long  boat  of  the 
ship,  and  goods  to  traffic  with.  To  the  fortress,  the  adjacent  village,  and 
the  harbor,  he  gave  the  name  of  La  Navidad,  or  the  Nativity,  in  memory 
of  their  having  escaped  the  perils  of  shipwreck  on  Christmas  day.  After 
cruising  about  among  the  islands  till  the  16th  of  January,  they  set  sail 
directly  for  Spain.  After  one  or  two  violent  storms,  a  visit  to  St.  Mary, 
one  of  the  Azores,  a  penitential  pilgrimage  to  a  hermitage  on  that  island, 
and  an  interview  with  the  King  of  Poi'tugal  at  Valparaiso,  Columbus 
entered  and  anchored  in  the  harbor  of  Palos,  on  the  15th  of  March. 

After  receiving  the  congratulations  of  his  friends  at  Palos,  Columbus 
immediately  set  out  to  meet  his  sovereigns,  whom  he  found  at  Barcelona. 
To  this  place,  he  made  a  sort  of  triumphal  entry,  surrounded  by  the 
haughty  nobility  of  Spain,  vying  with  each  other  in  the  honors  they 
could  pay  to  the  Discoverer.  He  was  received  publicly  by_  the  sove- 
reigns, in  a  splendid  saloon,  seated  on  the  throne,  and  encircled  by  a 
magnificent  court.  On  his  entrance  they  rose  to  greet  him,  and  would 
hardly  allow  him  to  kiss  their  hands,  considering  it  too  unworthy  a  mark 
of  vassalage.  Columbus  then  gave  an  account  of  his  discoveries,  and 
exhibued  the  different  articles  which  he  had  brought  home  with  him. 
He  described  the  quantity  of  spices,  the  promise  of  gold,  the  fertility  of 
the  soil,  the  delicious  climate,  the  never-fading  verdure  of  the  trees,  the 
brilliant  plumage  of  the  birds,  in  the  new  regions  which  his  own  enter- 
prise had  acqun-ed  for  his  sovereigns.  He  then  drew  their  atterition  to 
the  six  natives  of  the  New  World,  whom  he  had  brought  with  him,  and 
described  their  manners  and  dispositions.  He  exhibited  their  dresse!" 
and  ornaments,  their  rude  utensils,  their  feeble  arms,  which  corresponded 
with  his  description  of  them,  as  naked  and  ignorant  barbarians.  To  this 
he  added,  that  he  had  observed  no  traces  of  idolatry  or  superstition  among 
them,  and  that  they  all  seemed  to  be  convinced  of  the  existence  of  a 
Supreme  Being,  and  concluded  with  saying,  "  that  God  had  reserved  for 
the  Spanish  monarchs,  not  only  all  the  treasures  of  the  New  World,  but 
a  still  greater  treasure,  of  inestimable   value,  in  the   infinite  number  of 


EARLY   HISTORY   OF  AMERICA.  79 

souls    destined    to   be    brought  over    into    the  bosom   of  the   Christian 
church." 

After  certain  preliminary  negociations  with  his  Holiness  the  Pope,  and 
witli  the  monarch  of  Portugal,  both  of  whom  felt  much  inclined  to  pos- 
sess a  portion  of  the  new  territories,  but  did  not  know  exactly  liow  to  obtain 
it,  Columbus  sailed  on  his  second  expedition  to  the  New  World,  on  the 
25th  of  September,  1493.  On  the  3d  of  November  he  made  an  island, 
which  ho  called  Dominica,  as  it  was  first  discovered  on  a  Sunday. 
Other  islands  were  soon  seen,  and  boats  were  sent  ashore  at  some  of 
them.  They  were  of  different  shapes  and  aspects,  some  greqn  and 
woody,  some  covered  with  rocks  of  a  bright  azure  and  glittering  white. 
To  one  of  these  groups  he  gave  the  name  of  the  Eleven  Thousand  Vir- 
gins. On  reaching  La  Navidad,  at  midnight,  Columbus  gave  orders 
that  guns  should  be  fired  to  apprise  the  colonists  of  their  arrival,  but  no 
answering  signal  was  given.  A  canoe  soon  afterwards  came  off  to  the 
fleet,  and  inquired  for  the  Admiral.  The  Indians  refused  to  come  on 
board  till  they  had  seen  and  recognized  him.  When  questioned  about 
the  Spaniards  who  had  remained  there,  they  said  that  some  of  them  had 
been  taken  sick  and  died,  and  that  some  had  quarrelled,  and  gone  away 
to  a  distant  part  of  the  island.  The  Admiral  concealed  his  surmises  in 
respect  to  their  fate,  and  dismissed  the  natives  with  some  trifling  presents 
to  their  king,  Guacanagari.  On  the  next  day  he  found  but  little  reason 
to  doubt  as  to  the  fate  of  the  colonists.  When  the  Admiral  lan-ded,  he 
found  all  the  houses  in  the  neighborhood  burnt,  and  the  fort  entirely  de- 
stroj'ed.  The  only  remaining  tokens  of  the  history  of  the  colonists  were 
eleven  dead  bodies,  with  some  torn  garments,  and  broken  articles  of 
furniture.  They  discharged  all  the  cannon  and  musketry  of  the  fleet 
at  once,  in  hopes  that  the  sound  might  reach  the  ear  of  some  concealed 
wanderer,  who  still  survived  to  tell  the  fate  of  his  companions.  But  it 
was  in  vain. 

Columbus  was  soon  visited  by  Guacanagari,  the  King,  Avho  pretended 
to  have  been  wounded  in  a  descent  of  the  Caribs,  but  who  was  suspected 
by  the  Spaniards  of  having  been  concerned  in  the  slaughter  of  their 
countrymen.  He  was,  however,  dismissed  in  safety,  and  't  was  not  till 
subsequent  circumstances  in  some  measure  confirmed  thv  r  suspicions, 
that  the  Admiral  sent  out  a  party  to  reconnoitre  the  island  and  take  him 
prisoner.  They  scoured  the  shores,  and  the  lighter  caravels  entered  far 
into  the  windings  of  the  rivers.  Maldanado  was  at  the  head  of  this 
expedition,  and,  with  his  party,  was  going  towards  a  high  house  they  saw 
at  a  distance,  where  they  supposed  the  cacique  might  have  taken  refuge. 
"  And  as  he  was  going,"  says  Peter  Martyr,  "  there  met  him  a  man  with 
a  frowning  countenance  and  a  grim  look,  with  a  hundred  men  following 
him,  armed  with  bows  and  arrows,  and  long  and  sharp  stakes  like  javelins, 
made  hard  at  the  ends  with  fire  ;  who,  approaching  towards  our  men,  spake 
out  aloud  with  a  terrible  voice,  saying  that  they  were  Taini,  that  is,  noble 
men,  and  not  cannibals  ;  but  when  our  men  had  given  them  signs  of  peace, 
they  left  both  their  weapons  and  fierceness.  Thus,  giving  each  of  them 
certain  hawks'  bells,  they  took  it  for  so  great  a  reward,  that  they  desired 
to  enter  bonds  of  near  friendship  with  us,  and  feared  not  immediately  to 


80  EARLY    HISTORY    OF    AMERICA. 

submit  themselves  under  our  power,  and  res-jrted  to  our  ships  with  their 
presents." 

It  was  learned  that  Guacanagari  had  retired  to  the  mountains  ;  and  on 
this  intelligence,  the  fleet  sailed  from  Navidad  to  Monte  Christi.  The 
Admiral  intended  to  steer  towarls  the  east,  and  establish  a  colony  at  the 
harbor  of  La  Plata.  But  being  detained  by  contrary  winds,  the  fleet 
finally  came  to  anchor  in  a  haven  about  ten  leagues  west  of  Monte 
Christi,  where  there  seemed  to  be  a  very  fine  situation  for  a  colony.  The 
soil  was  fertile,  and  the  surrounding  sea  abounded  in  fish.  Behind  it 
were  impenetrable  woods,  and  the  rocks  belov/  it  might  be  easily  crowned 
with  a  strong  fortress.  This  was  the  place,  therefore,  chosen  for  the 
new  settlement.  A  chapel  was  immediately  erected,  in  which  a  Catholic 
festival  was,  for  the  first  time,  celebrated,  on  the  6th  of  January,  1494. 
The  public  buildings  of  the  new  town  were  erected  of  stone ;  the  private 
houses  were  built  of  wood,  and  covered  with  grass  and  leaves.  Seeds 
were  sown,  which  sprung  up  with  great  rapidity.  The  neighboring 
Indians  assisted  them  in  building  their  houses,  and  provided  them 
food,  with  the  greatest  diligence  and  zeal.  Columbus  called  the  new 
settlement  Isabella,  in  honor  of  the  distinguished  patron  of  his  expe- 
dition. 

On  the  second  of  February,  a  fleet  was  dispatched  to  Spain,  to  com- 
municate the  progress  of  discovery,  and  the  existing  condition  of  affairs. 
The  Admiral  was  now  doomed  to  be  the  victim  of  new  troubles.  He 
was  sick,  and  during  his  illness,  a  mutiny  broke  out  among  the  discon- 
tented, who  laid  a  plan  to  return  to  Spain,  and  prefer  formal  charges 
against  Columbus.  On  recovering  from  his  illness,  and  learning  about 
the  plot,  he  confined  the  ringleader,  and  inflicted  some  light  punishment 
on  the  accomplices.  Having  thus  arranged  matters  at  the  new  settlement, 
he  set  out  for  the  gold  mines  in  the  interior.  After  establishing  a  fortress, 
and  leaving  fifty-six  men  at  St.  Thomas,  and  sailing  along  the  northern 
coast  of  Hispaniola,  in  the  hope  of  obtaining  an  interview  with  Guacan- 
agari, Columbus  continued  his  course  to  Cuba,  where  he  entered  a  spa- 
cious harbor,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  Puerto  Grande.  Still  sail- 
ing along  the  coast,  the  Indian  men,  women  and  children,  continually 
crowded  to  the  shore,  bringing  whatever  they  could  find  to  barter  for 
beads  and  bells.  All  inquiries  after  gold  they  answered  by  pointing  to- 
wards the  south.  While  sailing  in  this  direction,  they  reached  a  beauti- 
ful island,  which  still  retains  the  Indian  name  of  Jamaica.  It  was  found 
to  be  very  populous  and  pleasant.  On  attempting  to  land,  they  were 
met  by  a  large  number  of  canoes,  filled  with  armed  Indians,  who  re- 
sisted their  approach,  darting  arrows  and  javelins,  and  setting  up 
menacing  shouts.  Columbus  ordered  a  few  shot  to  be  fired  among 
them  ;  and  a  large  dog  was  let  loose,  Avhich  occasioned  great  terror  and 
confiTsion. 

On  the  following  day,  however,  they  again  resorted  to  the  shore,  and 
engaged  in  trafficing  with  the  Spaniards.  Most  of  them  were  painted 
with  various  colors,  wearing  feathers  upon  their  heads,  and  palm  leaves 
upon  their  breasts.     Some  of  their  canoes  were  ornamented  with  carved 


EARLY    HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  81 

work  and  paintings.  These  boats  were  each  made  out  of  a  pinglc  trunk, 
and  many  of  them  were  of  great  size.  One  was  found  to  be  ninety-six 
feet  long  and  eight  broad.  Columbus  now  bore  off  for  Cuba,  resolving 
to  sail  severa.  hundred  leagues  along  the  coast,  and  discover  whether  it 
were  really  the  continent.  A  large  group  of  islands,  through  which  his 
ships  now  passed,  he  called  the  Queen's  Garden.  When  coasting  along 
Cuba,  he  frequently  sent  the  boats  ashore,  with  several  men,  who  might 
inform  themselves  of  the  character  and  products  of  the  country,  and  in- 
quire of  the  natives  as  to  its  extent.  While  thus  engaged,  they  saw  a 
singular  manner  of  taking  fish  among  the  natives  of  one  of  the  islands 
of  Queen's  Garden.  "  Like  as  we  with  greyhounds  do  hunt  hares  in 
the  plain  fields,"  says  Peter  Martyr,  "  so  do  they  as  it  were  with  a  hunt- 
ing fish  take  other  fishes."  This  fish  was  of  a  form  before  unknown  to 
the  Spaniards,  having  on  the  back  part  of  the  head  a  very  rough  skin. 
The  creature  is  tied  by  a  cord  to  the  side  of  the  boat,  and  let  down  into 
the  water.  When  the  Indians  see  any  great  fish  or  tortoise,  the  cord  is 
loosened,  and  the  hunting  fish  fastens  upon  it,  retaining  its  hold  with  so 
much  force  that  the  prey  is  drawn  with  it  to  the  surface  of  the  water, 
and  there  secured. 

Columbus  pursued  his  voyage  till  he  had  sailed  along  the  coast  of 
Cuba  three  hundred  and  thirty-five  leagues.  The  natives  could  not  tell 
him  the  extent  of  the  country,  though  they  knew  that  it  exceeded  twenty 
day's  travelling.  Comparing  these  circumstances  with  his  previous  no- 
tions, he  arrived  at  the  conclusion  that  "  this  country  was  the  beginning 
of  India,  which  he  had  intended  to  come  to  from  Spain."  He  caused 
this  decision  to  be  published  on  board  the  three  ships,  and  all  the  seamen 
and  most  skilful  pilots  fully  concurred  with  him  in  the  opinion.  They 
all  declared  under  oath  that  they  had  no  doubt  upon  the  subject.  The 
Admiral  also  swore  to  his  belief,  and  the  clerk  formally  attested  it,  on 
board  of  the  Nina,  on  the  twelfth  of  June.  At  this  very  time,  a  ship- 
boy  from  the  mast-top  could  have  seen  the  open  sea  beyond  the  islands 
to  the  south;  and  if  Columbus  had  continued  his  course  in  that  direction 
but  a  single  day  more,  he  would  have  arrived  at  the  end  of  his  imagined 
continent.  But  in  this  error  he  lived  and  died  :  supposing  Cuba  the  ex- 
tremity of  the  Asiatic  continent. 

The  Admiral  relinquished  all  further  examination  of  the  coast,  and 
stood  south-east  to  an  island  which  he  named  Evangelista.  He  here 
became  inclosed  in  a  large  bay,  which  he  had  supposed  a  channel  open- 
ing to  the  south-east.  The  water  in  some  places  in  this  sea  was  as 
white  as  milk ;  and  according  to  one  writer,  there  were  sometimes  such 
a  multitude  of  tortoises  that  they  arrested  the  progress  of  the  ships.  At 
length  they  were  once  more  coasting  along  the.  beautiful  and  luxuriant 
shores  of  Cuba.  Here  Columbus  sought  for  a  pleasant  and  convenient 
harbor,  where  his  weary  crew  might  find  refreshment  and  repose.  An 
incident  occurred  here,  while  the  Admiral  was  hearing  mass  upon  shore, 
that  is  of  considerable  interest.  An  old  man,  of  great  dignity  and  gravi- 
ty, came  towards  them,  and  behaved  very  reverently  all  the  time  that 
the  ceremony  was  going  on.     When  the  mass  was  over,  he  presentee? 


82 


EARLY    HISTORY    OF    AMERICA. 


with  his  own  hands  to  Columbus  a  basket  of  fruit ;    and_  when  he  had 
been  some  time  entertained  there,  he  requested  permission  to  speak  a 


few  words  through  the  interpreter.  The  amount  of  this  speech  i«  ik»i(S 
given  by  Peter  Martyr  : — 

"  I  have  been  advertised,  most  mighty  prince,  that  you  have  of  late 
with  great  power  subdued  many  lands  and  regions  hitherto  unkMOwn  to 
you,  and  have  brought  no  little  fear  upon  all  the  people  and  inhabitants 
of  the  same  ;  the  which  your  good  fortune  you  shall  bear  witn  less  in- 
solence if  you  remember  that  the  souls  of  men  have  two  journeys,  after 
they  are  departed  from  this  body ;  the  one,  foul  and  dark,  prepared  for 
such  as  are  injurious  and  cruel  to  mankind ;  the  other,  pleasant  and  de- 
lectable, ordained  for  them  which  in  their  time  loved  peace  and  quiet- 
ness. If,  therefore,  you  acknowledge  yourself  to  be  mortai,  and  consider 
that  every  man  shall  receive  condign  reward  or  punisnment  for  such 
things  as  he  hath  done  in  this  life,  you  Avill  wrongfully  hurt  no  man." 

Columbus  was  much  pleased  and  aflfected  by  the  eloquent  wisdom  of 
the  old  man,  as  it  was  conveyed  to  him  by  the  interpreter.  He  answer- 
ed that  the  chief  cause  of  his  coming  was  to  instruct  the  islanders  in  the 
true  religion  ;  and  that  he  had  special  commands  from  nis  sovereigns  of 
Spain  to  subdue  and  punish  the  mischievous,  and  delend  the  innocent 
against  violence  from  evil  doers.  The  old  man  was  aelighted  with  the 
Admiral,  and  was  desirous  to  accompany  him  upon  the  voyage,  notwith- 
standing his  extreme  age.  The  entreaties  of  his  wife  and  children  alone 
prevented  him.  Columbus  remained  several  days  in  me  river,  and  on 
taking  leave  of  his  old  adviser,  he  steered  south  lor  the  open  sea. 
Storms  and  adverse  winds,  however,  detained  him  a  lew  days  about  the 
island  of  Queen's  Garden,  and  again  visiting  Jamaica,  he  was  received 
with  great  kindness  and  confidence. 

On  the  24th  of  September,  they  had  reached  the  eastern  extremity  of 
Hispaniola,  and  pursued  their  voyage  towards  the  south-east.  It  was 
the  design  of  Columbus,  at  the  present  time,  to  complete  the  discovery  of 
the  Caribbee  Islands.     But  the  fatigues  which  he  had  suffered  during 


EARLY    HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  83 

the  voyage  had  completely  exhausted  him.  Besides  his  great  mental 
exertions,  he  had  shared  in  the  bodily  labors  of  the  expedition,  with  more 
unwearied  activity  than  the  best  of  his  seamen.  He  had  shared  all  their 
privations  and  toils  with  them.  His  body  and  mind  at  length  sunk  un- 
der these  continued  and  tmintermitted  labors.  A  deep  lethari^y  fell  upon 
him,  and  his  crew  were  fearful  that  he  would  die.  He  could  neither  re- 
member, nor  see,  nor  hear  ;  and  was  carried  back  in  a  stale  of  insensi- 
bility to  the  harbor  of  Isabella.  What  was  his  surprise  and  joy,  on  re- 
covering his  faculties,  to  find  here  by  his  bedside,  his  brother  Bartholo- 
mew, whom  he  had  not  before  met  with  for  thirteen  years,  and  whom  he 
had  supposed  to  be  dead.  He  had  been  appointed  by  the  Spanish  Go- 
vernment to  the  command  of  three  ships,  and  had  received  orders  to 
assist  his  brother  in  all  his  enterprises.  He  reached  Isabella  just  after 
the  Admiral  had  departed  for  the  coast  of  Cuba,  with  supplies  of  provi- 
sion that  arrived  at  a  fortunate  moment,  to  allay  the  discontents  of  the 
Spaniards,  and  to  alleviate  the  maladies  under  which  they  had  been  suf- 
fering. Meantime  the  Indians  had  become  much  incensed  by  the  out- 
rages of  the  soldiers,  and  several  Caciques  united  for  their  destruction. 
This  was  the  state  of  things  when  the  Admiral  reached  Isabella,  and  it 
was  not  till  the  island  was  restored  to  obedience,  that  Columbus  deter- 
mined to  return  to  Spain.  His  enemies  at  court  were  many,  active  and 
influential,  envious  and  malignant ;  and  by  their  influence  such  accusa- 
tions against  the  Admiral  were  laid  before  his  sovereigns,  that  they 
determined  to  send  a  person  of  trust  and  confidence  to  Hispaniola,  to 
inquire  into  the  alleged  abuses.  Columbus  received  this  emissary  with 
dignity,  and  acknowledged  complete  submission  to  the  will  of  his  mo- 
narch. On  the  10th  of  March,  1496,  he  set  sail  from  Isabella  on  his 
return  to  Spain,  leaving  his  two  brothers  to  administer  the  government 
during  his  absence. 

When  Columbus  arrived  at  Cadiz,  he  found  three  caravels  in  the 
harbor  ready  to  set  sail  for  Hispaniola.  By  these  vessels  the  Admiral 
dispatched  letters  to  his  brother,  to  inform  him  of  his  safe  return,  and  to 
give  him  further  instructions  in  respect  to  the  government  of  the  colony. 
He  then  immediately  repaired  to  Burgos,  at  that  time  the  ordinary  resi- 
dence of  the  court.  The  sovereigns  were  absent ;  but  they  both  soon 
returned,  not  only  to  give  him  a  favorable  reception,  but  to  load  him 
with  thanks  and  kindness.  The  accusations  of  his  enemies  were  passed 
by  in  silence,  either  as  entirely  unfounded,  or  as  of  no  weight,  when 
compared  with  the  great  services  and  unquestionable  fidelity  of  Colum- 
bus. The  Admiral  was  encouraged  by  this  unexpected  reception.  He 
requested  the  immediate  equipment  of  six  ships,  three  of  which  were  to 
be  freighted  with  provisions  and  necessary  utensils  and  implements  for 
the  colony  at  Isabella,  and  the  rest  to  remain  under  his  own  direction. 
This  demand  appeared  very  reasonable,  but  the  sovereigns  suggested 
that  it  was  immediately  important  to  found  a  solid  establishment,  on 
which  succeeding  colonies  might  be  modelled.  The  propriety  of  this 
was  obvious.  It  was  arranged  that  the  sovereigns,  at  their  own  charge, 
should  transport  a  large  number  of  sailors,  soldiers,  laborers,  mechanics 
and  artists  to  Hispaniola.  To  these,  surgeons,  physicians,  and  priests 
were  added.     The  A  imiral  also  obtained  permission  to  carry  a  numhrr 


81 


EARLY    HISTORY    OF    AMERICA. 


of  musicians,  to  solace  their  labors,  and  amuse  their  leisure  hours  ;  law- 
yers and  advocates  were  expressly  excluded  by  edict,  in  order  to  prevent 
quarrelling  in  the  new  dominions.  Nothing  could  have  been  more  pru- 
dently devised  than  the  greater  part  of  these  regulations.  There  was 
one  proposal  of  Columbus,  however,  extremely  pernicious  to  the  interests 
of  the  rising  colony.  He  suggested  the  transportation  of  convicted  cri- 
minals, and  of  those  confined  in  prison  for  debts  whi^h  they  could  never 
hope  to  pay,  as  a  commutation  for  the  punishment  to  which  they  would 
otherwise  be  subject.  This  advice  was  given  in  consequence  of  the 
present  difficulty  of  procuring  men  willing  to  embark  in  the  expedition. 
The  evils  which  had  befallen  their  countrymen  deterred  those  who  could 
live  in  peace  and  prosperity  in  Spain  from  going  to  the  Indies  ;  but  the 
proposition  of  Columbus  was  most  unwise  and  unjust. 

Much  delay  occurred  in  the  preparation  for  the  voyage,  owing  to  the 
obstacles  thrown  in  the  way  by  the  cold-blooded  enemies  of  Columbus ; 
but  the  expedition  was  enabled  to  set  sail  on  the  30lh  of  May,  149S. 
The  Admiral  pursued  a  more  southerly  course  than  he  had  before  taken, 
and  on  the  31st  of  July,  made  an  island  which  he  called  La  Trinidad. 
He  continued  coasting  to  the  south-west  point  of  Trinidad,  to  which  he 
gave  the  name  of  Point  Arenal.  Near  this  place  the  ships  cast  anchor. 
A  large  canoe  here  put  off  from  the  shore,  in  which  there  were  about 
five-and-twenty  Indians,  who  cried  out  to  them  in  a  language  which  no 
one  in  the  ships  could  understand.  Columbus  endeavored  to  prevail 
upon  them  to  come  on  board,  but  to  no  purpose.  They  remained  gazing 
at  the  ships,  with  the  paddles  in  their  hand,  ready  for  instant  escape. 
Their  complexion  was  fairer  than  that  of  any  Indians  they  had  before 
seen.  They  were  almost  naked,  and,  besides  the  usual  bows  and  arrows, 
they  carried  bucklers — a  piece  of  armor  which  they  had  never  before 
seen  among  the  natives  of  the  New  World. 

Columbus,  having  tried  every  other  means  to  attract  them,  and  in 


vain,  determined  to  try  the  power  of  music.     He  ordered  a  sort  of  Indian 
dance  to  be  executed  on  the  deck  of  his  ship,  while  the  musicians  cwn 


EARLY    HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  85 

board  sung  and  played  upon  their  different  instruments.  The  natives 
mistook  tb-s  for  a  signal  of  battle,  and  immediately  discharged  ihcir  ar- 
rows, and  on  a  return  from  a  couple  of  cross-bows,  commenced  a  rapid 
retreat. 

Without  knowing  it,  Columbus  was  now  really  in  the  neighborhood  of 
the  continent.  While  anchored  at  Point  Arenal,  the  extremity  of  the 
island  of  Trinidad,  he  saw  high  land  towards  the  north-west,  about 
fifteen  leagues  distant,  which  he  called  Isla  de  Gracia.  This  was  the 
province  to  which  he  afterwards  gave  the  name  of  Paria,  and  which  form- 
ed a  part  of  the  continent.  They  found  in  Trinidad  the  same  kind  of 
fruits  that  abounded  in  Hispaniola.  There  were  also  large  quantities  of 
oysters  there,  and  a  great  number  of  parrots,  with  every  variety  of  beau- 
tiful and  brilliant  plumage.  In  the  strait  formed  between  Trinidad  and 
the  main  -land,  they  were  nearly  swallowed  up  by  the  violence  of  the 
waters.  Two  very  rapid  currents,  setting  in  from  opposite  quarters,  lift- 
ed the  ships  violently  to  a  great  height,  on  a  mountain  of  surges,  but  the 
waves  gradually  subsided,  and  they  escaped  without  injury.  To  this 
pass  Columbus  gave  the  name  of  Boca  de  la  Sierpe,  or  the  Mouth  of  the 
Serp(int.  They  soon  found  themselves,  by  the  assistance  of  favorable 
breezes,  in  a  tranquil  gulf,  sailing  quietly  beyond  the  reach  of  danger. 

Columbus  was  astonished  to  find  the  water  of  this  gulf  fresh,  and  to 
observe  its  great  smoothness  and  stillness.  It  was  at  a  period  of  the 
year  when  the  rain  fell  in  large  quantities,  and  the  swollen  rivers  empti- 
ed themselves  so  copiously,  as  to  overcome  the  natural  saltness  of  the 
sea.  He  found  many  good  harbors,  as  he  proceeded  towards  the  north, 
much  cultivated  land,  and  many  rivers.  Going  ashore  at  different  times, 
the  seamen  found  grapes,  apples,  a  kind  of  orange,  and  a  great  many 
monkeys. 

On  Monday,  the  6th  of  August,  a  canoe,  with  five  men  in  it,  came  off 
to  the  nearest  caravel,  and  one  of  the  Spaniards  requested  them  to  carry 
him  ashore.  Leaping  into  the  boat,  he  overset  it,  and  the  Indians  were 
taken  and  carried  to  the  Admiral.  Their  complexion  was  like  that  of 
the  natives  they  had  seen  in  the  neighborhood.  The  Admiral  treated 
them  kindly,  and  gave  them  hawks'  bells,  glass  beads,  and  sugar.  _  They 
were  then  sent  on  shore,  and  gave  so  favorable  an  account  of  their  visit, 
that  great  numbers  collected  about  the  ships.  These  were  received  in  a 
similar  manner,  and  brought  bread,  and  water,  and  a  sort  of  green  wine, 
to  exchange  for  the  trifle?  that  the  crews  were  willing  to  give  them. 
They  all  carried  bucklers,  bows,  and  poisoned  arrows.  On  the  next  day, 
a  number  of  friendly  Indians  came  on  board,  bringing  bread,  corn,  and 
other  provisions,  together  with  pitchers  of  a  white  beverage,  like  wine, 
and  a  green  liquor  madK3  from  maize  and  various  fruits.  They  set  no 
value  upon  the  beads,  but  were  much  pleased  with  the  hawks'  bells,  and 
held  brass  in  very  high  estimation.  Columbus,  on  the  following  morn- 
ing, took  six  Indians,  to  serve  as  guides,  and  continued  his  voyage.  He 
next  touched  at  a  point  which  he  called  Aguja,  or  the  Needle.  The 
country  about  was  very  populous  ana  nighly  cultivated,  and  so  beautifu' 
that  Columbus  gave  it  the  name  of  the  Gardens.  Many  of  the  inhabit- 
ants visited  the  ships,  with  wrought  cotton  cloths  about  their  heads  and 


S6 


EARLY    HISTORY    OF    AMERICA 


loins,  and  little  plates  of  gold  about  their  necks.  These  they  would 
have  been  very  glad  to  exchange  for  hawks'  bells ;  but  the  stock  of  these 
articles  was  exhausted.  The  Spaniards  procured  some  of  them,  how- 
ever, and  were  told  that  there  w:re  islands  in  the  neighborhood  which 
abounded  in  gold,  though  they  were  inhabited  by  cannibals. 

Some  of  the  females  who  came  on  board  wore  strings  of  beads  about 
their  arms,  among  which  were  a  number  of  pearls.  These  excited  the 
curiosity  and  avarice  of  the  Spaniards  at  once.  The  boat  was  sent  on 
shore  to  ascertain  the  direction  of  the  countries  where  they  might  be 
found.  The  sailors  who  went  in  the  boat  were  received  in  a  very  hos- 
pitable manner,  and  conducted  to  a  large  house,  where  they  were  feasted 
by  the  natives.  Various  kinds  of  bread  and  fruit  were  set  before  them, 
and  white  and  red  liquors,  resembling  wine.  These  Indians  had  fairer 
skins,  and  were  more  kind  and  intelligent  than  any  they  had  before  met 
with. 

On  the  14th  of  August,  the  ships  approached  the  formidable  pass  to 
which  they  had  given  the  name  of  the  Boca  del  Dragon,  or  the  Dragon's 
JMouth.  This  was  a  strait  between  the  extremity  of  Trinidad  and  Cape 
Boto,  at  the  end  of  Paria,  and  was  about  five  leagues  in  width.  In  the 
mean  distance  there  were  two  islands.  The  sea  at  this  pass  is  very  tur- 
bulent, foaming  as  if  it  were  breaking  over  rocks  and  shoals.  The  ships 
passed  it,  however,  in  safety,  and  stood  for  the  westward,  where  they 
had  been  told  the  pearl  regions  were  to  be  found.  Columbus  was 
charmed  with  the  beauty  of  the  coast  along  which  their  course  now  lay. 
He  touched  at  various  islands  during  the  voyage,  two  of  which  were  af- 
terwards famous  for  their  pearl  fishery.  These  were  called  Margarita, 
and  Cubagua.  As  the  Admiral  was  approaching  this  latter  island,  he 
saw  a  number  of  Indians  in  their  canoes,  fishing  for  pearls.     They  im- 


mediately fled  towards  the  land,  ii  boat  was  sent  in  pursuit,  and  a 
sailor,  who  saw  a  woman  with  a  large  number  of  pearls  about  her  neck, 
broke  up  a  piece  of  painted  Valencian  ware,  and  gave  the  fragments  lo 
her  in  exchansfe  for  them. 


EARLY    HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  87 

These  were  carried  to  the  Admiral,  who  immediately  sent  the  boat 
oack  with  a  quantity  of  Valencian  ware  and  little  bells.  In  a  short  time, 
the  sailors  returned  with  about  three  pounds  of  pearls  ;  some  were  small, 
but  others  were  of  considerable  size.  It  has  been  said  that  if  Columbus 
had  seen  fit  to  remain  here,  he  could  have  collected  a  sufficient  quantity 
of  pearls  to  pay  all  the  expenses  that  had  hitherto  accrued  in  the  dis- 
covery and  settlement  of  the  New  World.  But  he  was  in  haste  to 
return  to  Hispaniola.  His  crew  liad  become  impatient,  and  he  was  him- 
self sick,  and  sufTerinf^  under  a  violent  disorder  in  his  eyes.  The  region 
which  lie  had  called  Paria,  Columbus  supposed  to  have  been  the  situa- 
tion of  the  terrestrial  paradise.  He  believed  it  to  be  elevated  above  the 
rest  of  the  world,  and  to  enjoy  an  equality  of  day  and  nig-ht.  The  fresh 
water  which  sweetened  the  gulf  of  Paria,  he  supposed  to  flow  from  the 
stream  spoken  of  in  Scripture,  which  had  its  fountain  in  the  garden  of 
Eden !  The  Admiral,  however,  did  not  long  indulge  this  imagination, 
"  which,"  says  Charlevoix,  "  we  may  consider  as  one  of  those  fantasies 
to  which  great  men  are  more  subject  than  any  other." 

Columbus  immediately  set  sail  for  St.  Domingo,  where  he  found  af- 
fairs in  a  state  of  the  utmost  confusion.  Many  of  the  Spaniards  whom 
he  had  left  at  Isabella,  had  been  slain  by  the  natives,  and  disease  had 
thinned  the  ranks  of  those  whom  the  knife  had  spared.  Famine  threat- 
ened, distress  was  busy  and  deadly,  and  peril  stared  on  them  from  every 
side.  Rebellion  was  not  idle,  and  numbers  had  taken  up  arms  against 
the  regular  authorities.  Under  these  circumstances,  Columbus  issued  a 
proclamation  denouncing  the  rebels,  with  Roldan  their  ringleader,  and 
approving  the  government,  and  all  the  measures  of  Don  Bartholomew, 
during  his  absence.  For  a  considerable  period,  the  history  of  the  island 
is  a  repetition  of  successive  revolts,  followed  by  accommodations  that 
were  incessantly  interrupted  and  broken.  It  possesses  but  little  interest, 
as  it  is  a  mere  tissue  of  insubordination  and  ingratitude. 

The  next  grand  change  in  the  drama,  represents  Columbus  in  chains, 
transported  as  a  prisoner  across  that  ocean  whose  blue  waters  had  been 
first  disturbed  by  his  own  adventurous  bark,  and  from  whose  shadows  he 
had  revealed  a  New  World  for  the  fading  dominions  of  the  Old.  The 
rumor  was  no  sooner  circulated  at  Cadiz  and  Seville,  that  Columbus  and 
his  brothers  had  arrived,  loaded  with  chains,  and  condemned^  to  death, 
than  it  gave  rise  to  an  immediate  expression  of  public  indignation.  _  The 
excitement  was  strong  and  universal ;  and  messengers  were  immediately 
dispatched  to  convey  the  intelligence  to  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  v.dio 
were  much  moved  by  this  exhibition  of  popular  feeling,  and  ofTended 
that  their  name  and  authority  should  have  been  used  to  sanction  such 
dishonorable  violence.  They  gave  orders  for  the  immediate  liberation 
of  the  prisoners,  and  for  their  being  escorted  to  Granada  with  the  respect 
and  honor  they  deserved.  They  annulled  ill  the  processes  against  them, 
without  examination,  and  promised  an  ample  punishment  for  all  their 
wrongs. 

Columbus  was  not,  however,  restored  to  his  command  at  Hispaniola, 
nor  was  it  till  many  months  afterwards  that  he  was  placed  at  the  head 
of  an  expedition  to  open  a  new  passage  to  the  East  Indies.     On  the  9th 


88  EARLY    HISTORY    OF    AMERICA. 

of  May,  1502,  Columbus  again  set  sail  from  Cadiz  on  a  voyage  of  dis- 
covery. He  first  directed  his  course  to  Arzilla,  upon  the  coast  of  Africa, 
a  Portuguese  fortress  at  that  time  besieged  by  the  Moors.  He  arrived 
too  late  to  be  of  any  assistance,  for  the  siege  had  been  raised.  He  sent 
his  son  and  brother  upon  shore,  to  pay  his  respects  to  the  Governor,  and 
continued  on  his  voyage. 

He  now  touched,  as  usual,  at  the  Canary  Islands,  from  whence  he 
proposed  to  sail  directly  for  the  continent.  His  largest  vessel,  however, 
proved  so  clumsy  as  to  be  unfit  for  service,  and  he  determined  on  this 
account  to  steer  for  Hispaniola,  where  he  found  a  fleet  of  eighteen  ships 
ready  to  depart  for  Spain.  Arrived  at  St.  Domingo,  Columbus  wrote  to 
the  new  Governor,  Ovando,  requesting  permission  to  enter  the  harbor,  as 
well  to  exchange  one  of  his  vessels,  as  to  procure  shelter  from  a  violent 
tempest  that  was  expected,  recommending  in  the  same  letter,  that  the 
departure  of  the  fleet  should  be  delayed  a  few  days  on  the  same  account. 
His  request  was  refused,  and  his  advice  neglected.  The  fleet  set  sail, 
and  on  the  next  night  were  swallowed  up  by  the  waves.  Of  eighteen 
ships,  only  two  or  three  escaped.  Columbus  had  taken  precautions 
against  the  storm,  which  his  superior  skill  and  experience  had  enabled 
him  to  foresee,  and  his  little  squadron  was  saved.  On  board  of  the  ves- 
sels which  were  wrecked  were  Bovadilla,  Roldan,  and  most  of  the  vi- 
cious and  discontented  who  had  been  so  busy  in  injuring  the  Admiral. 
All  their  ill-gotten  wealth  perished  with  them. 

Columbus  soon  left  Hispaniola,  and  sailed  towards  the  continent.  Be- 
ing becalmed  on  his  voyage,  the  currents  carried  him  to  some  small  and 
sandy  islands,  near  Jamaica,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  Los  Poros, 
or  the  "Wells.  Sailing  southward,  he  discovered  the  island  of  Guanaia, 
where  he  had  an  interview  with  some  natives  that  he  found  in  a  canoe. 
This  canoe  was  eight  feet  wide,  made  of  one  tree,  with  an  awning  of 
palm  leaves  in  the  middle,  for  the  women  and  children.  It  was  laden 
with  cotton  cloths,  of  several  colors,  and  curiously  wrought ;  wooden 
swords,  edged  with  sharp  flints;  small  copper  hatchets  ;  bells  and  plates; 
and  the  berries  which  they  called  cacao. 

Continuing  his  voyage,  on  the  25th  of  September,  Columbus  came  to 
anchor  near  a  little  island  called  Quiriviri,  and  a  town  on  the  continent, 
the  name  of  which  was  Cariari.  The  country  here  was  very  beautiful, 
full  of  forests  of  palm  trees,  and  fine  rivers.  A  large  number  of  the  na- 
tives crowded  from  the  adjacent  country,  some  with  bows  and  arrows, 
some  with  hard  and  black  clubs  pointed  with  fish  bones,  as  if  intending 
to  defend  themselves  from  the  Spaniards,  But  perceiving  they  had 
nothing  to  fear,  the  Indians  were  very  desirous  to  barter  the  articles  they 
had  with  them. 

Columbus  proceeded  upon  his  eastward  course,  stopping  at  a  number 
of  islands,  and  having  various  communications  with  the  natives.  Being 
detained  by  contrary  winds,  on  the  5th  of  December,  he  determined  to 
stand  about,  and  go  in  search  of  some  rich  gold  mines  of  which  he  had 
been  told,  in  the  province  of  Veragua.  For  a  number  of  days,  the  ships 
were  driven  about  by  violent  tempests.  The  rain  poured  down  in  tor- 
tents,  the  thunder  rolled  and  tlie  lightning  flashed  incessantly.     Besides 


EARLY    HISTORY    OF    AMERICA  89 

these  dangers,  they  escaped  from  a  tremendous  water-spout,  wliicli  passed 
very  near  them,  but  luckily  without  injury.  On  reaching  Verafua,  the 
Admiral's  brother  went  up  the  river  Belern,  in  the  boats,  to  find  the 
King.  Discovering  a  great  many  signs  of  gold,  Columbus  determined 
to  leave  a  colony  here.  Eighty  men  were  chosen  to  remain,  and  houses 
were  built  for  them  covered  with  palm  leaves.  One  of  the  ships  was  to 
be  left  behind,  with  a  quantity  of  wine  and  biscuit,  with  nets  and  fishino- 
tackle.  When  every  thing  was  ready  for  his  departure,  the  Admiral 
found  that  the  river  had  dried  so  much  that  there  was  not  water  enough 
to  float  the  ships  into  the  sea,  and  while  detained  here  on  this  account, 
it  was  discovered  that  Quibio,  the  Cacique  of  Veragua,  had  laid  a  plan 
to  destroy  the  Spaniards,  and  burn  their  settlement.  They  determined, 
therefore,  to  take  him  and  his  chief  men  prisoners.  A  party  of  seventy- 
six  men,  under  the  command  of  the  Admiral's  brother,  were  dispatched 
on  this  expedition.  Arriving  iti  the  neighborhood  of  the  house  where 
Quibio  resided,  they  advanced,  two  by  two,  as  silently  as  possible,  and 
obtained  possession  of  the  Cacique's  person,  together  with  a  good  deal 
of  his  wealth,  and  a  number  of  his  wives  and  children. 

The  prisoners  were  committed  to  Juan  Sanchez,  the  chief  pilot  of  the 
squadron,  a  strong  and  trustworthy  man,  who  undertook  to  carry  them 
safely  to  the  ships.  He  was  told  to  take  special  care  that  the  Cacique 
did  not  escape  ;  and  answered,  that  he  would  give  them  leave  to  pluck 
out  his  beard,  if  he  did  not  keep  him  from  getting  away.  They  had 
come  within  half  a  league  of  the  mouth  of  the  river,  when  Quibio  com- 
plained that  his  hands  suffered  from  the  cords  with  which  they  were 
bound.  Juan  Sanchez  then  loosed  him  from  the  seat  of  the  boat,  to 
which  he  was  tied,  and  held  the  rope  in  his  own  hand,  and  a  little  while 
after,  Quibio  threw  hin^iself  into  the  water,  and  sunk  to  the  bottom. 
Night  was  coming  on,  and  the  Spaniardo  could  neither  hear  nor  see  what 
afterwards  became  of  him.  The  lieutenant,  on  the  next  day,  returned  to 
the  ships  with  his  prisoners  and  plunder. 

The  river  having  now  been  swollen  by  the  rains,  Columbus  was  able 
to  set  sail  with  three  of  his  ships  for  Spain.  When  Quibio  saw  that  the 
vessels  had  left  the  coast,  he  immediately  surrounded,  with  his  warriors, 
the  little  colony  that  had  remained  behind.  The  lieutenant  was  a  man 
not  to  be  easily  discouraged  ;  he  went  out  against  the  Indians  with  a 
very  small  number  of  followers,  and  with  the  assistance  of  a  dog,  put 
them  all  to  flight.  It  so  happened  that,  at  the  very  time  of  this  attack,  a 
boat  had  been  sent  from  the  ships  to  procure  water.  For  this  purpose 
the  captain  of  it  was  going  some  distance  up  the  river,  and,  though 
warned  of  the  danger,  would  not  desis't  from  his  undertaking.  The  river 
wiis  very  deep,  and  sheltered  on  both  sides  by  overhanging  trees  and 
thick  bushes,  which  grew  down  to  the  very  edge  of  the  water.  When 
ihe  boat  had  gone  about  a  league  from  the  colony,  the  Indians  rushed 
out  from  the  thickets  on  each  side,  in  their  canoes,  blowing  horns,  and 
making  the  most  hideous  noises. 

The  canoes  could  be  easily  managed  by  one  man,  and  all  the  rest  of 
the  crews  were  busy  in  sending  their  arrows  and  javelins.     In  such  a 
shower  of  darts  the  Spaniards  were  obliged  to  drop  the  oars,  and  protect 
M 


90  EARLY    HISTORY    OF    AMERICA. 

themselves  with  their  targets.  But  there  were  such  a  multitude  of  In- 
dians surrounding  them  from  every  quarter,  that  the  seven  or  eight  men 
in  the  boat  were  soon  pierced  with  a  thousand  wounds.  Only  one  of  them 
escaped,  who  threw  himself,  unobserved,  into  the  water,  and  swam  to 
shore.  Pursuing  his  way  through  the  thickest  of  the  wood,  he  reached 
the  colony  in  safety. 

The  Spaniards  were  much  terrified  at  the  intelligence,  and  still  more 
affected,  when  the  bodies  of  their  companions  came  floating  down  the 
river,  covered  with  wounds,  and  followed  by  the  birds  of  prey.  They 
determined  not  to  remain  in  the  country,  and  immediately  removed  from 
the  thickets,  where  their  houses  were  built,  to  the  open  plain.  Here 
they  constructed  a  kind  of  bulwark  with  casks  and  chests,  and  planted 
cannon  about  them  at  convenient  distances.  The  sea  beat  so  heavily, 
.that  it  was  impossible  to  have  any  communication  with  the  ships.  Co- 
lumbus was  alarmed  at  the  long  absence  of  the  boat,  but  was  unable  to 
send  another  in  search  of  it.  He  remained  ten  days  in  this  condition, 
during  which  time  the  captive  Indians  escaped,  by  bursting  the  hatches 
at  night,  and  leaping  into  the  water.  At  length  one  of  the  sailors  propos- 
ed to  the  Admiral  that  he  should  be  carried  in  the  boat  to  a  certain  dis- 
tance from  shore,  and  that  he  would  swim  the  rest  of  the  way,  and 
discover  what  had  become  of  their  companions. 

This  man  was  Pedro  Ledesma,  a  native  of  Seville.  Being  borne  to 
within  about  a  musket  shot  of  land,  he  plunged  into  the  swelling  and 
foaming  waves,  and  succeeded  in  reaching  the  shore.  He  here  learned 
what  had  happened — the  loss  of  his-  comrades,  and  the  determination  of 
the  colonists  not  to  remain.  With  this  information,  Ledesma  swam 
back  to  the  boat  that  was  waiting  for  him.  As  soon  as  the  waters  be- 
came more  quiet,  those  who  had  been  left  on  shore  lashed  a  couple  of 
Indian  canoes  together,  loaded  them  with  their  effects,  and,  leaving  be 
hind  them  only  the  worm-eaten  hulk  of  the  ship,  made  for  the  little  fleet 
of  the  Admiral. 

The  three  ships  then  set  sail,  and  held  on  their  course  to  Porto  Bello, 
where  they  were  obliged  to  leave  one  of  the  vessels,  because  it  was  so 
worm-eaten  and  leaky.  Continuing  their  voyage,  they  passed  the  Tor- 
tugas,  and  reached  the  cluster  of  islands  which  had  been  called  the 
Queen's  Garden.  "While  at  anchor  in  this  place,  about  ten  leagues  from 
Cuba,  with  very  little  to  eat,  and  their  vessels  exceedingly  leaky,  a  great 
storm  arose,  and  the  two  remaining  ships  were  driven  with  such  violence 
against  each  other,  that  it  was  with  difficulty  they  escaped,  even  with 
great  injury.  Sailing  hence,  with  much  toil  and  danger,  they  reached 
an  Indian  village  on  the  coast  of  Cuba,  where  they  procured  some  water 
and  provisions,  and  departed  for  Jamaica.  They  were  obliged  to  keep 
continually  working  at  three  pumps  in  each  of  the  vessels.  With  all 
this,  however,  they  could  not  prevent  the  water  from  gaining  upon  them 
with  great  rapidity ;  and  when  they  put  into  the  harbor  of  Puerto  Bue- 
no,  it  almost  came  up  to  the  decks.  Leaving  this  port,  they  run  their 
vessels  ashore  as  far  as  possible,  in  the  harbor  of  Santa  Gloria,  and 
built  sheds  upon  the  decks  for  the  men  to  lie  in. 

They  were  thus  situated  about  a  bow-shot  from  the  land.     It  happened 


EARLY    HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  91 

that  the  Indians  of  the  island  were  peaceable  and  well  disposed,  and  came 
off  from  all  quarters,  in  their  canoes,  to  traffic.  They  brought  to  the 
ships  some  little  creatures  like  rabbits,  and  cakes  of  bread,  which  they 
called  zabi,  which  they  were  glad  to  exchange  for  hawks'  bells  and  glass 
beads.  Sometimes  the  Spaniards  gave  a  cacique  a  looking-glass,  or  a 
red  cap,  and  perhaps  a  pair  of  scissors.  It  was  now  necessary  to  devise 
means  to  leave  the  island.  They  had  no  tools  to  build  a  new  ship 
with,  and  it  was  in  vain  to  stay  in  hopes  that  some  vessel  from  Spain 
would  fail  in  with  them.  The  Admiral  thought  the  best  course  would 
be  to  send  word  to  Hispaniola,  and  request  that  a  ship  might  be  sent  to 
them  with  ammunition  and  provisions.  Two  canoes  were,  according- 
ly, selected  for  this  purpose,  and  committed  to  Diego  Mendez  and  Bar- 
tholomew Fiesco,  with  six  Spaniards  and  ten  Indians  to  manage 
them.  They  went  along  the  coast  of  Jamaica,  to  the  eastern  extremity, 
where  it  was  thirty  leagues  distant  from  Hispaniola,  and  put  out  to 
sea. 

Shortly  after  the  canoes  had  departed,  the  men  on  shore  began  to 
grow  discontented,  and  a  violent  sickness  broke  out  among  them.  They 
became  turbulent  and  seditious.  The  leaders  of  the  sedition  were  two 
natives  of  Seville,  brothers,  by  the  name  of  Porras.  One  of  them  open- 
ly insulted  the  Admiral  on  the  deck  of  his  ship,  and,  turning  his  back  on 
him,  exclaimed,  "  I  am  for  Spain,  with  all  that  will  follow  me."  About 
forty  of  the  most  mutinous  joined  with  him,  and,  seizing  some  canoes 
which  the  Admiral  had  purchased,  departed  for  the  eastern  extremity  of 
the  island.  These  conspirators  treated  the  natives  very  cruelly  upon  the 
way,  committing  various  outrages,  and  compelling  them  to  row  their  ca- 
noes for  Hispaniola.  The  sea  soon  grew  rough,  and  they  threw  every 
thing  they  could  spare  overboard,  in  order  to  lighten  their  slender  barks. 
At  last  they  threw  over  even  the  helpless  natives  who  had  been  forced 
into  their  service,  and  left  them  to  perish  in  the  waves.  With  much  dif- 
ficulty the  canoes  reached  the  shore.  They  again  ventured  out  once  or 
twice,  after  an  interval  of  several  weeks,  and  were  again  driven  back  by 
the  winds.  From  the  many  excesses  committed  by  these  men,  and  the 
increasing  scarcity  of  provisions,  the  Indians  at  length  began  to  neglect 
even  those  who  had  remained  with  the  Admiral,  and  whom  they  had 
hitherto  supplied  with  sufficient  quantities  of  food.  Columbus  was  de- 
sirous to  awe  the  natives  into  a  compliance  with  his  requests.  He  knew 
that  on  a  certain  night  there  was  to  be  an  eclipse  of  the  moon.  On  the 
day  before  this  event,  he  invited  all  the  caciques  and  chief  men  of  the 
place  to  an  assembly.  He  here  told  them  through  an  interpreter,  that 
the  Spaniards  believed  in  a  God,  who  dwelt  in  Heaven,  rewarding  the 
good  and  punishing  the  evil ;  that  this  deity  had  been  offended  with  the 
wicked  who  rebelled,  and  had  raised  up  the  winds  and  tempests  against 
them ;  that  he  was  angry  with  the  Indians  for  their  negligence  in  not 
furnishing  food  for  the  white  men,  and  that  he  would  that  night  give 
them  a  sign  of  his  indignation  in  the  skies.  The  Indians  listened,  and 
departed,  some  in  terror,  some  in  scorn.  But  when  the  eclipse  began,  as 
the  moon  was  rising,  they  were  all  struck  with  fear  and  confusion.  They 
came  runninr  with  cries  and  lamentations  from  every  quarter,  bringing 


92  E-ARLY    HISTORY    OF    AMERICA. 

provisions,  and  praying  the  Admiral  to  intercede  for  them.  Columbus 
shut  himself  up  while  the  eclipse  lasted,  and  when  he  saw  it  begin  to  go 
off.  he  came  out  of  his  cabin,  and  warned  them  to  use  the  Christians 


weli  in  future,  and  bring  them  all  they  should  require  of  them.     From 
that  time  supplies  of  provisions  were  always  abundant. 

Eight  months  passed  after  the  departure  of  Mendez  and  Fiesco,  before 
any  notice  was  received  of  their  arrival.  Other  desertions  were  on  the 
point  of  taking  place,  when,  towards  dusk,  one  evening,  a  caravel  was 
espied  in  the  distance.  It  proved  to  have  been  sent  from  Hispaniola, 
imder  the  command  of  Diego  de  Escobar.  He  had  orders  not  to  go  on 
shore,  nor  to  permit  his  crew  to  have  any  communication  with  the  fol- 
lowers of  the  Admiral.  Escobar  went  in  his  boat  to  deliver  to  Columbus 
a  letter  from  the  Governor,  and  a  present  of  a  cask  of  wine,  and  a  couple 
of  hams ;  then,  returning  to  his  caravel,  he  sailed  away  that  very  even- 
ing. The  Admiral  was  very  much  surprised  at  this  singular  conduct, 
and  the  people  thought  the  Governor  intended  to  leave  them  there  with- 
out assistance.  But  Columbus  soothed  them  with  such  explanations  aa 
he  could  invent;  told  them  that  Mendez  had  arrived  safely  at  Hispa- 
niola, and  gave  promises  of  speedy  relief.  He  now  turned  his  attention 
towards  arranging  affairs  with  the  rebels.  Messengers  were  sent  to 
them,  whom  they  insulted  and  dismissed  ;  and  it  was  at  last  necessary  to 
come  to  open  battle  with  them.  For  this  purpose  fifty  men,  well  armed, 
were  selected  from  those  who  continued  faithful  to  Columbus,  and  put 
under  the  command  of  the  Adelantado.  Having  arrived  at  a  small  hill, 
about  a  bow-shot  from  the  camp  of  the  rebels,  two  messengers  were  sent 
before,  to  request  a  peaceable  conference  with  their  leaders.  They  re- 
fused to  listen  to  them,  but  fell,  with  swords  and  spears,  upon  the  party 
of  the  Adelantado,  thinking  to  rout  them  immediately.  The  rebels, 
however,  were  finally  dispersed  with  some  slaughter.  On  the  next  day, 
all  who  had  escaped  joined  in  an  humble  petition  to  the  Admiral,  repent- 
ing of  their  past  conduct,  and  declaring  themselves  ready  to  return  to 


EARLY    HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  93 

their  duty.  Columbus  granted  their  request,  upon  condition  that  their 
captain  should  remain  a  prisoner,  as  a  hostage  for  their  good  behavior. 
Tii<;y  were  accordingly  quartered  about  the  island,  in  such  places  as  were 
most  convenient,  till  the  arrival  of  a  ship  from  Hispaniola. 

Some  days  now  passed,  when  Diego  Mcndez  arrived  with  a  vessel 
which  he  had  purchased  and  fitted  out  at  St.  Domingo,  on  the  Admiral's 
credit.  They  immediately  embarked  on  board  of  it,  and,  sailing  with 
contrary  winds,  reached  St.  Domingo  on  the  13th  of  August,  1504, 
The  Governor  received  the  Admiral  with  the  greatest  respect  and  cere- 
mony, but  his  kindness  was  only  forced  and  treacherous.  He  set  Porras 
free  from  his  chains,  and  attempted  to  punish  those  who  were  concerned 
in  his  arrest.  Columbus  remained  here  till  his  ship  was  refitted  and 
another  hired,  and  in  these  vessels  they  pursued  their  voyage  to  Spain. 

Setting  sail  on  the  12th  of  September,  the  mast  of  one  of  the  ships 
was  carried  by  the  board,  when  they  were  about  two  leagues  from  shore. 
This  ship  returned  to  the  harbor,  and  the  Admiral  pursued  his  voyage  in 
the  other.  The  weather  proved  very  stormy,  and  the  remaining  ship 
was  much  shattered  before  she  arrived  at  St.  Lucar.  At  this  port  Co- 
lumbus received  the  sad  intelligence  of  the  death  of  his  noble  patron, 
Isabella.     He  then  repaired  to  Seville. 

But  he  was  doomed  to  submit  to  the  evils  of  that  ingratitude,  which  is 
not  the  growth  of  republics  only,  but  often  finds  a  genial  soil  under  the 
shadow  of  a  throne.  The  discoverer  of  a  world,  and  the  natural  master 
of  the  empire  he  had  found,  Columbus  was  obliged,  in  his  old  age,  to 
submit  to  the  caprices  and  insults  of  a  narrow-minded  monarch,  to  whose 
insignificance  his  own  magnanimity  was  a  continual  reproach.  Deluded 
with  promises,  foiled  with  disappointments,  exhausted  with  the  toil  and 
nardship  of  momentous  and  ill  requited  enterprise,  mortified  by  unde- 
served neglect,  disgusted  by  the  baseness  and  meanness  of  a  servile 
court,  and  an  ungrateful  King,  oppressed  with  infirmity,  and  cares,  and 
wretchedness,  Columbus  died  at  Valladolid,  on  the  20th  of  May,  1506. 
His  death  was  worthy  of  his  character  and  his  fame ;  marked  by  no 
violent  emotion,  calm,  composed,  and  happy;  blessed  by  the  memory 
of  what  he  had  done  for  mankind,  and  cheered  by  the  hopes  of  a  holy 
faith.     A  fit  end  to  the  great  drama  of  his  life!"*^ 

*  "  Columbus  could  never  forget  the  ignominy  of  his  chains.  He  preserved  the 
fetters,  hung  them  up  in  his  apartment,  and  ordered  them  to  be  buried  in  his  grave. 
In  compliance  with  his  request,  his  body  was  removed  from  Seville  to  the  island  of 
St.  Domingo,  and  deposited,  with  his  chains,  in  a  brass  coffin,  on  the  right  of  the 
high  altar  of  the  Cathedral  of  St.  Domingo.  There  his  bones  remained,  until  the 
Spanish  part  of  the  island  was  ceded  to  France,  in  1795.  In  consequence  of  this  ces- 
sion, the  descendants  of  Columbus  requested  that  his  remains  might  be  removed  to 
Cuba.  On  the  19th  of  January,  1796,  the  brass  coffin  which  contained  the  ashes  of 
this  great  man,  together  with  a  chain  which  served  as  a  memorial  of  his  sovereign's 
weakness,  M'as  carried  down  to  the  harbor  in  procession,  under  fire  of  the  forts,  and 
put  on  board  a  brig  of  -war,  to  be  removed  to  Havana.  The  brig  arrived  safely  in 
tlie  haibor  of  Havana,  and  the  remains  of  the  discoverer  of  America  were  buried 
with  all  the  pomp  and  ceremony  that  could  be  bestowed  upon  them." 


95 


EARLY   ADVENTURES   IN    NORTH   AMERICA. 


The  exploits  of  Columbus  having  excited  a  great  sensation  among  the 
English  merchants,  and  at  the  Court  of  Henry  VII.,  the  adventurous 
spirit  of  John  Cabot,  heightened  by  the  ardor  of  his  son  Sebastian,  led 
him  to  propose  to  the  King  to  undertake  a  voyage  of  discovery,  with  the 
twofold  object  of  becoming  acquainted  with  new  territories,  and  of  real- 
izing the  long-desired  object  of  a  western  passage  to  China  and  the  In- 
dies. A  commission  was  accordingly  granted,  on  the  0th  of  March, 
1497,  to  him  and  his  three  sons,  giving  them  liberty  to  sail  to  all  parts 
of  the  east,  west,  and  north,  under  the  royal  banners  and  ensigns,  to  dis- 
cover countries  of  the  heathen,  unknown  to  Christians ;  to  set  up  the 
King's  banners  there  ;  to  occupy  and  possess,  as  his  subjects,  such  places 
as  they  could  subdue;  giving  them  the  rule  and  jurisdiction  of  the 
same,  to  be  holden  on  condition  of  paying  to  the  King  one  fifth  part  of 
all  their  gains.  By  virtue  of  this  commission,  a  small  fleet  was  equipped, 
partly  at  the  King's  expense,  and  partly  at  that  of  private  individuals,  in 
which  the  Cabots  embarked  with  a  company  of  three  hundred  mariners. 
Our  knowledge  of  this  voyage  is  collected  from  many  detached  and  im- 
perfect notices  of  it  in  different  authors,  who,  while  they  establish  the 
general  facts  in  the  most  unquestionable  manner,  differ  in  many  parti- 
cular circumstances.  The  most  probable  account  is,  that  Cabot  sailed 
north-west  a  few  Aveeks,  until  his  progress  was  arrested  by  floating  ice- 
bergs, when  he  shaped  his  course  to  the  south-west,  and  soon  came  in 
sight  of  a  shore  named  by  him  Prima  Vista,  and  generally  believed  to  be 
some  part  of  Labrador,  or  Newfoundland.  Thence  he  steered  northward 
again  to  the  sixty-seventh  degree  of  latitude,  where  he  was  obliged  to 
turn  back  by  the  discontent  of  his  crew.  He  sailed  along  the  coast  in 
search  of  an  outlet  as  far  as  the  neighborhood  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico, 
when  a  mutiny  broke  out  in  the  ship's  company,  in  consequence  of 
which  the  farther  prosecution  of  the  voyage  was  abandoned.  Cabot 
reached  England  with  several  savages  and  a  valuable  cargo,  although 
some  writers  deny  that  he  ever  landed  in  America,  and  it  is  certain  that 
he  did  not  attempt  any  conquest  or  settlement  there. 

This  voyage  was  not  immediately  followed  by  any  important  conse 
quences ;  but  it  is  memorable  as  being  the  first  that  is  certainly  ascer- 
tained to  have  been  effected  to  this  continent,  and  as  constituting  the  title 
by  whiah  the  English  claimed  the  territories  that  they  subsequently  ac- 
quired here.  Through  a  singular  succession  of  causes,  during  more 
than  sixty  years  from  the  time  of  this  discovery  of  the  northern  division 
of  the  continent  by  the  English,  their  monarchs  gave  but  little  attention  to 
this  country,  which  was  destined  tr  be  annexed  to  their  r  rown,  and  to  be 


f)6  EARLY   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 

one  principal  source  of  British  opulence  and  power,  till,  in  the  march  of 
events,  it  should  rise  into  an  independent  empire.  This  remarkable 
neglect  is  in  some  measure  accounted  for  by  the  frugal  maxims  of  Henry 
VII.,  and  the  unpropitious  circumstances  of  the  reign  of  Henry  VIII.,  of 
Edward  VI.,  and  of  the  bigoted  Mary;  reigns  peculiarly  adverse  to  the 
extension  of  industry,  trade,  and  navigation. 

While  English  enterprise  slumbered,  both  France  and  Spain  were  ac- 
tive and  successful.  Francis  I.  sent  a  vessel  called  the  Dauphin,  to  the 
American  coast,  commanded  by  Juan  Verazzano,  a  Florentine,  who  had 
distinguished  himself  by  his  successful  cruises  against  the  Spaniards. 
In  this  voyage  he  discovered  Florida,  and  sailed  seven  hundred  leagues 
on  the  North  American  coast,  which  he  named  New  France.  He  made 
another  voyage  in  the  following  year,  when  he  landed  with  some  of  his 
crew,  was  seized  by  the  savages,  and  killed  and  devoured  in  the  pre- 
sence of  his  companions  on  board,  who  sought  in  vain  to  give  him  any 
assistance.  The  gloomy  impression  produced  by  the  tragic  fate  of  Ve- 
razzano seems  to  have  deterred  others,  for  some  time,  from  such  enter- 
prises, and  for  several  succeeding  years  neither  the  King  nor  the  nation 
seems  to  have  thought  any  more  of  America. 

After  a  lapse  of  ten  years,  these  enterprises  were  renewed,  and  Jacques 
Cartier,  a  bold  seaman  of  Malo,  who  proposed  another  voyage,  was  rea- 
dily supplied  with  two  ships  under  the  direction  of  the  Vice-Admiral  of 
France.  His  first  voyage  resulted  in  the  discovery  of  the  Baye  dea 
Chaleurs,  and  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence.  In  the  following  spring,  a 
large  expedition  was  equipped,  and  proceeded  direct  to  Newfoundland. 
Discovering  the  river  afterwards  called  the  St.  Lawrence,  he  sailed  up 
this  stream  three  hundred  leagues,  to  a  great  and  swift  fall,  made  friends 
of  the  natives  on  its  banks,  took  possession  of  the  territory,  built  a  fort, 
md  wintered  in  the  country,  which  he  called  New  France.  The  next 
spring  Cartier  returned  with  the  remains  of  his  crew,  which  had  been 
much  diminished  by  the  scurvy.  He  carried  with  him  Donnacona,  the 
Indian  King  of  the  country,  whom  he  had  made  captive  partly  by  force, 
and  partly  by  stratagem.  On  his  return,  he  represented  to  the  King  the 
immense  advantages  v/hich  might  result  from  a  settlement  in  that  coun- 
try, for  the  purpose  of  carrying  on  the  fur  trade ;  but  his  advice  was 
slighted,  and  the  proposed  establishment  delayed.  Francis  I.  afterwards 
became  aware  of  the  importance  of  the  enterprise,  and  dispatched  Car- 
tier  with  the  appointment  of  Captain-General,  and  with  live  ships.  Af- 
ter a  long  and  boisterous  passage,  Cartier  arrived  at  Newfoundland, 
thence  proceeded  to  Canada,  and  on  the  23d  of  August,  1535,  arrived  at 
the  harbor  of  St.  Croix.  But  this  enterprise  was  also  mfelicitous  in  its 
issue,  and  for  half  a  century  the  French  made  no  further  attempt  to  esta- 
I  blish  themselves  in  Canada. 

To  give  a  brief  narrative  of  the  Spanish  attempts  at  colonization  in 
North  America,  it  was  in  the  year  1528  that  Pamphilo  de  Narvaez,  hav- 
ing obtained  from  Charles  V.  the  grant  of  all  the  land  lying  from  the 
River  of  Palms  to  the  Cape  of  Florida,  sailed  from  Cuba,  in  March,  with 
five  ships,  on  board  of  which  were  four  hundred  foot,  and  twenty  horse, 
for  the  conquest  of  the  country.     Landing  at  Forida,  he  marched  to  Apa- 


EARLY    HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  9? 

lache,  a  village  consisttng'  of  forty  cottages,  where  he  arrived  on  the  5th 
of  June.  Having  lost  many  of  his  men  by  the  natives,  who  harassed 
the  troops  on  their  march,  and  with  wliom  they  had  a  sharp  en'-'-a<T(nnent, 
he  was  obliged  to  direct  his  course  towards  the  sea.  Sailing  to  the 
westward,  he  was  lost,  with  many  others,  in  a  violent  storm,  about  the 
middle  of  November,  and  the  enterprise  was  frustrated.  Calamitous  as 
was  the  issue  of  this  expedition,  it  did  not  extinguish  the  Spanish  pas- 
sion for  adventure,  and  Fernando  de  Soto,  a  distinguished  companion  of 
Pizarro,  was  created  Adelantado  of  Florida,  combining  the  offices  of  Go- 
vernor-General, and  Commander  in  chief.  On  the  ISth  of  May,  1539, 
Soto  set  sail  from  Havana  on  this  expedition,  with  nine  vessels,  nine 
hundred  soldiers,  two  hundred  and  thirteen  horse,  and  a  herd  of  swine. 
This  army  met  with  various  disasters,  and  suffered  much  from  disease 
and  the  attacks  of  the  savages.  Soto  died,  and  to  conceal  his  loss  from 
the  Indians,  his  body  was  put  into  a  hollowed  oak,  and  sunk  in  a  river. 
The  small  remains  of  his  army,  consisting  of  three  hundred  and  eleven 
men,  arrived  at  Panaco  on  the  10th  of  September,  1543,  and  all  con- 
cerned in  this  great  expedition  were  reduced  to  poverty  and  distress. 

About  the  year  1562,  the  Huguenots  made  an  effort  to  colonize  Flori- 
da, but  after  suffering  deeply  from  shipwreck,  sickness,  and  Spanish  cru- 
elty, they  were  completely  destroyed.  The  expeditions  of  Laudonniere 
and  Ribault  entirely  failed.  Ribault  was  massacred  with  his  troops, 
by  the  Spaniards,  after  a  pledge  of  safety,  and  their  bodies  were  not  only 
covered  with  repeated  wounds,  but  were  cut  in  pieces  and  treated  with 
the  most  shocking  indignities.  A  number  of  the  mangled  limbs  of  the 
victims  were  then  suspended  to  a  tree,  to  which  was  attached  the  follow- 
ing inscription  : — "  Not  because  they  are  Frenchmen,  but  because  they 
are  heretics,  and  enemies  of  God."  To  revenge  this  barbarous  massa- 
cre, Dominique  de  Gourgues  determined  to  devote  himself  and  his  for- 
tune. 

He  found  means  to  equip  three  small  vessels,  and  to  put  on  board  of 
them  eighty  sailors,  and  one  hundred  and  fifty  troops.  Having  crossed 
the  Atlantic,  he  sailed  along  the  coast  of  Florida,  and  landed  at  a  rivet 
about  fifteen  leagues  distance  from  the  May.  The  Spaniards,  to  the 
number  of  four  hundred,  were  well  fortified,  principally  at  the  great  fort, 
begun  by  the  French,  and  afterwards  repaired  by  themselves.  Two 
leagues  lower  towards  the  river's  mouth,  they  had  made  two  smaller 
forts,  which  were  defended  by  a  hundred  and  twenty  soldiers,  well  supplied 
with  artillery  and  ammunition.  Gourgues,  though  informed  of  their 
strength,  proceeded  resolutely  forward,  and,  with  the  assistance  of  the 
natives,  riade  a  vigorous  and  desperate  assault.  Of  sixty  Spaniards  in 
the  first  fort,  there  escaped  but  fifteen  ;  and  all  in  the  second  fort  were 
slain.  After  a  company  of  Spaniards,  sallying  out  from  the  third  fort, 
nad  been  intercepted,  and  killed  on  the  spot,  this  last  fortress  was  easily 
taken.  All  the  surviving  Spaniards  were  led  away  prisoners,  with  the 
fifteen  who  escaped  the  massacre  at  the  first  fort ;  and,  after  having  been 
shown  the  injury  that  they  had  done  to  the  French  nation,  were  hung  on 
the  boughs  of  the  same  trees  on  which  the  Frenchmen  had  been  previ- 
ously suspended.  Gourgues,  in  retaliation  for  the  label  Menendez  had 
N 


98  EARLY    HISTORY    OF    AMERICA. 

attached  to  the  bodies  of  the  French,  placed  over  the  corpses  of  the 
Spaniards  the  following  declaration: — "I  do  not  this  as  to  Spaniards, 
nor  as  to  mariners,  but  as  to  traitors,  robbers,  and  murderers."  Having 
razed  the  three  forts,  he  hastened  his  preparation  to  return ;  and  on  the 
3d  of  May,  embarked  all  that  was  valuable  in  the  forts,  and  set  sail  for 
La  Rochelle.  In  that  Protestant  capital  he  Vv^as  received  with  the  loud- 
est acclamations.  At  Bordeaux  these  were  reiterated,  and  he  was  ad- 
vised to  proceed  to  Paris,  where,  however,  he  met  with  a  very  different 
reception.  Philip  had  already  an  embassy  demanding  his  head,  which 
Charles  and  Catharine  were  not  disinclined  to  give,  and  had.  taken  steps 
for  bringing  him  to  trial,  but  they  found  the  measure  so  excessively  un- 
popular, that  they  were  obliged  to  allow  him  to  retire  into  Normandy. 
Subsequently  he  regained  royal  favor,  and  found  ample  employment  in 
the  service  of  his  country. 

Tnus  terminated  the  attempts  of  the  French  Protestants  to  colonize 
Flofidn..  Had  the  efforts  of  Ribault  or  Laudonniere  been  supported  by 
the  Government,  France  might  have  had  vast  colonial  dependencies  be- 
tniii  Britain  had  established  a  single  settlement  in  the  New  World,  in- 
stead cf  inscribing  on  the  pages  of  history  a  striking  instance  of  the 
ruinous  and  enduring  effects  of  religious  hatred,  alike  on  individual  and 
national  fortune. 

One  of  the  most  important  objects  of  maritime  enterprise  in  the  reign 
of  Elizabeth,  was  the  discovery  of  a  passage  to  India  by  the  north  of 
America ;  but  notwithstanding  the  utmost  exertions  of  the  most  eminent 
naval  characters,  Frobisher,  Davis,  anJ  Hudson,  the  attempt  proved  ut- 
terly abortive.  In  the  same  year,  however,  in  which  Frobisher's  third 
voyage  terminated  so  unsuccessfully,  Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  with  his  half 
brother  and  kindred  spirit.  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert,  projected  the  establish- 
ment of  a  colony  in  that  quarter  of  America  which  the  Cabots  had  visited 
in  the  reign  of  Henry  VII.,  and  a  patent  for  this  purpose  was  procured 
without  difficulty,  from  Elizabeth.  One  enterprise  under  Gilbert  failed, 
from  tempestuous  weather,  but  by  the  aid  of  Sir  George  Peckham,  Sir 
Walter  Raleigh,  and  other  persons  of  distinction,  he  was  enabled  to 
equip  another  expedition,  with  which,  in  1583,  he  again  put  to  sea. 

On  the  30th  of  July,  Gilbert  discovered  land  in  about  fifty-one  degrees 
north  latitude ;  but,  finding  nothing  but  bare  rocks,  he  shaped  his  course 
to  the  southward,  and  on  the  3d  of  August  arrived  at  St.  John's  harbor, 
at  Newfoundland.  There  were  at  that  time  in  the  harbor,  thirty-six  ves- 
sels, belonging  to  various  nations,  and  they  refused  him  entrance ;  but, 
on  sending  his  boat  with  the  assurance  that  he  had  no  ill  design,  and 
that  he  had  a  commission  from  Queen  Elizabeth,  they  submitted,  and 
he  sailed  into  the  port.  Having  pitched  his  tent  on  shore,  in  sight  of  all 
the  shipping,  and  being  attended  by  his  own  people,  he  summoned  the 
merchants  ana  masters  of  vessels  to  be  present  at  the  ceremony  of  his 
taking  possession  of  the  island.  When  assembled,  his  commission  was 
read  and  interpreted  to  the  foreigners.  A  turf  and  twig  were  then  delivered 
to  him ;  and  proclamation  was  immediately  made,  that,  by  virtue  of  his 
commission  from  the  Queen,  he  took  possession  of  the  harbor  of  St.  John, 
and  two  hundred  leagues  every  way  around  it,  for  the  crown  of  England 


EARLY    HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  99 

He  then,  as  the  authorized  Governor,  proposed  and  delivered  three  laws, 
to  be  in  force  immediately ;  by  the  first,  public  worship  was  established 
according  to  the  church  of  England  ;  by  the  second,  the  attempting  of 
any  thing  prejudicial  to  her  Majesty's  title  was  declared  treason  ;  by  the 
third,  if  any  person  should  utter  words  to  the  dishonor  of  her  Majesty, 
he  should  lose  his  ears,  and  have  his  ship  and  goods  confiscated.  When 
the  proclamation  was  finished,  obedience  was  promised  by  the  general 
voice,  both  of  Englishmen  and  strangers.  Not  far  from  the  place  of 
meeting,  a  pillar  was  afterwards  erected,  upon  which  were  engraved  the 
arms  of  England.  For  the  better  establishment  of  this  possession,  seve- 
ral parcels  of  land  were  granted  by  Sir  Humphrey,  by  which  the  occu- 
pants were  guaranteed  grounds  convenient  to  dress  and  dry  their  fish, 
of  which  privilege  they  had  often  been  debarred,  by  those  who  had  pre- 
viously entered  the  harbor.  For  these  grounds  they  covenanted  to  pay 
a  certain  rent  and  service  to  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert,  his  heirs  or  assigns, 
for  ever,  and  to  maintain  possession  of  them,  by  themselves  or  assignees. 
This  formal  possession,  in  consequence  of  the  discovery  by  the  Cabots, 
is  considered  the  foundation  of  the  right  and  title  of  the  crown  of  Eng- 
land to  the  territory  of  Newfoundland,  and  to  the  fishery  on  its  banks. 
Gilbert,  intending  to  bring  the  southern  parts  of  the  country  within  his 
patent,  the  term  of  which  had  now  nearly  expired,  hastened  to  make 
farther  discoveries  before  his  return  to  England.  He  therefore  embarked 
from  St.  John's  harbor  with  his  little  fleet,  and  sailed  for  the  Isle  of  Sa- 
ble, by  the  way  of  Cape  Breton.  After  spending  eight  days  in  the  navi- 
gation from  Cape  Eace  towards  Cape  Breton,  the  ship  Admiral  was  cast 
away  on  somo  shoals,  before  any  discovery  of  land,  and  nearly  one  hun- 
dred persons  perished ;  among  those  was  Stephen  Parmenius  Budeius,  a 
learned  Hungarian,  who  had  accompanied  the  adventurers,  to  record 
their  discoveries  and  exploits.  Two  days  after  this  disaster,  no  land  yet 
appearing,  the  waters  being  shallow,  the  coast  unknown,  the  navigation 
dangerous,  and  the  provisions  scanty,  it  was  resolved  to  return  to  Eng- 
land. Changing  their  course  accordingly,  they  passed  in  sight  of  Cape 
Race  on  the  2d  of  September,  but  when  they  had  sailed  more  than  three 
hundred  leagues  on  their  way  home,  the  frigate  commanded  by  Sir 
Humphrey  Gilbert  himself,  foundered  in  a  violent  storm,  at  midnigVt, 
and  every  soul  on  board  perished. 


101 


SETTLEMENT   OF   THE   SOUTHERN    STATES, 


VIRGINIA. 

Terrible  as  was  the  fate  of  Gilbert  and  his  associates,  the  ardor  of 
Raleigh  was  not  daunted,  nor  his  energies  depressed.  High  in  favor 
with  Elizabeth,  he  found  no  difficulty  in  procuring  a  patent  similar  to  that 
which  had  been  granted  to  his  unfortunate  brother.  Prompt  in  the  exe- 
cution, as  intrepid  in  the  projection  of  his  plans,  he  speedily  equipped  two 
small  vessels,  under  Amadas  and  Barlow,  to  obtain  further  information  of 
the  coasts,  the  soil,  and  the  inhabitants  of  the  regions  he  designed  to 
colonize.  Approaching  America  by  the  Gulf  of  Florida,  they  touched  first 
at  the  island  of  Ocakoke,  which  runs  parallel  to  the  greater  part  of  North 
Carolina,  and  then  at  Roanoke,  near  the  mouth  of  Albemarle  sound. 
In  both  they  had  some  intercourse  with  the  natives,  whom  they  found  to 
be  savages,  with  all  the  characteristic  qualities  of  uncivilized  life — bra- 
very, aversion  to  labor,  hospitality,  a  propensity  to  admire,  and  a  willing- 
ness to  exchange  their  rude  productions  for  English  commodities,  espe- 
cially for  iron,  or  any  of  the  useful  metals  of  which  they  were  destitute. 
After  spending  a  few  weeks  in  this  traffic,  and  in  visiting  some  parts  of 
the  adjacent  continent,  Amadas  and  Barlow  returned  to  England,  and 
gave  a  most  fervid  description  of  the  country  they  had  been  sent  to  explore. 
Their  own  words,  as  contained  in  their  report  to  Sir  Walter  Raleigh, 
will  convey  a  better  idea  of  the  mode  of  narrative  adopted,  and  the 
effect  produced,  than  any  language  of  ours.  "  The  soile,"  say  they. 
"  is  the  most  plentifuU,  sweete,  fruitfull  and  wholesome  of  all  the  worlde  ; 
there  are  above  fourteene  severall  sweete  smelling  timber  trees,  and  the 
most  part  of  their  underwoods  are  bayes  and  such  like  ;  they  have  those 
okes  that  we  have,  but  farre  greater  and  better.  After  they  had  bene  di- 
vers times  aboord  our  shippes,  myselfe,  with  seven  more,  went  twentie 
mile  into  the  river  that  runneth  towarde  the  citie  of  Skicoak,  which  river 
they  call  Occam  ;  and  the  evening  following,  we  came  to  an  island,  which 
they  call  Raonoak,  distant  from  the  harbor  by  which  we  entered  seven 
leagues  ;  and  at  the  north  end  thereof  was  a  village  of  nine  houses,  built 
of  cedar,  and  fortified  round  about  with  sharpe  trees  to  keep  out  their 
enamies,  and  the  entrance  into  it  made  like  a  turnpike,  very  artificially; 
when  we  came  towardes  it,  standing  neere  unto  the  waters'  side,  the  wife 
of  Granganimo,  the  king's  brother,  came  running  out  to  meete  us  very 
cheerfully  and  friendly  ;  her  husband  was  not  then  in  the  village  ;  some 
of  her  people  shee  commanded  to  drawe  our  boate  on  shore  for  the  beat- 
ing of  the  billoe,  others  she  appointed  lo  cary  us  on  their  backes  to  the 
dry  ground  and  others  to  bring  our  oares  into  the  house  for  feare  of  steal- 


102  EARLY  HISTORY  OF  ABlERICA. 

ing.  When  we  were  come  into  the  utter  roome,  having  five  roomes 
in  her  house,  she  caused  us  to  sit  downe  by  a  greate  fire,  and  after  tooke 
off  our  clothes  and  washed  them,  and  dried  them  againe ;  some  of  the 
women  plucked  off'  our  stockings,  and  washed  them,  some  washed 
our  feete  in  warm  water,  and  she  herself  tooke  great  paines  to  see  all 
things  ordered  in  the  best  manner  she  could,  making  great  haste  to  dresse 
some  meate  for  us  to  eate.  After  we  had  thus  dryed  ourselves,  she  brought 
us  into  the  inner  roome,  where  shee  set  on  the  boord  standing  along  the 
house,  some  wheate  like  furmentie  ;  sodden  venison  and  roasted  ;  fish, 
sodden,  boyled  and  roasted  ;  melons,  rawe  and  sodden  ;  rootes  of  divers 
kindes ;  and  divers  fruites.  Their  drinke  is  commonly  water,  but  while 
the  grape  lasteth,  they  drinke  wine,  and  for  want  of  caskes  to  keepe  it,  all 
the  yerc  after  they  drmk  water,  hue  it  is  sodden  with  ginger  in  it,  and 
black  sinamon,  and  sometimes  sassaphras,  and  divers  other  wholesome 
anil  medicinable  hearbes  and  trees.  We  were  entertained  with  all  love 
and  kindnesse,  and  with  as  much  bountie,  after  their  maner,  as  they  could 
possibly  devise.  We  found  the  people  most  gentle,  loving,  and  faithfull, 
voide  of  all  guile  and  treason,  and  such  as  live  after  the  manner  of  the 
golden  age.  The  people  onley  care  howe  to  defend  themselves  from  the 
cold  in  their  short  winter,  and  to  feed  themselves  with  such  meat  as  the 
soile  afiordeth  ;  their  meat  is  very  well  sodden,  and  they  make  broth  very 
sweete  and  savorie  ;  their  vessels  are  earthen  pots,  very  large,  white,  and 
sweete  ;  their  dishes  are  wooden  platters  of  sweete  timber.  Within  the 
place  where  they  feede  was  their  lodging,  and  within  that  their  idoh, 
which  they  worship,  of  whom  they  speake  incredible  things.  While  we 
were  at  meale,  there  came  in  at  the  gates  two  or  three  men  with  their  bowes 
and  arrowes  from  hunting,  whom,  when  we  espied,  we  beganne  to  looke 
one  towardes  another,  and  offered  to  reach  ourweapoHS  ;  butassooneas  shee 
espied  our  mistrust,  shee  was  very  much  mooved,  and  caused  some  of  her 
men  to  runne  out,  and  take  away  their  bowes  and  arrowes  and  breake 
them,  and  withall,  beate  the  poore.  fellowes  out  of  the  gate  againe.  When 
we  departed  in  the  evening,  and  w>">uld  not  tarry  all  night,  she  was  very 
sory,  and  gave  us  into  our  boate  our  suuper  half  dressed,  pottes  and  all,  and 
brought  us  to  our  boate  side,  in  which  ^ve  lay  all  night,  removing  the  same 
a  prettie  distance  from  the  shoare ;  sh°e  perceiving  our  jealousie,  was 
much  grieved,  and  sent  divers  men  and  thirtie  women  to  sit  all  night  on 
the  banke-side  by  us,  and  sent  us  into  our  boates  five  mattes,  to  cover  us 
from  the  raine,  using  very  many  wordes  to  intreate  us  to  rest  in  their  hous- 
es ;  but  because  we  were  fewe  men,  and  if  we  had  miscarried  the  voy- 
age had  bene  in  very  great  danger,  we  durst  not  adventure  any  thing,  al- 
though there  was  no  cause  of  doubt,  for  a  more  kinde  and  loving  peo- 
ple there  cannot  be  found  in  the  worlde,  as  far  as  we  have  hitherto  had 
trial}." 

Delighted  with  the  prospect  of  possessing  a  territory  so  far  superior  to 
any  hitherto  visited  by  her  subjects,  Elizabeth  was  p  eased  to  honor  both 
the  newly  discovered  country  and  herself,  by  bestowing  upon  it  the  title 
of  Virginia. 

Soon  after  the  return  of  the  two  ships.  Sir  Walter  Raleigh  was  elected 
a  member  of  Parliament  from  Devonshire.     He  was   also  knighted  by 


EARLY  HISTORY   OF   AMERICA.  103 

ihe  Queen  ;  and  his  patent  was  confirmed  by  an  act  of  Parliament.  Seven 
ships  were  immediately  prepared  for  a  second  expedition,  and  placed 
under  the  command  of  Ralph  Lane  and  Sir  Richard  Granville.  This 
little  squadron  reached  the  American  coast  on  the  26th  of  July,  15S5, 
and  drcTjiped  their  anchors  outside  of  the  bar,  at  Wococon.  Lane  and 
Granville,  with  fifty  or  sixty  officers  and  men,  immediately  crossed  the 
sound  in  boats,  to  e.\plore  the  country. 

Under  the  guidance  of  Mantee,  an  Indian  who  had  sailed  for  England 
•  'ith  the  first  expedition,  and  now  returned,  they  made  several  e.xcursions 
upon  the  coast,  and  discovered  some  Indian  villages.  They  next  ventur- 
ed about  eighty  leagues,  as  they  supposed,  to  the  southward.  In  ihis  di- 
rection, the  utmost  limits  of  their  discoveries  was  an  Indian  place  called 
Socotan,  near  the  present  site  of  Beaufort,  where  they  were  civilly  enter- 
tained by  Winginx,an  Indian  chieftain.  Here  the  water  became  so  full  of 
flats  and  shoals,  that  the  English  pinnaces  could  go  no  further.  As  they 
had  but  one  small  boat,  and  this  could  carry  but  four  oars  and  fifteen  men, 
with  provisions  for  a  few  days,  they  concluded  to  turn  back.  Some  of 
the  party  proceeded  to  Wococon  by  the  shortest  course  ;  but  Granville, 
with  the  rest,  returned  to  Aquascosack,  a  town  on  the  waters  of  the  Neuse. 
His  object  there  was  to  demand  a  silver  cup,  which  was  stolen  from  him 
when  he  had  first  visited  that  town  on  his  late  circuit.  He  obtained  *.he 
promise  of  its  return,  but  the  promise  was  not  kept ;  and  the  Indians,  ap- 
prehending danger,  in  consequence  of  his  expected  anger,  fled  to  the 
woods.  This  drew  upon  them  the  indiscriminate  vengeance  of  the  Eng- 
lish commander.  The  town  of  Aquascosack  was  burnt,  and  the  standing 
corn  and  other  crops  utterly  destroyed.  This  was  a  rash  proceeding,  to 
speak  of  it  in  the  mildest  terms ;  and  it  afterwards  cost  the  English  set- 
tlers very  dear,  by  enraging  the  natives. 

After  this  outrage,  Granville  sailed  to  the  island  of  Roanoke,  where  he 
left  behind  him  one  hundred  and  eight  persons,  as  the  foundation  of  a 
colony.  Mr.  Lane  Avas  appointed  Governor ;  and  Armidas,  one  of  the 
captains  in  the  former  voyage,  was  appointed  Admiral.  Thomas  Heriot, 
a  famous  mathematician,  and  particular  friend  of  Sir  Walter  Raleigh, 
also  remained  with  the  colony. 

On  the  18th  of  September,  Granville  arrived  at  Plymouth,  bringing 
in  with  him  a  rich  Spanish  prize,  which  he  had  the  good  fortune  to  take 
on  his  passage.  The  chief  employment  of  the  colony  at  Roanoke,  mean- 
while, was  to  explore  the  country  for  the  purpose  of  acquiring  a  know- 
ledge of  its  geography  and  its  productions.  Governor  Lane  made  various 
excursions  along  the  coast  during  the  fall  and  winter.  He  was  accom- 
panied by  Mr.  Wythe,  a  skilful  English  painter,  sent  out  by  Raleigh,  to 
take  sketches  of  the  situation  of  the  co\nitry,  and  the  figures  and  fashions 
of  the  natives.  To  the  north,  Lane  advanced  as  far  as  the  territories  of 
the  Chesapeakes,  an  Indian  nation  seated  on  a  small  river,  now  called 
Elizabeth,  which  falls  into  the  great  bay  of  Chesapeake,  below  Norfolk. 
To  the  north-west,  he  went  up  Albemarle  sound  and  the  river  Chowan, 
more  than  one  hundred  miles,  to  the  settlements  of  a  nation  of  Indians  called 
the  Chowanokes.  These  lived  a  little  beyond  the  forkof  the  river,  where 
one  branch  now  takes  the  name  of  Nottoway,  and  the  other  of  Meherrin. 


104  EARLY  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA. 

But  as  Governor  Lane  undertook  to  effect  his  purposes  among  the  na- 
tives by  force  alw^ays,  instead  of  persuasion,  he  met  with  indifferent  suc- 
cess. The  Indians  had  by  this  time  become  a  little  jealous  of  the  colo- 
nists ;  and  the  best  friend  of  the  latter,  Granganimo,  died  in  the  spring  of 
vhis  year,  1586.  Gold  was  the  idol  of  the  adventurers,  and  to  the  neg- 
.ect  of  every  thing  else  they  pursued  this  continually  elusive  phantom. 
Their  provisions  were  exhausted,  and  they  had  taken  no  measures  to  re- 
new them  by  agriculture.  Reduced  to  the  utmost  distress,  they  were 
on  the  point  of  dispersing  to  various  quarters  in  search  of  food,  when  Sir 
Francis  Drake,  who  had  been  engaged  in  a  successful  expedition  against 
the  Spaniards  in  the  West  Indies,  appeared  unexpectedly  to  their  relief, 
and  carried  the  fatigued  and  famishing  colonists  to  England. 

One  consequence  of  this  abortive  attempt  to  found  a  colony,  is  of  suf- 
ficient importance  to  make  it  celebrated  in  history.  Lane  and  his  compan- 
ions had  acquired  from  the  Indians  the  habit  of  smoking  tobacco,  and  car- 
rying a  specimen  of  this  new  luxury  to  England,  the  use  of  it  was  soon 
adopted  by  Raleigh  and  other  young  men  of  fashion.  Fashion,  and  a 
capricious  notion  of  its  salutary  influence,  soon  diffused  a  general  fond- 
ness for  this  disagreeable  weed,  till  the  demand  for  it  has  become  uni- 
versal. 

Raleigh  still  remained  attached  to  his  scheme  of  colonizing,  and  in 
1587  dispatched  another  body  of  adventurers,  incorporated  under  the  ti- 
tle of  the  Borough  of  Raleigh  in  Virginia.  The  bay  of  Chesapeake  was 
designated  as  the  spot  for  the  erection  of  a  fort,  and  the  settlement 
of  the  company.  On  the  16th  of  July,  after  a  passage  of  about  se- 
venty days,  the  expedition  made  the  coast  of  Virginia,  and  arriving  at 
Hatteras,  the  Governor  with  a  select  party  visited  the  island  of  Roanoke, 
to  ascertain  what  vestiges  might  be  found  of  the  party  left  there  the  pre- 
ceding year.  The  bones  of  a  man  were  the  sole  relics  of  the  colony. 
Dwelling-houses  and  a  fort  had  been  erected  by  Lane  in  the  northern 
quarter  of  the  island ;  but  the  fort  was  razed,  and  deer  were  feeding  qui- 
etly in  the  houses  which  had  been  overgrown  with  creepers  and  weeds. 
This  sight  filled  the  adventurers  with  the  saddest  apprehensions, 
and  they  could  only  speculate  on  the  probable  means  by  which 
their  companions  had  come  to  their  death.  Orders  were  immediately 
given  for  the  erection  of  new,  and  the  repair  of  the  old  cottages,  and  a 
second  plantation  was  immediately  commenced  by  a  colony  of  one  hun- 
dred and  seventeen  persons. 

Before  the  close  of  the  month  of  August,  the  Governor,  Mr.  John  White, 
in  whom,  with  a  council  of  twelve,  the  legislative  power  of  the  colony 
was  vested,  sailed  for  England  to  procure  supplies.  At  this  time  the  na- 
tion was  engrossed  by  the  expected  invasion  of  the  Spanish  armada,  but 
Raleigh  still  contrived  to  send  out  White  with  two  more  vessels,  which 
were  unfortunately  attacked  by  the  enemy,  and  so  shattered  as  to  be  com- 
pelled to  return.  It  was  not  till  1590,  that  another  expedition  succeeded 
in  reaching  Virginia,  when  they  found  a  scene  of  similar  tragic  character 
with  that  which  had  been  before  displayed.  No  living  trace  of  the  colo- 
ny was  to  be  found.  The  palisades  were  still  standing  about  their  houses, 
and  their  unnonsumed  stores  were   found  hidden  in  the  earth  ;  but  no 


EAKLY  HISTORY  OF   AMERICA. 


105 


voice  told  their  story,  and  no  certain  though  silent  testimony  was  found 
of  their  fate.  If  they  had  been  slain  by  savage  incursion,  every  trace  of 
blood  and  fire  was  carefully  removed,  and  not  a  bleached  bone  was  left 
to  bear  witness  of  the  tragedy.  They  had  perished  beyond  a  doubt,  but 
whether  by  the  sea  or  land,  by  the  war  of  the  elements,  or  the  still  more 
cruel  war  of  the  human  passions,  was  and  remains  a  mystery.  Thus 
terminated  the  noble  efibrts  of  the  generous  and  accomplished  Raleigh,  to 
plant  a  colony  in  the  western  hemisphere.  In  four  several  expeditions 
he  had  expended  forty  thousand  pounds,  without  any  return  ;  and  he  was 
without  much  difficulty  induced  to  surrender  the  privileges  of  his  patent 
to  other  hands.  The  mercantile  company  into  whose  possession  this  pa- 
tent fell,  carried  on  a  slight  traffic  in  a  few  small  barks,  but  made  no  effort  to 
make  a  settlement  in  the  country.  Thus,  after  more  than  a  century  after 
the  discovery  of  North  America  by  Cabot,  not  an  individual  English  resi- 
dent remained  in  the  new  world.  Shipwreck  and  famine,  savage  warfare 
and  domestic  dissensions,  had  frustrated  every  effort  to  establish  an  Eng- 
lish colony  beyond  the  ocean,  as  if  it  were  indeed  the  "  dissocial"  waste 
imagined  by  the  ancients,  whose  waters  it  were  impious  to  violate  and 
impossible  to  pass. 

The  colonization  of  America  awaited  the  energy  of  a  new  impulse,  and 
the  first  permanent  settlement  in  Virginia  was  made  in  1606,  by  an  expedi- 
tion under  the  command  of  Christopher  Newport.  He  entered  the  magnifi- 
cent bay  of  Chesapeake,  the  spacious  reservoir  of  innumerable  waters,  and 
gave  the  names  of  Henry  and  Charles  to  its  southern  and  northern  pro- 
montories. Every  object  which  met  the  eyes  of  the  adventurers  as  they 
sailed  up  the  broad  and  shining  bosom  of  the  great  Chesapeake,   excited 


their  imaginations  and  their  hopes.  The  banks  of  the  bay,  upon  all  sides, 
as  far  as  sight  could  reach,  were  covered  with  the  fresh  green  beauty  of 
sprin  r.  There  were  large  and  majestic  navigable  rivers,  and  between 
then,  a  variety  of  mountains,  plains  and  valleys  stretching  far  away  in 
the  distance.  Bright  rivulets  came  dashing  down  the  hills,  and  fell  into 
the  bay.  Innumerable  birds  sported  and  sang  in  the  green  woods  upon 
O 


106  EARLY  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA. 

the  shore  and  the  islands ;  the  fish  leaped  from  the  sunny  waters  around 
them ;  and  all  nature  seemed  to  welcome  the  coming  of  the  new  colony 
with  smiles. 

The  adventurers  were  employed  in  seeking  a  place  for  settlement  until 
the  13th  of  May,  when  they  took  possession  of  a  peninsula,  on  the  north 
side  of  the  river  Powhatan,  called  by  the  emigrants  James  river,  about 
forty  miles  from  its  mouth.  To  m.ake  room  for  their  projected  town,  they 
commenced  clearing  away  the  forest,  which  had  for  centuries  afforded 
shelter  and  food  to  the  natives.  The  members  of  the  Council,  while  they 
adhered  to  their  orders  in  the  choice  of  their  President,  on  the  most  fri- 
volous pretences  excluded  from  a  seat  among  them  the  individual,  who 
was  probably  of  all  others  the  best  fitted  for  the  office.  Captain  Smith, 
though  nominated  by  the  same  instrument  from  Avhich  they  derived  their 
authority.  His  superior  talents,  and  the  fame  he  had  previously  acquir- 
ed in  war,  excited  their  envy,  while  possibly  they  induced  him  to  assume, 
that  a  greater  deference  was  due  to  his  opinion  than  his  coadjutors  were 
willing  to  admit.  At  length,  however,  by  the  prudent  exhortations  of  Mr. 
Hunt,  their  chaplain,  the  animosities  which  had  arisen  were  composed, 
Smith  was  admitted  into  the  Council,  and  they  all  turned  their  undivided 
attention  to  the  government  of  the  colony.  In  honor  of  their  monarch, 
they  called  the  town,  the  erection  of  which  they  now  commenced,  James- 
town. Thus  was  formed  the  first  permanent  colony  of  the  English  in 
America. 

The  vicinity  of  the  settlement  was  a  vast  wilderness,  though  a  luxuriant 
one,  inhabited  by  a  race  of  Indian  savages,  possessing  both  the  virtues  and 
the  vices  peculiar  to  their  state.  At  first  they  treated  the  colonists  with 
kindness ;  but  misunderstandings,  from  various  causes,  ere  long  interrupted 
the  peace,  and  annoyed  the  proceedings  of  the  English.  Nor  was  the  hos- 
tility of  the  natives  the  only  occasion  of  discomfort ;  the  extreme  heat  of 
summer,  and  the  intense  cold  of  the  succeeding  winter,  Avere  alike  fatal 
to  the  colonists.  From  May  to  September,  fifty  persons  died,  among 
whom  was  Bartholomew  Gosnold,  a  member  of  the  Council.  The  store- 
house at  Jamestown  accidentally  taking  fire,  the  town,  thatched  with 
reeds,  burned  with  such  violence,  that  the  fortifications,  arms,  apparel, 
bedding,  and  a  great  quantity  of  private  goods  and  provision,  were  con- 
sumed. 

These  distresses  naturally  led  them  to  reflect  upon  their  situation ;  and 
having  become  sensible  of  their  injustice  to  Smith,  his  personal  talents 
and  activity  were,  in  their  adversity,  appealed  to  with  that  regard  and  de- 
ference which,  in  prosperous  times,  are  yielded  only  to  vested  authority 
and  official  station.  From  some  unaccountable  jealousy  on  the  part  of 
the  Governor,  the  fort  had  been  left  in  an  unprotected  state,  but,  by  the 
advice  of  Smith,  it  was  now  put  into  a  state  to  defend  them  against  the 
attacks  of  the  Indians.  To  procure  provisions  and  explore  the  country, 
he  made  frequent  and  distant  excursions  into  the  wilderness.  In  one  of 
these,  he  seized  an  Indian  idol,  made  with  skins  stuflfed  with  moss,  for 
the  redemption  of  which  as  much  corn  was  brought  him  as  he  required. 
Some  tribes  he  gained  by  caresses  and  presents,  and  procured  from  them 
a  supply  of  provi  nons ;  others  he  attacked  with   open  force,  and  defeat- 


EARLY  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA, 


107 


ing  them  on  every  occasion,  whatever  their  superiority  in  numbers  might 
be,  compelled  them  to  impart  to  him  some  portion  of  their  winter  stores. 
As  the  recompense  of  all  his  toils  and  dangers,  he  saw  abundance  and 
contentment  re-established  in  the  colony,  and  hoped  that  he  should  be 
able  to  maintain  them  in  that  happy  stale,  until  the  arrival  of  ships  from 
England  in  the  spring.  But  in  the  midst  of  his  energetic  measures,  while 
exploring  the  source  of  the  river  Chickahominy,  he  was  surprised  and  at- 
tacked by  a  party  of  Indians.  He.  defended  himself  bravely  until  his 
companions  were  killed,  when  he  took  to  flight ;  but  running  incautiously, 
he  sunk  up  to  his  shoulders  in  a  swamp  and  was  taken  prisoner.  The 
exulting  savages  conducted  him  in  triumph  through  several  towns  to 
Werowocomoco,  where  Powhatan,  their  King,  resided  in  state,  with  a 
strong  guard  of  Indians  around  him.  When  the  prisoner  entered  the 
apartment  of  the  sovereign,  all  the  people  gave  a  shout.  The  queen  of 
Appamatuck  was  appointed  to  bring  him  water  to  wash  his  hands  ;  and 
another  person  brought  a  bunch  of  feathers,  instead  of  a  towel,  to  dry 
them.     Having  feasted  him  in  their  best  manner,  and  exhibited  some  of 


iheir  Indian  dances  before  him,  they  held  a  long  consultation,  at  the  con- 
clusion of  which,  two  great  stones  were  brought  before  Powhatan.  Smith 
had  now  reason  to  consider  his  career  as  drawing  to  a  close  ;  by  the  unit- 
ed efforts  of  the  attendants,  he  was  forcibly  dragged,  his  head  laid  upon 
one  of  the  stones,  and  the  mighty  club  upraised,  a  few  blows  from  which 
were  to  terminate  his  existence.  But  a  very  unexpected  interposition 
now  took  place.  Pocahontas,  the  favorite  daughter  of  Powhatan,  was 
seized  with  emotions  of  tender  pity,  and  ran  up  to  her  father,  pathetically 
jJeading  for  the  life  of  the  stranger.  When  all  entreaties  Avere  lost  on 
that  stern  and  savage  potentate,  she  hastened  to  Smith,  snatched  his  head 
in  her  arms,  and  laid  her  own  on  his,  declaring  that  the  first  blow  must 
fall  upon  her.  The  heart  even  of  a  savage  father  was  at  last  melted, 
and  Powhatan  granted  to  his  favorite  daughter  the  life  of  Smith. 

During  his  captivity  among  the  Indians,  Smith  found  many  opportuni- 
ties of  witnessing  their  peculiar  manners  and  ceremonies,  and  has  described 


108 


EARLY  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA 


them,  in  some  respects,  with  much  minuteness.  Among  other  things,  he 
describes  the  magical  performances  to  which  they  had  recourse,  in  ordejr 
to  ascertain  whether  Smith  intended  them  good  or  evil ;  for  they  were 
still  greatly  in  awe  of  him.  Early  one  morning,  therefore,  a  great  firo 
was  made  in  a  log-house,  and  a  large  mat  spread  on  two  opposite  sides. 
They  made  Smith  sit  doum  upon  one ;  and  his  guard,  still  consisting  of 
some  twenty  or  thirty  stout  Indians,  then  left  the  house. 

Presently  a  large  grim  looking  savage  came  skipping  and  flourishing 
•n,  like  a  wire-dancer.     He  was  all  painted  over  with  coal,  mingled  with  oil 


On  thi.^  creature's  head,  to  complete  his  attractions,  was  a  large  orna- 
mental bunch  of  snake  and  weasel  skins,  stuffed  with  moss,  and  their 
tails  so  tied  together,  as  to  meet  on  the  crown  of  his  head,  like  a  tassel. 
The  skins  hung  down  about  his  face  and  shoulders,  and  a  coronet  of  long 
feathers  s,treamed  round  about  from  his  tassel.  This  character  now  be- 
gan his  invocation.  He  shouted  like  a  fiend,  with  all  possible  gesiurcs, 
postures,  and  grnnaces.  He  carried  a  tremendous  rattle  m  his  hand, 
moreover,  to  complete  the  concert.  This  being  over,  three  more  people 
of  the  same  description,  painted  half  red  and  half  black,  came  rushing  in 
like  the  first,  and  performed  nearly  the  same  kind  of  dance  ;  but  the  eyes 
of  the  last  three  were  painted  white ;  and  some  rough  strokes  of  paint 
were  daubed  along  their  jaws,  as  an  imitation  of  English  mustachios  and 
whiskers.  These  men  having  skipped  and  howled  round  about  Smith  till 
he  was  neavly  stunned  with  their  noise,  retired  into  the  ante-chamber, 
probably  to  refresh  themselves.  But  the  ceremony  was  not  yet  over. 
Three  more  now  leaped  into  the  room,  not  a  whit  less  ugly  than  the  oth- 
ers, with  red  eyes  and  white  mustachios,  painted  upon  faces  as  black  as  a 
kettle.  At  last,  all  the  dancers  seated  themselves  on  the  mat  opposite  to 
Smith— three  on  one  side  of  the  chief  performer,  and  three  on  the  oth- 
er. He  soon  commenced  a  song,  accompanied  with  the  noise  of  rattles. 
The  chief  man  then  laid  down  five  grains  of  wheat,  and  commenced  an 
oration,  straining  his  arms  and  hands  with  such  violence,  that  his  veins 
swelled.     A*   the  conclusion   of  this  performance,  they  all  gave  a  short 


EARLY  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA.  109 

groan,  by  way  of  assent  to  what  was  said,  and  laid  dowr.  three  grains 
more.  Smith  was  then  entertained  with  another  song^  and  oration,  the 
grain  being  laid  down  as  before.  All  this  continued  till  night,  neither 
he  nor  they  having  a  morsel  of  food.  The  Indians  then  feasted  merrily 
upon  all  the  provisions  they  could  muster,  giving  Smith  a  good  share  of 
them.  The  ceremonies  just  described  were  repeated  the  two  following 
days.  Some  maize  meal  which  they  strewed  around  him  in  circles,  rep- 
resented their  country,  they  said  ;  the  wheat,  the  bounds  of  the  sea  ;  and 
something  else  was  used  to  signify  the  country  of  the  whites.  They  gave 
Smith  to  understand,  that  the  earth  was  flat  and  round,  like  a  trencher, 
themselves  being  situated,  they  said,  precisely  in  the  middle.  After  this 
they  showed  him  a  bag  of  English  gunpowder,  Avhich  they  hod  taken 
from  some  of  his  men.  They  said  they  were  going  to  preserve  it  care- 
fully till  the  next  spring,  supposing  it  to  be  some  new  kind  of  grain  which 
would  yield  them  a  harvest. 

After  an  absence  of  seven  weeks.  Smith  arrived  at  the  colony  just  in 
season  to  prevent  its  abandonment ;  and  it  was  with  much  difficulty  thai 
he  could  dissuade  his  companions  from  their  determination  to  return  to 
England..  Pocahontas  continued  to  display  her  partiality  towards  the 
whites,  by  furnishing  the  colony  with  supplies  of  provisions,  till  the  arri- 
val of  a  vessel  from  the  olher  side  of  the  water.  In  the  course  of  the 
year  1608,  Smith  made  an  exploring  voyage  up  the  Potomac.  Here 
three  or  four  thousand  Indians,  having  a  hint  of  his  coming,  lay  in  wait 
to  kill  him.  They  were  frightened  into  peace,  however,  by  a  discharge 
of  Smith's  musketry,  and  even  confessed  that  Powhatan  had  persuaded 
them  to  take  up  arms. 

At  the  mouth  of  the  Rappahannock  river,  Smith  saw  a  fish,  called  the 
stingray,  lying  among  the  reeds  near  the  bank.  He  struck  at  the  fish 
with  his  sword,  and  received  a  severe  wound  in  the  wrist  from  the  thorn 
in  the  tail  of  the  stingray.  The  pain  produced  by  the  wound  was  so 
violent,  that  Smith's  life  was  for  a  time  despaired  of.  But  he  recovered, 
returned  to  Jamestown,  and  was  chosen  President  of  the  colony  the  same 
season.  Smith  made  another  voyage,  of  more  than  three  thousand  miles, 
along  the  coast  and  up  the  rivers,  in  August  and  September  of  this  same 
year.  He  spent  some  time  Avith  the  Susquehannock  Indians,  a  tribe 
which  knew  nothing  of  Powhatan  but  his  name.  They  had  iron  hatchets 
and  other  tools,  which  they  had  obtained  from  the  French  in  Canada. 
These  Indians  are  represented  as  giants  in  stature,  the  leg  of  one  of  them 
being  three  quarters  of  a  yard  round ;  but  there  was  probably  some  mis- 
take about  this. 

In  1609,  Smith  Avent  to  see  the  Indians  again,  and  Powhatan  endea- 
vored to  get  possession  of  his  person  ;  but  his  life  was  saved  by  Pocahon- 
tas, who  came  through  the  woods  in  the  night,  to  his  camp,  and  warned 
him  of  his  danger.  After  this,  Smith  visited  Opechancanough,  the 
Indian  King,  at  Pamunkey.  They  had  agreed  upon  a  place  where  they 
might  meet  to  trade  ;  but  when  Smith  came  there,  he  was  beset  by  seven 
hundred  savages.  He  boldly  seized  Opechancanough  by  the  hair,  and 
led  him,  trembling,  into  the  midst  of  his  people.  The  latter  laid  down 
their  arms,  and  ransomed  their  prisoner  by  a  large   present  of  corn  to 


no 


EARLY    HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 


Smith.  He  left  them  the  next  day.  At  another  time,  as  Smith  was 
straying  alone  in  the  woods,  he  was  attacked  by  the  King  Paspahey,  a 
giant  savage.  After  a  violent  struggle,  Smith  succeeded  in  getting  him 
to  the  ground,  bound  him,  and  carried  him  on  his  shoulders  to  Jamestov^m. 


Soon  after  this  occurrence.  Smith  received  a  dangerous  wound  from 
an  accidental  explosion  of  some  gunpowder,  and  was  compelled  to  return 
to  England  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  medical  assistance.  "  It  was  natu- 
ral," observes  the  historian,  Grahame, "  that  he  should  abandon  with  regret 
the  society  he  had  so  often  preserved,  the  settlement  he  had  conducted 
through  difficulties  as  formidable  as  the  infancy  of  Carthage  or  Rome  had  to 
encounter,  and  the  scenes  he  had  dignified  by  so  much  wisdom  and  virtue. 
But  our  sympathy  with  his  regret  is  abated  by  the  reflection,  that  a  longer 
residence  in  the  colony  would  speedily  have  consigned  him  to  a  very  subor- 
dinate office,  and  might  have  deprived  the  world  of  that  stock  of  valuable 
knowledge,  and  his  own  character  of  that  accession  of  fame,  which  the 
publication  of  his  travels  has  been  the  means  of  perpetuating."  Unfor- 
tunately, Smith  never  returned  to  Virginia,  and  his  loss,  as  might  have 
been  anticipated,  was  a  most  lamentable  circumstance  for  the  colony.  At 
the  end  of  six  months  from  the  time  of  his  departure,  sixty  only  of  five 
hundred  colonists  remained  alive.  They  were  soon  after  so  disheartened 
that  they  embarked  on  board  their  vessels,  with  all  their  stores,  and 
actually  dropped  down  the  James  river  as  far  as  Mulberry  island,  with  the 
intention  of  leaving  the  country  forever.  But,  as  they  lay  anchored  at 
the  island,  a  boat  suddenly  came  in  sight,  which  brought  the  news  that 
Lord  de  la  War  was  close  at  hand  with  an  English  fleet,  and  a  supply 
of  stores.     With  this  fleet  the  colonists  returned  to  Jamestown. 

Pocahontas  afterwards  married  an  Englishman,  and  went  with  her 
husband  to  his  native  country,  where  she  was  for  several  years  an  object 
of  groat  curiosity  and  attention.  She  died  at  Gravesend,  in  1616.  The 
old  King,  Powhatan,  died  at  a  later  period,  at  the  age  of  nearly  one  hun- 
dred years. 

In  the  year  1622,  about  sixteen  months  after  the  landing  of  the  pil- 


EARLY   HISTORY   OF   AMERiCA.  Ill 

grimsat  Plymouth,  Jamestown,  and  the  smaller  English  settlements  in  Vir- 
ginia, were  simultaneously  threatened  with  a  general  massacre.  This  was 
on  the  22d  of  March,  the  tribes  round  about  having  all  b(;en  drawn  together 
by  Opechancanough,  the  brother  of  Powhatan.  They  had  assembled 
from  various  parts  of  the  country,  marching  secretly  through  the  woods 
by  night.  The  English  were  in  perfect  security,  meanwhile,  supposing 
the  Indians  to  be  friendly  as  e^er.  Opechancanough  was  so  artful  as  to 
send  presents  of  venison  and  wild  fowl  to  the  English  on  the  morning  of 
the  fatal  day.  "  Sooner  shall  the  sky  fall,"  said  this  deceitful  old  sachem, 
"than  the  peace  shall  be  violated  on  my  part." 

But  the  terrible  hour  soon  came.  At  mid-day  the  savages  rushed  out 
in  immense  numbers  from  the  woods,  all  around  the  villages  and  houses 
of  the  whites,  falling  upon  man,  woman,  and  child,  without  mercy,  mang- 
ling even  the  dead  bodies  of  the  murdered  English,  with  the  most  fero- 
cious cruelty.  In  one  hour,  three  hundred  and  forty-seven  of  the  English 
were  killed.  So  sudden  was  the  attack,  that  the  people  hardly  knew 
who  were  their  enemies,  or  where  they  had  come  from.  It  was  mere 
chance  that  saved  the  colony  from  entire  ruin.  A  Christian  Indian, 
named  Chanco,  lived  with  one  Richard  Pace,  and  was  kindly  treated  by 
him  and  his  family.  The  night  before  the  massacre,  a  broth(>r  of  Chanco 
came  and  slept  with  him,  told  him  the  whole  Indian  plot,  and  directed 
him  to  undertake  the  murder  of  his  master  the  next  day.  J'oor  Chanco 
was  shocked,  and  the  moment  his  brother  had  gone,  disclosed  the  scheme 
to  his  master.  Notice  was  immediately  given  in  all  directions  among  the 
English  ;  and  thus  Jamestown  and  some  other  places  were  saved.  The 
Indians  were  severely  punished  for  this  massacre  within  a  few  years,  and 
never  after  gave  the  colony  much  trouble. 

After  the  massacre  just  related,  nothing  of  great  interest  occurred  in 
Virginia  till  the  period  of  the  revolutionary  struggle.  The  settlements 
increased,  village  after  village  sprung  up  in  the  wilderness,  and  the  colony 
became  rich  and  powerful ;  the  Indians  gradually  retired  to  the  interior, 
as  the  white  people  encroached  upon  their  hunting  grounds,  and,  after 
many  years,  there  were  only  a  few  scattered  remnants  of  the  mighty 
tribes  who  once  threatened  to  drive  the  English  emigrants  away  from 
the  country. 


NORTH  AND  SOUTH  CAROLINA. 

The  final  and  efTectual  settlement  of  Carolina  originated  with  the  Earl 
Df  Clarendon,  and  other  courtiers  of  Charles  II.  On  their  application 
for  a  charter,  he  granted  them  all  the  lands  lying  between  the  thirty-first 
and  thirty-sixth  degrees  of  north  latitude,  to  hold  in  absolute  proprietor- 
ship, only  reserving  the  sovereign  dominion  to  the  crown  The  first 
grant  was  made  in  1663.  A  second  and  more  definite  chartt  .was  given 
to  them  in  1665,  at  which  date  there  were  two  settlements  wi.hin  what  is 
now  North  Carolina.     The  principal  one  was  located  a  little  north  of  Albe- 


112  EARLY  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA 

marie  sound.  The  other  was  a  small  colony,  which  had  removed  from  Mas- 
sachusetts in  1660,  and  settled  on  what  is  now  called  Oldtown  creek,  near  the 
south  side  of  Clarendon  river.  They  deserted  their  habitations  in  less  than 
two  years,  and  returned  home,  leaving  many  hogs  and  neat  cattle  in  the 
hands  of  the  Indians.  The  latter  had  quarrelled  with  them,  and  killed  and 
stolen  their  cattle,  for  having  sent  off  a  few  of  their  Indian  children,  to  be 
educated  in  Massachusetts,  as  the  colonists  said,  but  as  the  Indians  sus- 
pected, for  the  purpose  of  making  them  slaves.  The  loss  of  this  colony 
was  soon  supplied  by  another  of  English  planters  from  the  island  of 
Barbadoes.  These  planters,  wishing  to  settle  on  the  American  continent, 
employed  one  Captain  Hitten  to  explore  the  coast,  in  a  small  vessel,  with 
a  crew  of  fifteen  or  twenty  men.  He  was  ordered  to  be  particular  in 
examining  the  lands  which  the  Massachusetts  people  had  just  left. 
In  September,  1663,  he  landed  within  Cape  Fear,  and  proceeded  up 
Clarendon  river  with  his  boat,  till  his  progress  was  stopped  by  floating 
logs.  Soon  after  this,  he  purchased  from  the  Indians  a  large  tract  of 
land,  for  which  he  paid  them  in  kettles  and  beads. 

Proprietary  governments  have  seldom  been  known  to  flourish.  Seve- 
ral colonies  were  established  in  different  parts  of  the  country,  and  various 
regulations  were  made  for  their  management ;  and  it  is  worthy  of  remark, 
that  a  Constitution  of  an  aristocratic  character,  framed  by  the  celebrated 
John  Locke,  was  found  to  be  entirely  impracticable.  In  1680,  Charleston 
was  founded,  and  emigration  to  Carolina  from  different  parts  of  Europe 
became  frequent ;  but  by  the  neglect  and  incapacity  of  the  Governors, 
the  affairs  of  thei  colony  were  often  involved  in  confusion. 

The  colonists  of  Carolina  suffered  but  little  from  the  Indians,  till  about 
the  year  1703.  At  that  time  Governor  Daniel  stipulated  by  the  treaty 
with  the  Indian  chiefs,  that  no  rum  should  be  sold  to  an  Indian  by  any 
trader.  The  young  Indians,  however,  complained  of  this,  as  a  restraint 
upon  their  natural  liberty.  Some  time  afterwards,  they  demanded  and 
obtained  the  usual  supply  of  rum,  unawed  by  the  great  havoc  which 
strong  drink  had  occasioned  among  the  tribes. 

The  Chowanoke  Indians,  who  could  bring  three  thousand  bo\vmen  into 
the  field  in  Smith's  time,  were  now  reduced  to  fifteen  men,  and  lived  in 
a  single  miserable  village  on  Bennett's  creek.  The  Mangoacks  had 
equally  diminished  in  strength,  and  the  powerful  Muatocks  had  wholly 
disappeared.  Fifteen  hundred  volunteers,  living  on  the  north  side  of 
Albemarle  sound,  had  assembled  at  Dasamonquipo,  in  1585,  for  the  mas- 
sacre of  the  English  colony  on  Roanoke  island  ;  but  all  the  tribes  to 
which  these  Indians  belonged,  were  now  reduced  to  forty-six  fighting 
men. 

In  fact,  the  Tuscaroras,  who  lived  on  the  Neuse  river,  were  now  the 
only  powerful  tribe  in  North  Carolina  ;  they  could  muster  one  thousand 
two  hundred  fighting  men  ;  the  Waccon  Indians  one  hundred  and  twenty  ; 
and  about  a  dozen  other  tribes  together  might  muster  half  as  many  more. 
These  Indians  had  observed,  with  natural  indignation,  the  encroach- 
ments of  the  whites  upon  the  reserved  squares  of  the  various  tribes. 
Their  temper  was  soured,  too,  by  the  frequent  impositions  of  fraudulent 
traders. 


EARLY   HISTORY   OF    AMERICA. 


113 


The  first  ^\hite  man  who  fell  a  sacrifice  to  their  jealousj^',  was  one  John 
Lawson,  well  known  among  them  as  Surveyor-General  of  the  province 
of  North  Carolina.  He  had  marked  off  some  of  their  lands,  and  among 
the  rest,  a  tract  of  five  thousand  acres,  and  another  of  ten  thousand,  had 
been  lately  surveyed  for  GrafTenried.  Soon  after  this,  Lawson  and  Graf- 
fenried,  together,  undertook  to  explore  the  waters  of  the  Neuse.  They 
took  a  small  boat  at  Newborn,  and  ascended  the  river.  In  the  evening 
of  the  first  day,  they  stopped  at  Coram,  an  Indian  village,  where  they  in- 
tended to  lodge.  Here  they  met  two  Tuskaroras,  though  Lawson  had 
assured  Grafl'enried,  that  the  banks  were  uninhabited.  These  two  were 
soon  after  joined  by  a  great  number  more,  well  armed.  The  Baron  now 
grew  uneasy.  He  whispered  to  Lawson,  that  they  had  better  proceed  up 
the  river.  Lawson  assented,  not  liking  the  looks  of  the  Indians  himself; 
and  they  began  to  move  off  from  the  fire  they  had  made,  towards  the 
river.  They  had  no  sooner  reached  their  boats,  however,  than  such  a 
press  of  the  savages  followed  close  after  them,  that  it  became  impossible 
lo  keep  them  off.     They  took  the  arms  and  provisions  of  the  two  travel 


ers,  and  then  stripped  them  of  every  thing  else.  The  Indians  afterwards 
compelled  them  to  accompany  them  to  an  Indian  village,  at  a  considerable 
distance  from  the  river.  There  the  two  captives  were  delivered  to  the 
sachem  of  the  village,  who  immediately  called  a  council,  at  which  one  of 
the  Indians  delivered  a  long  and  violent  speech.  The  question  was  then 
put,  whether  the  whites  should  be  bound :  this  was  decided  in  the  nega- 
tive. The  reason  given  was,  that  the  guilty  should  always  have  an 
opportunity  to  defend  and  explain  their  conduct. 

The  next  morning,  the  captives,  anxious  as  to  their  fate,  desired  to 
know  what  the  Indians  intended  to  do  with  them.  They  were  told,  that 
the  sachem  would  that  evening  invite  a  number  of  neighboring  sachems 
to  an  entertainment,  who  would  also  assist  in  the  trial,  and  the  decision 
of  the  prisoners'  fate.  In  the  evening,  accordingly,  upwards  of  two  hun- 
dred Indians  collected,  forty  of  whom  were  chiefs  or  leading  men.  By 
these  forty,  the  prisoners  were  interrogated  very  closely,  as  to  their 
P 


114  EARLY   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

intention  in  ascending  tlie  river.  The  latter  replied,  that  they  were 
endeavoring  to  find  and  lay  out  some  shorter  and  better  road  to  Virginia 
than  the  present  one  travelled  by  the  Carolina  settlers.  Such  a  road,  they 
said,  would  accommodate  the  Indians  as  much  as  the  English. 

The  sachems  were  still  dissatisfied.  They  complained  much  of  the 
conduct  of  the  Carolina  colonies  towards  them,  and  charged  Lawson,  in 
particular,  with  having  stolen  their  land.  The  result  of  this  unfortunate 
affair  was  the  execution  of  Lawson,  and  the  detention  of  Graffenried. 

Fears  of  punishment  for  this  outrage  led  to  still  further  cruelties  on 
the  part  of  the  Indians.  A  plan  of  general  massacre  was  laid,  and  car- 
ried into  too  successful  execution.  About  Roanoke,  one  hundred  and 
thirty-seven  of  the  whites  were  slain  in  a  single  evening.  The  Indian 
force  amounted  to  twelve  hundred  bowmen,  dispersed  in  small  bands 
through  the  settlements.  North  Carolina  did  not  contain  two  thousand 
fighting  men  in  all,  at  this  time.  An  express,  therefore,  had  been  imme- 
diately dispatched  to  the  southern  province  for  assistance. 

Governor  Craven  lost  no  time  in  sending  a  force,  as  requested.  The 
Charleston  Assembly  voted  four  thousand  pounds  for  the  service  of  the 
war ;  and  a  body  of  militia,  under  Colonel  Barnwell,  marched  against 
the  savages.  Directly  after,  were  sent  two  hundred  and  eighteen  friendly 
Cherokee  Indians,  seventy-nine  Creeks,  forty-one  Catabaws,  and  twenty- 
eight  Yamassees,  well  furnished  with  arms,  and  commanded  by  five 
Carolinian  captains.  In  this  expedition,  nearly  one  thousand  of  the  enemy 
were  slain  But  the  savages  still  continued  to  cause  great  alarm,  and 
the  settlers  on  the  Neuse  and  Pamlico  rivers  were  almost  ruined  by  their 
incursions. 

In  1719,  South  Carolina  ceased  to  be  governed  by  the  Proprietors,  and 
became  a  royal  province,  subject,  like  Massachusetts  and  most  of  the 
other  colonies,  only  to  the  King,  through  the  Governor  by  him  appointed. 
Carolina  was  divided  into  Northern  and  Southern  about  the  same  time. 
This  revolution  Avas  effected  by  the  people,  taking  their  own  cause  into 
their  own  hands.  They  were  dissatisfied  with  the  Proprietors,  and  abjur- 
ed their  authority.  The  King  afterwards  sanctioned  their  doings,  and 
declared  the  rights  of  the  Proprietors  forfeited.  In  X715,  South  Carolina 
was  devastated  by  an  Indian  war.  Even  in  the  large  and  fortified  town  of 
Charleston,  they  excited  great  apprehensions.  Martial  law  was  proclaimed 
there  by  the  Governor,  and  all  vessels  were  forbidden  to  leave  the  harbor. 
Agents  were  dispatched  to  Virginia  and  to  England  for  assistance,  and 
hills  stamped  for  the  payment  of  the  troops,  within  a  few  days.  Governor 
Craven  marched  out  into  the  back  country,  at  the  head  of  the  militia, 
against  the  largest  body  of  savages. 

Meanwhile,  the  more  northern  Indians  had  advanced  to  within  fifty 
miles  from  Charleston.  Thomas  Barker,  a  militia  captain,  collected  ninety 
horsemen,  and  advanced  against  the  enemy.  But  he  was  led,  unfortu- 
nately, by  the  treachery  of  an  Indian  guide,  into  an  ambuscade,  wheje  a 
large  party  of  savages  lay  concealed  on  the  ground.  He  advanced  into 
the  midst  of  them  without  suspecting  his  danger.  They  then  suddenly 
sprang  up  from  the  bushes  all  around  him,  raised  the  war  whocp,  and 


EARLY   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


115 


fired  upon  his  men.     The  captain  and  several  more  of  the  whites  fell  at 
the  first  onset,  and  the  remainder  retreated  in  disorder.     In  this  war  four 


hundred  Carolinians  were  massacred,  and  the  loss  of  the  Indians  was 
rery  considerable. 

Georgia — as  well  as  what  are  now  Mississippi  and  Alabama,  both 
which  have  been  cut  off  from  it  into  separate  States — was  included  in  the 
patent  granted  to  the  Proprietors  of  Carolina.  It  was  not  till  June  9, 
1732,  indeed,  that  a  separate  charter  was  granted  by  King  George  II.  to 
a  company  of  twenty-one  English  gentleman,  entitled  "  Trustees  for 
establishing  the  colony  of  Georgia  in  America." 

James  Edward  Oglethorpe,  one  of  the  trustees,  was  among  the  emi- 
grants. So  also  was  Mr.  Herbert,  an  Episcopal  English  clergyman,  and 
an  Italian,  engaged  by  the  trustees  to  instruct  the  colonists  in  the  art  of 


A'mding  silk.     They  left  England,  November  16,  1732,  in  the  ship  Anne, 
Captain  Thomas,  and  arrived  at  Charleston,  January  13th  of  the  nert 


116  EARLY   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

year.  There  Oglethorpe  and  his  colony  were  very  kindly  treated,  and 
furnished  with  all  possible  aid.  Many  of  the  Carolinians  sent  them 
provisions,  and  hogs,  and  cattle,  to  begin  their  stock.  The  Assembly 
voted  to  furnish  them  one  hundred  and  four  head  of  breeding  cattle, 
twenty-five  hogs,  and  twenty  barrels  of  rice.  Some  scout  boats  were 
also  ordered,  with  a  body  of  rangers,  to  protect  the  new  adventurers  from 
the  savages  in  Georgia,  while  they  should  be  preparing  houses,  or  explor- 
ing the  Georgian  coast. 

Oglethorpe  now  set  sail  again  from  Charleston,  and  landed,  in  a  few 
days,  near  Yamacraw  bluff.  Here  he  tarried  to  examine  the  country ; 
and,  being  pleased  with  the  high  spot  of  ground  just  named,  situated  on 
a  large  navigable  river,  he  fixed  on  it  for  his  new  settlement.  He  marked 
out  a  town  on  the  hill,  and,  from  the  Indian  name  of  the  river  which 
ran  past  it,  called  it  Savannah. 

The  company  for  the  settlement  of  Georgia  was  incorporated  by  George 
II.  for  exporting  to  this  part  of  America,  free  of  expense,  families  laboring 
under  the  hardships  of  poverty.  The  design  was  laudable,  but  the  exe- 
cution of  the  project  was  not  well  managed.  Impolitic  restrictions  laid 
upon  the  colonists,  produced  a  languor  from  which  their  affairs  never 
recovered  while  they  continued  to  be  proprietary.  In  1752,  the  charter 
was  surrendered  to  the  King,  and  the  government  modelled  according  to 
that  of  the  other  colonies.^* 


*  Virginia,  and  North  and  South  Carolina,  engaged  at  an  early  period  in  the  war 
of  the  Revolution  ;  Georgia  did  not  join  the  confederation  till  the  year  1775.  _ 

Virginia  was  originally  much  more  extensive  than  it  is  at  present.  It  included 
what  now  constitutes  the  State  of  Ker.tucky ;  this  became  a  separate  district  in  1786, 
and  in  1792  was  admitted  as  one  of  the  United  States. 

Tennessee  was  a  part  of  the  two  Carolinas  until  1729  ;  these  colonies  then  being 
divided  into  North  and  South  Carolina,  Tennessee  was  attached  to  the  former ;  in 
1789,  i;  was  ceded  to  the  United  States,  and  in  1796  became  an  independent  State 


117 


SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  NORTHERN  STATES. 


Qqeen  Mary  the  Catholic  ascended  the  throne  of  England  in  1553, 
and  in  less  than  six  years,  two  hundred  and  seventy  persons  were 
burned,  and  more  than  twelve  thousand  Protestant  or  Puritan  clergy- 
men were  driven  from  their  pulpits.  The  persecuted  religion,  however, 
still  found  thousands  to  profess  it;  for  there  never  was  a  creed  or  faith 
which  has  not  flourished  from  being  trampled  on.  A  congregation  of 
two  hundred  persons  were  in  the  habit  of  holding  their  meetings  in  the 
very  heart  of  London.  These  assemblies  were  held  in  secret,  and 
under  the  cover  of  night.  No  secresy,  however,  could  elude  the  vigi- 
lance of  the  Catholics,  and  the  meeting  was  discovered.  The  house  in 
which  it  was  held,  overhung  the  Thames,  and  it  was  watched  only  on 
the  land  side.  This  circumstance  saved  the  congregation.  A  seaman 
belonfifing  to  it  discovered  the  danger,  leaped  into  the  river,  and  procured 


a  boat,  in  which  the  Puritans  Avere  in  a  few  hours  conveyed  to  a  place 
of  safety. 

When  the  spirited  and  absolute  Elizabeth  succeeded  to  the  crown,  she 
persecuted  vast  numbers  for  refusing  to  conform  to  the  ceremonies  of  the 
English  church.  In  1602,  a  large  company  of  those  who  refused  to 
obey  these  rites,  determined  to  leave  England,  for  the  Netherlands. 
They  assembled,  for  this  purpose,  at  a  place  near  Boston,  the  capital  of 
Lincolnshire,  and  a  seaport.  Their  intended  enterprize  was  discovered, 
and  prevented  by  the  interposition  of  public  authority.     In  the  following 


118 


EARLY    HISTORY    OF    AMERICA- 


year,  a  number  of  them  resolved  upon  a  second  trial,  and  agreed  with  a 
Dutcli  captain  to  carry  them  to  Holland.  After  various  accidents,  they 
reached  the  place  of  their  destination,  and  after  remaining  a  year  at  Am- 
sterdam, they  removed  to  Leyden.  Here  they  remained  twelve  years, 
when  they  procured  a  patent  for  land  of  the  Virginia  company  in 
England,  and  on  the  5th  of  August,  1620,  set  sad  for  the  New  World. 
They  intended  to  settle  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  Hudson,  but  as  was 
supposed,  through  the  connivance  of  the  captain,  they  were  carried  much 
further  north,  and  on  the  11th  of  November,  anchored  in  the  harbor  of 
Cape  Cod.  The  very  day  they  landed,  an  armed  party  was  sent  to 
make  discoveries.  They  returned  at  night,  having  found  niOthing  but 
water,  woods,  and  sand  hills.  The  next  day  was  the  Sabbath,  and  they 
all  rested.  On  Monday,  the  men  went  on  shore  to  refresh  themselves ; 
the  women  to  wash,  attended  by  a  guard ;  and  the  carpenter  began  to 
repair  the  shallop  for  the  purpose  of  coasting.  On  Wednesday,  Captain 
Miles  Standish  took  a  party  of  sixteen  men,  well  armed,  and  went  to 
make  further  discoveries.  About  a  mile  from  the  sea,  they  saw  five  In- 
dians who  fled.  They  pursued  them  ten  miles ;  but,  night  coming  on, 
they  stationed  sentinels,  kindled  a  fire,  and  rested  quietly  around  it. 

On  Wednesday,  the  6th  of  December,  the  pilgrims  sent  out  a  fourth 
expedition.  The  ground  was  now  covered  with  snow ;  and  the  cold 
wind  fro'ze  the  salt  water  on  the  clothes  of  the  men,  like  coats  of  maiL 
Having  landed,  they  made  a  fire,  and  slept  in  the  woods  the  first  night. 
The  next  day,  they  discovered  an  Indian  burying-yard,  surrounded  by 
palisadoes.  Slany  of  the  graves  were  staked  around  with  a  circle  of 
wood.  At  five  in  the  morning  of  the  next  day,  there  was  a  cry  of  "In- 
dians! Indians !"  by  the  guard  they  had  set,  and  a  shower  of  arrows  fell 


in  among  them,  followed  by  horrible  yells.  But  the  noise  of  the  Eng- 
lish guns  was  still  more  terrible  to  the  savages.  They  thought  the  re- 
port a  sort  of  thunder  and  lightning,  and  fled  in   great  fear.     Their  ar- 


EARLY    HISTORY    OF     AMERICA.  119 

rows  were  kept,  by  the  white  men,  as  curiosities.     They  were  pointed 
with  (leers'  horn  and  eagles'  claws. 

On  the  22cl  of  December,  the  whole  party  of  the  pilgrims  landed  at 
the  place  afterwards  called  Plymouth,  and  having  determined  to  nlant  a 
settlement  there,  began  to  cut  timber  for  building.  The  rock  on  which 
they  first  stepped  in  landing,  still  exists,  and  strangers  from  all  quarters 
visit  it,  as  they  pass  through  the  town.  When  they  left  England,  the 
whole  number  of  the  emigrants  was  one  hundred  and  one.  When  the 
spring  came,  forty-six  were  dead.  All  these  had  died  from  the  various 
hardships  to  which  they  had  been  exposed.  But  by  the  3d  of  March, 
those  who  remained  rejoiced  to  find  that  the  winter  was  past.  There  were 
now  warm  showers iihe  spring  having  set  in  earlier  than  usual.  The 
settlers  had  laid  .mt  the  town  into  streets  and  lots,  and  erected  buildings 
of  considerable  size.  They  deposited  their  provisions  and  am.munition 
in  a  storehouse,  with  a  thatched  roof.  Though  this  was  constantly 
guarded,  the  roof  took  fire  during  the  winter ;  but  the  lower  part  of  the 
building,  with  its  contents,  was  saved.  They  could  scarcely  have  pre- 
served life,  had  their  stores  been  consumed. 

The  English  soon  formed  an  acquaintance  with  Massassoit,  a  power- 
ful Indian  chieftain,  and  entered  into  a  treaty  of  peace,  which  was  pre- 
served by  him  and  his  successors  for  fifty  years.  Through  his  influence, 
nine  of  the  petty  sachems,  or  Indian  chiefs,  in  his  neighborhood,  who 
had  been  jealous  of  the  English,  came  to  Plymouth,  and  subscribed  a 
treaty  of  submission  to  the  King  of  England.  Others,  from  the  island 
Capawoc,  since  called  IMartha's  Vineyard,  sent  messengers  for  the  same 
purpose. 

In  September,  1621,  a  shallop,  with  ten  men,  was  sent  to  explore 
Massachusetts  Bay,  in  which  they  found  numerous  fertile  and  beautiful 


jsiands,  mostly  cleared  of  v/ood.     The  Indians  seemed  to  lead  a  verv 
happy  life  here,  and  it  was  a  subject  of  regret  to  the  settlers,  at  Plymouth. 


120  EARLY    HISTORY    OF    AMERICA. 

that  this  vicinity  had  not  been  selected  for  the  site  of  the  new  col- 
ony. 

In  November,  1621,  a  ship,  with  thirty-five  passengers,  arrived  from 
England.  Unfortunately  she  was  out  of  provisions,  and  the  colonists 
were  obliged  to  victual  her  home.  They  were  without  bread  in  conse- 
cuence,  for  two  months  of  the  winter. 

The  summer  of  1622  being  dry,  the  harvest  was  scanty,  and  the  colo- 
nists were  compelled  to  procure  a  supply  from  the  Indians.  Governor 
Bradford  travelled  among  the  tribes  for  this  purpose,  and  obtained  twen- 
ty-eight hogsheads  of  corn,  which  he  paid  for  in  knives,  blankets,  beads, 


and  other  things  of  that  kind.  Squanto,  a  friendly  Indian,  who  guided 
him  upon  this  route,  fell  sick  and  died.  He  asked  the  Governor,  on  his 
death-bed,  to  pray  for  him,  "that  he  might  go  to  the  Englishman's  hea- 
ven." This  Indian  was  of  great  service  to  the  colony,  but  was  a  fellow 
of  great  cunning  and  deceit.  He  sometimes  sent  word  to  a  tribe,  secret- 
ly, that  the  English  Avere  coming  to  kill  them,  assuring  them,  at  the  same 
time,  that  he  could  obtain  peace  for  them,  and  he  only.  The  tribe  would 
send  him  presents,  accordingly,  to  procure  peace,  when,  in  fact,  no  war 
had  been  thought  of.  They  considered  him  a  very  great  man,  supposing 
that  he  prevented  the  war.  He  now  and  then  frightened  them  by  telling 
rather  large  stories  about  the  English  gunpowder.  He  told  them,  also, 
that  the  colonists  kept  the  plague  barrelled  up  in  a  cellar  under  the 
Plymouth  meeting-house,  ready  to  send  among  the  Indian  tribes,  when- 
ever they  wished  to  destroy  them.  It  is  probable  that  these  dishonest 
accounts  had  some  effect  in  keeping  the  Indians  peaceable. 

The  aborigines  of  this  part  of  the  continent  lived  together  in  tribes  of 
a  few  hundreds,  and  sometimes  a  few  thousands,  procuring  their  subsist 
ence  chiefly  by  hunting  and  fishing.  Flesh  and  fish  they  roasted  on  a  stick 
or  broiled  on  the  fire.  Sometimes  they  boiled  their  meat  and  corn  by  put 
ting  hot  stones  into  water ;  but  the  latter  was  usually  parched.     Thcv 


EARLY    HISTORY    OF    AMERICA, 


121 


also  raised  peas,  beans,  and  pumpkins.  There  was  generally  a  sort  of 
rude  garden  near  each  wigwam,  with  a  small  cornfield.  The  women 
cultivated  the  land ;  they  used  large  oyster  and  other  shells  for  hoes,  till 
the  whites  supplied  them  with   iron  ones.      They  performed  all  the 


drudgery  about  the  house.  The  men  were  usually  abroad,  engaged  in 
hunting,  fishing,  or  fighting ;  when  at  home,  they  lounged  lazily  about 
the  wigwams.  In  fishing,  they  used  crooked  bones  for  hooks,  and  made 
nets  of  the  bark  of  the  Indian  hemp,  or  of  the  sinews  of  the  moose  and 
deer.  Those  who  lived  along  the  coast  were  skilful  fishermen,  and 
caught  great  numbers  of  seal. 

It  does  not  come  within  our  plan  to  give  any  detailed  narrative  of  the 
events  of  the  Indian  wars.  The  most  formidable  of  these  was  that 
known  as  King  Philip's  War.  The  capture  of  Fort  Mystic  from  the 
Pequots  at  the  mouth  of  Mystic  river,  near  the  present  site  of  Stonington, 
was  an  achievement  of  some  note  on  the  part  of  the  settlers.  Ninety 
men  were  mustered  for  this  purpose  in  Connecticut,  and  placed  under  the 
command  of  Captain  Mason  of  Massachusetts;  these  were  joined  by  a 
large  party  of  friendly  Indians,  and  the  whole  body  entered  the  Pequot 
territory,  and  commenced  their  march  towards  the  fort. 

The  number  of  the  Indian  allies  was  near  five  hundred.  They  march- 
ed in  one  body  before  the  English  force,  and  were  constantly  boasting 
how  gallantly  they  should  fight.  But  when  Captain  Mason  informed 
them  he  was  resolved  to  attack  the  Pequots  in  their  fort,  they  were  hor- 
ror-struck, and  quite  a  number  of  the  Narragansetts  took  the  liberty  to 
return  home.  Mason,  however,  marched  on  through  the  wilderness,  till 
he  came  to  a  small  swamp  between  two  hills,  just  at  dusk.  The  camp 
was  pitched,  that  night,  near  two  large  rocks  in  Groton,  since  called  Por- 
ter's rocks.  The  soldiers  were  tired,  and  slept  soundly  on  the  ground, 
with  stones  for  their  pillows.  Guards  were  kept  watching  in  advance, 
who  could  hear  the  Pequots  at  the  fcrt,  yelling  and  singing,  and  making 

Q 


122  EARLY    HISTORY    OF    AMERICA. 

merry,  till  midnight.  They  were  rejoicing  because  the  Englif^h  vessels 
had  passed  down  the  river  some  days  before,  and  they  supposed  they 
had  gone  away. 

About  two  hours  before  day,  the  Captain  roused  his  Indians,  and  the 
eighty  brave  white  men,  who  were  with  him,  and  marched  on  a  mile  or 
two,  to  the  foot  of  a  large  hill.  The  moon  shone  brightly,  and  he  per- 
ceived, as  he  halted  here,  that  his  Indians,  who  had  been  in  the  habit 
of  marching  a  long  way  in  front,  were  now  lingering  far  in  the  rear. 
He  sent  a  messenger  back  to  Uncas,  to  ask  where  the  fort  was.  He 
answered,  on  the  top  of  the  hill.  He  was  asked  what  was  the  matter 
with  the  Indians  ?  and  he  replied,  that  they  were  horribly  frightened. 
"  Sassacus,"  they  said,  "  was  in  the  fort ;  and  he  was  all  one  devil ; 
nobody  could  kill  him."  Mason  now  told  the  Indians  to  surround  the 
fort  as  far  off  as  they  pleased,  and  look  at  the  English,  during  the  battle. 
They  agreed  to  this  arrangement,  and  posted  themselves  in  a  circle 
around  the  fort,  at  about  twenty  rods  distar;:Ce. 

The  day  was  now  dawning,  and  the  fort  was  still  perfectly  silent. 
The  English  had  come  within  a  rod  or  two  of  it,  when  an  Indian  dog 
barked,  and  a  Pequot  roared  out,    "  Owannux !    Owannux  !"   "  The  En- 


glish." The  English  pressed  on,  fired  upon  the  Indians  through  the 
palisadoes,  as  they  sprang  up  from  sleep,  and  then  entered  the  principal 
door  of  the  fort,  sword  in  hand.  The  flashing  and  roar  of  arms,  the 
shrieks  and  yells  of  the  men,  women,  and  children  within,  and  the 
shouting  of  the  circle  of  Narragansetts  without,  were  tremendous.  The 
Pequots  fought  well ;  but  they  were  driven,  at  last,  to  shelter  themselves 
in  their  wigwams,  inclosed  within  the  walls  of  the  fort,  where,  from 
every  window  and  door,  they  made  a  most  obstinate  defence.  Captain 
Mason  now  cried  out,  "  We  must  burn  them  !"  He  entered  a  wigwam, 
and  fired  the  mats  of  the  roof  with  a  brand.  The  flames  ran  from  roof 
to  roof,  till  every  wigwam  was  blazing.  The  English  now  left  the  fort, 
and   compassed   it   about   on    all  sides ;     their  Indiaii  allit's  plucking 


EARLY    HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  123 

up  courage,  and  forming  a  line  behind  them.  These  did  little  exec'i- 
tion,  to  be  sure,  except  to  frighten  the  Pequots  with  the  r  horrible  war- 
wlioop. 

The  enemy  were  panic-struck.  The  flames  forced  them  from  their 
hiding-places  into  the  open  light;  and  the  English,  from  without,  shot 
them  down  like  a  herd  of  deer.  Some  climbed  the  palisadoes,  but  there 
they  were  pierced  by  the  English  bullets.  Some  sallied  out  in  despera- 
tion, aud  were  cut  down ;  others  waited  for  the  English  in  their  burning 
wigwams.  When  they  found  that  the  women  were  spared,  many  of 
them  cried  out,  "  I  squaw,  I  squaw ;"  but  it  could  not  save  them.  Six 
ir  seven  hundred  of  them  were  slaughtered. 


Several  adventurers  from  England  settled  in  the  countries  of  Maine 
and  New-Hampshire  ;  these  remained,  for  some  time,  separate  govern- 
ments, but  were  afterwards  united  to  that  of  Massachusetts.  By  Wil- 
liam III.  Plymouth  and  Maine  were  annexed  to  Massachusetts  ;  but 
New-Hampshire  was  made  a  distinct  government  dependent  on  the 
crown. 

The  dangers  to  which  the  Colonies  of  New-England  were  subjected 
by  attacks  from  the  Indians,  and  the  difficulties  attending  an  effectual  co- 
operation while  in  a  separate  state,  became  early  visible  ;  and  a  confe- 
deration had  been  projected  prior  to  163S.  This  important  confederation, 
however,  was  not  completely  arranged  and  digested  till  1643.  It  was 
then  agreed,  that  a  Congress  should  be  formed,  of  two  Commissioners 
from  each  colony,  chosen  annually,  to  be  called  "  the  Representatives  of 
the  United  Colonies  of  New-England."  Rhode  Island  was  desirous  of 
being  admitted  to  the  Union;  but  was  not  then  received.  From  this 
period,  the  New-England  States  may  be  considered  as  forming  one  po- 
litical body.  Hudson's  river  was  first  discovered  by  Henry  Hudson,  an 
Englishman,  from  whom  the  Dutch  purchased  the  right  of  establishing  a 
colony  on  its  banks.  Atteiaapts  were  soon  made  to  settle  upon  it ;  and  in 
1615,  a  fort  was  built,  and  a  small  number  of  inhabitants  fixed  on  the 
south-west  point  of  Manhattan's  Island,  now  the  site  of  New-York.  In 
1664,  it  was  seized  by  the  English  ;  and,  at  the  peace  of  Breda,  in  1667, 
they  were  confirmed  in  the  possession  of  it  in  return  for  Surinam,  which 
they  ceded  to  the  Dutch.  This  fort,  and  consequently  the  whole  colony, 
fell  again  into  the  hands  of  the  Dutch  in  1678,  through  the  treachery  of 
its  Governor;  but,  in  the  year  following,  it  was  restored  to  the  English, 
who  retained  it  till  the  revolution. 

New  Jersey,  like  New-York,  was  first  settled  by  the  Dutch,  who  plant- 
ed a  colony  in  the  county  of  Bergen,  between  the  years  1614  and  1620, 
A  few  Swedes  and  Finns  joined  them  in  1627;  and,  though  the  Dutch 
and  Swedes  were  often  at  variance,  they  kept  joint  possession  of  the 
country  for  a  considerable  time.  Charles  II.  in  1634,  granted  the  whole 
territory  called  by  the  Dutch,  New  Netherlands,  and  of  which  New  Jer- 
sey formed  a  part,  to  the  Duke  of  York  his  brother,  who,  in  1664,  grant- 
ed New  Jersey  to  Lord  Berkley,  and  Sir  George  Carteret.     The  colony 


124  EARLY    HISTORY    OF    AMERICA. 

was  in  1672  reduced  by  the  Dutch ;  but,  in  1674,  it  was  restored  to  the 
English.  In  the  same  year,  the  Duke  of  York  received  a  new  patent 
for  the  same  country,  and  again  divided  it  between  the  assigns  of  Lord 
Berkley,  and  Sir  George  Carteret.  The  government  of  New  Jersey 
continued  to  be  proprietary,  till  it  was  divided  into  portions  so  small,  and 
the  number  of  proprietors  had  become  so  great,  that  the  functions  of  go- 
vernment were  continually  impeded.  The  Proprietors,  influenced  by 
this  and  other  inconveniences,  at  last,  in  1702,  surrendered  their  au- 
thority to  the  British  Government,  in  consequence  of  which  New  Jersey 
continued  till  the  revolution  to  be  a  Royal  Government. 

The  history  of  the  colony  of  Pennsylvania  consists  not,  like  that  of 
many  others,  of  a  detail  of  religious  dissensions ;  for  such  dissensions 
were  prevented  by  a  universal  toleration  in  religion,  from  the  first  com- 
mencement of  the  settlement.  Pennsylvania  continued  a  proprietary- 
government  till  the  revolution.  William  Penn,  a  celebrated  Quaker,  in 
rP  urn  for  his  father's  services  to  the  crown,  and  a  large  sum  due  ^roin 
the  crown  to  himself,  obtained,  in  1681,  a  grant  of  the  country  which 
frcm  his  own  name,  was  called  Pennsylvania.  In  16S2,  a  settlement 
vv(  s  made,  and  a  form  of  government  established.  In  the  year  following, 
Penn  prevailed  on  the  colonists  to  accept  a  form  of  government  different 
from  that  which  had  been  first  adopted.  Penn's  presence  in  England  be- 
coming necessary,  on  account  of  a  dispute  with  Lord  Baltimore,  concern- 
ing the  bounds  of  their  respective  American  possessions,  he  delegated 
the  powers  of  government,  in  his  absence,  to  five  Commissioners.  In  a 
short  time,  the  Proprietary  superseded  his  five  Commissioners,  and  sent 
deputies  to  govern  in  his  name.  While  Markham  was  Governor,  in 
1696,  another  change  in  the  administration  was  effected.  Penn,  once 
more,  visited  the  colony  in  1699,  and  during  his  stay  the  political  in- 
stitutions were  for  the  last  time  revised,  and  that  frame  of  government 
established  which  remained  unaltered  till  the  revolution.  The  Pennsyl- 
vanians,  at  an  early  period  began  to  show  that  they  both  understood  and 
valued  freedom  ;  and  in  spite  of  the  efforts  of  deputies,  instigated  by  the 
arbitrary  disposition  of  Proprietaries,  they  maintained  that  freedom,  and 

f 'reserved  the  charter  of  privileges  which  they  had  originally  maintained, 
t  deserves  to  be  specially  recorded,  that  the  Pennsylvanians  always 
treated  the  Indians  in  a  kind  and  just  manner.  They  purchased  from 
them  the  lands  which  they  occupied,  with  what  the  Indians  accounted 
equivalent,  and  observed  with  punctuality  the  articles  of  every  truce ; 
and  thus  won  from  the  natives  that  esteem  and  good-will  which  proved 
the  best  preservative  of  the  peace  and  safely  of  the  settlement. 

The  Dutch,  in  conseqvience  of  the  purchase  of  the  banks  of  Hudson's 
River,  imagined  that  they  had  acquired  some  right  to  all  the  unsettled 
countries  in  their  neighborhood,  They  accordingly,  in  1623,  planted  a 
colony  on  the  river  Belaioare.  This  colony  was,  in  a  short  time,  sup- 
planted by  one  from  Sweden  ;  and  the  country  was  alternately  possessed 
by  the  Swedes  and  Dutch,  till,  at  length,  both  parties  were  subjected  to 
the  English.  In  1674,  Charles  II.  granted  this  district,  as  forming  a 
part  of  the  Dutch  New  Netherlands,  to  his  brother  the  Duke  of  York, 
who,  in  1683,  sold  it  to  Penn ;  from  that  time  till  the  revolution   it  made 


EARLY    HISTORY    OF    AMERICA.  125 

part  of   Pennsylvania.     The  Assemblies  were   different,  but  the  same 
Governor  presided  in  both. 

Many  of  the  States  of  North  America  owe  their  first  settlement  to  re- 
ligious disputes.  We  have  seen  how  the  persecution  of  the  Puritans 
peopled  the  States  of  New-England;  and  Maryland,  we  are  informed, 
owed  its  first  settlement  to  a  persecution  little  less  severe,  which,  in 
Britain,  was  carried  on  against  the  Roman  Catholics.  About  two  hun- 
dred gentlemen  of  fortune  and  considerable  respectability,  with  their  fol- 
lowers, embarked  for  Maryland,  hoping  to  enjoy  that  peace  and  that 
liberty  of  conscience,  which  their  native  country  did  not  afford  them. 
This  colony  arrived  in  Maryland  in  1633,  and  Leonard  Calvert,  brother 
to  Lord  Baltimore,  was  appointed  the  first  Governor.  Lands  were  pur- 
chased of  the  Indians ;  and,  in  a  short  time,  the  colony  had  increased  in 
numbers  and  in  importance.  In  1638,  the  first  Assembly  was  appointed. 
The  grand  Convention  of  England,  in  16S9,  took  the  government  from 
Lord  Baltimore,  and  made  it  a  Royal  Government ;  and  the  dread  of 
Popery,  which  had  so  much  influence  in  producing  the  revolution  in 
Britain,  procured,  in  1692,  the  establishment  of  the  Protestant  religion  in 
Maryland.  Lord  Baltimore,  however,  recovered  the  property  of  this 
government  in  1716 ;  and  retained  it  till  the  American  revolution, 
during  which  his  property  in  lands  was  confiscated.  The  petition  of  his 
heir,  at  the  close  of  the  war,  for  the  recovery  of  his  right,  was  rejected  by 
the  Legislature  of  this  State. 


127 


THE    FRENCH    WARS. 


Being  in  possession  of  the  inland  seas  of  Canada,  as  they  are  justly 
termed,  and  of  the  mouths  of  the  grand  receiver  of  most  of  the  principal 
rivers  of  North  America,  the  French  conceived  the  bold  idea  of  uniting  their 
northern  and  southern  possessions  by  a  chain  of  forts  along  the  banks  of 
tlie  Ohio  and  Mississippi ;  and  by  that  means  also  to  confine  the  English 
colonists  to  the  eastern  side  of  the  Alleghanies.  In  their  northern  colo- 
nies their  military  strength  was  considerable ;  Quebec  and  Montreal 
were  strongly  fortified  ;  and  at  other  points,  Louisburg,  Cape  Breton,  and 
the  forts  of  Lake  Champlain,  Niagara,  Crown  Point,  Frontignac,  Ticon- 
deroga,  and  several  others,  defended  the  frontiers.  They  had  also  erected 
a  considerable  fort  at  the  junction  of  the  Alleghany  with  the  Mononga- 
hela,  then  called  Du  Quesne,  but  now  forming  the  site  of  Pittsburg,  the 
Birmingham  of  America. 

Early  in  the  spring  of  1755,  the  British  government  dispatched  Gen- 
eral Braddock  to  America,  with  a  respectable  force  to  expel  the  French, 
and  keep  possession  of  the  territory;  and  preparations  having  been 
made  by  France  to  dispatch  a  reinforcemenl  to  her  armies  in  Canada,  Ad- 
miral Boscawen  was  ordered  to  endeavor  to  intercept  the  French  fleet  be- 
fore it  should  enter  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence.  In  April,  General 
Braddock  met  the  Governors  of  the  several  provinces  to  confer  upon 
the  plan  of  the  ensuing  campaign.  Three  expedhions  were  resolved  upon  ; 
one  against  Du  Quesne,  to  be  commanded  by  General  Braddock ;  one 
a"-ainst  forts  Niagera  and  Frontignac,  to  be  commanded  by  Governor  Shir- 
ley ;  and  one  against  Crown  Point,  to  be  commanded  by  General  Johnson 
This  last  originated  with  Massachusetts,  and  was  to  be  executed  by  colo- 
nial troops  raised  in  New  England  and  New  York. 

While  preparations  were  making  for  these  expeditions,  another,  which 
had  been  previously  concerted,  was  carried  on  against  the  French  forts 
in  Nova  Scotia.  This  province  was  settled  by  the  French,  but  ^yas 
seded  to  the  English  by  the  treaty  of  Utrecht.  Its  boundaries  not  having 
been  defined,  the  French  continued  to  occupy  a  portion  of  the  territory 
claimed  by  the  English,  and  had  built  forts  for  their  defence.  To  gain 
possession  of  these  was  the  object  of  the  expedition.  About  two  thou- 
sand militia,  commanded  by  Colonel  Winslow,  embarked  at  Boston  ;  and 
being  joined  on  their  passage  by  three  hundred  regulars,  arrived  in  April 
ai  the  place  of  their  destination.  The  forts  were  invested,  the  resistance 
made  was  trifling  and  ineffectual,  and  in  a  short  time  the  English  gained 
entire  possession  of  the  province,  according  to  their  own  definition  (tf  its 
boundaries.     Three  only  of  their  men  were  killed. 


128  THE    FRENCH    WARS. 

Of  the  unfortunate  issue  of  Braddock's  expedition  we  have  already  given 
an  account.  The  two  northern  expeditions,  though  not  so  disastrous, 
did  not  either  of  them  succeed  in  attaining  the  object  proposed.  In  that 
against  Crown  Point  much  delay  was  occasioned  by  the  distracted  coun- 
cils cf  so  many  different  governments  ;  and  it  was  not  till  the  last  of 
August,  that  General  Johnson,  with  three  thousand  seven  hundred  men, 
arrived  at  the  fort  of  Lake  George,  on  his  way  to  Ticonderoga.  Mean- 
while the  French  squadron  had  eluded  Admiral  Boscawen  ;  and,  as  soon 
IS  it  arrived  at  Quebec,  Baron  Dieskau,  the  commander,  resolved  to  march 
against  Oswego  with  his  own  twelve  hundred  regulars,  and  about  six 
hundred  Canadians  and  Indians.  The  news  of  General  Johnson's  move- 
ment detern^ined  Dieskau  to  change  his  plan,  and  to  lead  his  forces 
directly  agamst  the  American  camp.  General  Johnson  called  for  rein- 
forcements :  eight  hundred  troops,  raised  as  a  corps  of  reserve  by  Massa- 
chusetts, were  immediately  ordered  to  his  assistance  ;  and  the  same  colony 
undertook  to  raise  an  additional  number  of  two  thousand  men.  Colonel 
Williams  was  sent  forward  with  one  thousand  men  to  amuse  and  reconnoi- 
tre the  enemy.  He  met  them  four  miles  from  the  camp,  offered  battle,  and 
was  defeated.  Another  detachment  shared  the  same  fate  ;  and  the  French 
were  now  within  one  hundred  and  fifty  yards  of  the  camp,  when  a  halt 
for  a  short  time  enabled  the  Americans  to  recover  their  alarm,  and  to 
make  good  use  of  their  artillery  through  the  fallen  trees,  behind  which 
they  were  posted.  Dieskau  advanced  to  the  charge  ;  but  he  was  so 
firmly  received,  that  the  Indians  and  militia  gave  way  and  fled  :  he  was 
obliged  to  order  a  retreat  of  the  regulars ;  and,  in  the  ardent  pursuit 
which  ensued,  he  was  himself  mortally  wounded  and  made  prisoner.  A 
scouting  party  had,  in  the  meantime,  taken  the  enemy's  baggage  ;  and 
when  the  retreating  army  came  up,  they  attacked  it  so  successfully  from 
behind  the  trees,  that  the  panic-struck  soldiers  dropped  all  their  accoutre- 
ments, and  fled  in  the  utmost  confusion  for  their  posts  on  the  lakes. 
This  victory  revived  the  spirits  of  the  colonists,  depressed  by  the  recent 
defeat  of  General  Braddock,  but  the  success  was  not  improved  in  any 
proportion  to  their  expectation.  General  Shirley,  now  the  commander 
in  chief,  urged  an  attempt  on  Ticonderoga  ;  but  a  council  of  war  judging 
it  unadvisable,  Johnson  employed  the  remainder  of  the  campaign  in  forti- 
fying his  camp.  On  a  meeting  of  Commissioners  from  Massachu- 
setts and  Connecticut  with  the  Governor  and  Council  of  New  York,  in 
October,  it  was  unanimously  agreed,  that  the  army  under  General  John- 
son should  be  discharged,  excepting  six  hundred  men,  who  should  be 
engaged  to  garrison  Fort  Edward  and  Fort  William  Henry.  The  French 
retained  possession  of  Ticonderoga  and  fortified  it. 

General  Shirley,  who  Avas  to  conduct  the  expedition  against  Niagara 
and  Fort  Frontignac,  experienced  such  delays,  that  he  did  not  reach 
Oswego  until  the  21st  of  August.  On  his  arrival,  he  made  all  necessary 
preparations  for  the  expedition  to  Niagara ;  but,  through  the  desertion  of 
batteaux  men,  the  scarcity  of  wagons  on  the  Mohawk  river,  and  the 
desertion  of  sledgemen  at  the  great  carrying  place,  the  conveyance  of 
provisions  and  stores  was  so  much  retarded,  that  nearly  four  weeks 
elapsed  before  he  could  commence  any  further  operations  ;  and  from  a 


THE    FRENCH    WARS.  129 

continued  succession  of  adverse  circumstances,  in  a  council  of  war  rsllcd 
on  the  27th  of  September,  it  was  unanimously  resolved  to  defer  the  ex- 
pedition to  the  succeeding  year ;  to  leave  Colonel  Mercer  at  Oswego, 
vith  a  garrison  of  seven  hundred  men,  and  to  build  two  additional  forts 
for  the  security  of  the  place  ;  while  the  General  should  return  with  the 
rest  of  the  army  to  Albany.  Thus  ended  the  campaign  of  175.5:  it 
opened  with  the  brightest  prospects ;  immense  preparations  had  been 
made,  yet  not  one  of  the  objects  of  the  three  principal  expeditions  had 
been  attained ;  and  by  this  failure  the  whole  frontier  was  exposed  to  the 
ravages  of  the  Indians,  which  were  accompanied  by  their  usual  acts 
of  barbarity. 

The  colonies,  however,  far  from  being  discouraged  by  the  misfortunes 
of  the  last  campaign,  determined  to  renew  and  increase  their  exertions. 
General  Shirley,  to  whom  the  superintendence  of  all  the  military  opera- 
tions had  been  confided,  assembled  a  council  of  war  at  New  York  to 
concert  a  plan  for  the  ensuing  year.  The  plan  adopted  by  the  council 
embraced  expeditions  against  Du  Quesne,  Niagara,  and  Crown  Point, 
and  the  dispatching  a  body  of  troops  by  way  of  the  rivers  Kennebeck 
and  Chaudiere,  to  create  alarm  for  the  safety  of  Quebec.  Major-General 
Winslow  was  appointed  to  lead  the  expedition  against  Crown  Point.  He 
was  a  popular  officer,  and  the  colonists  felt  a  deep  interest  in  the  expedi- 
tion ;  but,  for  want  of  an  established  financial  system,  (their  only  taxes 
were  upon  lands  and  polls,)  the  requisite  funds  were  raised  with  difficulty, 
and  the  recruiting  service  made  very  slow  progress.  Only  seven  thousand 
men  assembled  at  the  posts  on  Lake  George.  General  Winslow  declared, 
that,  without  more  forces,  he  could  not  undertake  the  expedition ;  and  it 
would  probably  have  been  abandoned,  had  he  not  been  reinforced  by  the 
timely  arrival  of  some  British  troops.  They  came  over  with  General 
Abercrombie,  who  had  superseded  General  Shirley,  and  who  soon  after 
gave  place  to  the  Earl  of  Loudoun.  These  changes  produced  some 
unpleasant  contests  for  priority  of  rank.  General  Winslow  asserted 
frankly,  that  the  provincials  would  never  be  commanded  by  British 
officers;  and  the  Earl  of  Loudoun  seriously  propounded  the  question, 
whether  the  colonial  troops,  with  his  Majesty's  arms  in  their  hands,  would 
refuse  obedience  to  his  Majesty's  commanders  ?  He  was  answered  in 
the  affirmative  ;  and  when  he  understood  that  the  New  England  troops^ 
in  particular,  had  enlisted  under  the  condition  of  being  led  by  their  own 
officers,  he  agreed  to  let  those  troops  act  separately. 

While  the  English  were  adjusting  these  differences,  and  debating 
whether  it  would  be  expedient  to  attack  Fort  Niagara,  or  Fort  Du  Quesne 
Montcalm,  the  successor  of  Dieskau,  marched  against  Oswego  with  abou 
five  thousand  French,  Canadians,  and  Indians.  His  artillery  played  with 
such  effect  upon  the  fort,  that  it  was  soon  declared  untenable  ;  and  to 
avoid  an  assault,  the  garrison,  who  were  sixteen  hundred  in  number,  and 
had  stores  for  five  months,  surrendered  themselves  prisoners  of  war. 
The  fort  had  been  an  object  of  considerable  jealousy  to  the  Five  Nations ; 
and  Montcalm  made  a  wise  use  of  his  conquest  by  demolishing  it  in  their 
presence.  The  English  and  American  army  was  now  thrown  upon  the 
defensive  Instead  of  attacking  Ticonderoga,  General  Winslow  was 
R 


130  THE    FRENCH    WARS. 

ordered  to  fortify  his  own  camp ;  Major-Gen eral  Webb,  Avith  fourteen 
hundred  regulars,  took  post  near  Wood  Creek  ;  and  Sir  William  Johnson, 
with  one  thousand  militia,  was  stationed  at  the  German  Flats.  The 
3olonists  were  now  called  upon  for  reinforcements ;  and,  as  Parliament 
nad  distributed  among  them  one  hundred  and  fifteen  thousand  pounds 
for  the  last  year's  expenses,  they  were  enabled  to  answer  the  call  with 
perhaps  more  promptitude  than  was  anticipated.  The  recruits  were 
on  their  way  to  the  camp,  when  intelligence  of  the  small-pox  at  Albany 
frightened  them  home  again.  The  other  provincials  were  equally  alarm- 
ed ;  and  all,  except  a  New  York  regiment,  were  dismissed.  Thus 
terminated  the  second  campaign.  The  expedition  up  the  Kennebeckhad 
been  abandoned  ;  that  against  Niagara  was  not  commenced ;  and  not 
even  a  preparation  had  been  made  for  that  against  Du  Quesne. 

At  the  commencement  of  the  following  year,  a  council  was  held  at 
Boston,  composed  of  Lord  Loudoun,  and  the  Governors  of  the  New 
England  provinces  and  of  Nova  Scotia.  At  this  council  his  Lordship 
proposed  that  New  England  should  raise  four  thousand  men  for  the 
ensuing  campaign  ;  and  that  a  proportionate  number  should  be  raised  by 
New  York  and  New  Jersey.  These  requisitions  were  complied  with ; 
and  in  the  spring  his  Lordship  found  himself  at  the  head  of  a  very  con- 
siderable army.  Admiral  Holbourn  arriving  in  the  beginning  of  July  at 
Halifax  with  a  powerful  squadron,  and  a  reinforcement  of  five  thousand 
British  troops,  under  George  Viscount  Howe,  Lord  Loudoun  sailed  from 
New  York  with  six  thousand  regulars,  to  join  those  troops  at  the  place 
of  their  arrival.  ,  Instead  of  the  complex  operations  undertaken  in  pre- 
vious campaigns,  his  Lordship  limited  his  plan  to  a  single  object.  Leav- 
ing the  posts  on  the  lakes  strongly  garrisoned,  he  resolved  to  direct  his 
whole  disposable  force  against  Louisburg ;  Halifax  having  been  deter- 
mined on  as  the  place  of  rendezvous  for  the  fleet  and  army  destined  for 
the  expedition.  Information  was,  however,  soon  received,  that  a  French 
fleet  had  lately  sailed  from  Brest ;  that  Louisburg  was  garrisoned  by 
six  thousand  regulars,  exclusive  of  provincials;  and  that  it  was  also 
defended  by  seventeen  line  of  battle  ships,  which  were  moored  in  the 
harbor.  There  being  no  hope  of  success  against  so  formidable  a  force, 
the  enterprise  was  deferred  to  the  next  year  ;  the  General  and  Admi- 
ral on  the  last  of  August  proceeded  to  NeAV  York ;  and  the  provincials 
were  dismissed. 

The  Marquis  De  Montcalm,  availing  himself  of  the  absence  of  the 
principal  part  of  the  British  force,  advanced  with  an  army  of  nine  thou- 
sand men,  and  laid  siege  to  Fort  William  Henry.  The  garrison  at  this 
fort  consisted  of  between  two  and  three  thousand  regulars,  and  its  forti- 
fications were  strong  and  in  very  good  order  ;  and  for  the  additional 
security  of  this  important  post,  General  Webb  was  stationed  at  Fort 
Edward  with  an  army  of  four  thousand  men.  The  French  commander, 
however,  urged  his  approaches  with  such  vigor,  that,  within  six  days 
after  the  investment  of  the  fort,  Colonel  Monro,  the  commandant,  having 
in  vain  solicited  succor  from  General  Webb,  found  it  necessary  to  surren- 
der by  capitulation.  The  garrison  was  to  be  allowed  the  honors  of  war, 
and  to  be  proteci.^d  against  the  Indians  until  within  the  reach  of  Fort 


THE    FRENCH    WARS.  131 

Edward  ;  but  the  next  morningf,  a  great  number  of  Indians  having  bee" 
permitted  to  enter  the  lines,  began  to  plunder ;  and  meeting  with  no 
opposition,  ihey  fell  upon  the  sick  and  wounded,  whom  they  immwlintely 
massacred.  Their  appetite  for  carnage  being  excited,  the  defenceless 
troops  were  attacked  with  ficnd-like  fury.  Monro  in  vain  implored 
Montcalm  to  provide  the  stipulated  guard,  and  the  massacre  proceeded. 
All  was  turbulence  and  horror.  On  every  side  savages  were  butcherinp 
and  scalping  their  wretched  victims.  Their  hideous  yells,  the  groans  of 
the  dying,  and  the  frantic  shrieks  of  others  shriidting  from  the  uplifted 
tomahawk,  were  heard  by  the  French  unmoved.  The  fury  of  the  sava- 
ges was  permitted  to  rage  without  restraint,  until  fifteen  hundred  were 
killed,  or  hurried  captives  into  the  wilderness.  The  day  after  this  awfu 
tragedy,  Major  Putnam  was  sent  with  his  rangers  to  watch  the  motion? 
of  the  enemy.  When  he  came  to  the  shore  of  the  lake,  their  rear  waf 
hardly  beyond  the  reach  of  musket  shot.  The  prospect  was  horrible  ir 
the  extreme  ;  the  fort  demolished  ;  the  barracks  and  buildings  yet  burn 
ing;  innumerable  fragments  of  human  carcasses  still  broiling  in  the  de 
caying  fires  ;  and  dead  bodies,  mangled  with  tomahawks  and  scalping 
knives,  in  all  the  wantonness  of  Indian  barbarity,  were  every  where  scat 
tered  around. 

Thus  ended  the  third  campaign*  in  America  ;  happily  forming  th« 
last  of  a  series  of  disasters  resulting  from  folly  and  mismanagement 
rather  than  from  want  of  means  and  military  strength.     The  successef 

*  While  the  army  Avas  in  winter  quarters,  a  circumstance  occurred,  which  exhibiI^ 
the  watchful  jealousy  the  colonists  ever  exercised  over  their  liberties.  "  The  Genera! 
Court  had  provided  barracks  on  Castle  Island  for  a  regiment  of  Highlanders,  wliicb 
had  been  expected  at  Boston.  Some  recruiting  officers  soon  afterwards  arrived  a;. 
Nova  Scotia;  and,  protesting  that  their  regiments  would  never  be  filled  up  if  the  men 
must  be  lodged  in  these  barracks,  they  required  the  justices  of  the  peace  to  furnish 
quarters,  according  to  the  act  of  Parliament.  The  justices  denied  that  the  act  of  Par- 
liament extended  to  this  country.  Lord  Loudoun  wrote  the  Court  a  letter,  and  assert- 
ed roundly  that  it  did ;  that,  moreover,  he  had  '  used  gentleness  and  patience'  long 
enough  ;  and  that,  unless  the  requisitions  were  complied  within  forty-eight  hours  from 
the  receipt  of  his  letter,  he  should  be  '  under  the  necessity'  of  ordering  '  into  Boston 
the  three  battalions  from  New  York,  Long  Island,  and  Connecticut  ;  and  if  more  were 
wanting,  he  had  two  in  the  Jerseys  at  hand,  beside  those  in  Pennsylvania.'  The  Gene- 
ral Court  now  passed  an  act  very  similar  to  that  of  Parliament,  on  the  subject  of  re- 
cruits ;  but  it  did  not  fully  answer  Lord  Loudoun's  expectations,  nor  did  he  fail  to  let 
them  know  it  in  a  seconft  epistle.  The  answer  of  the  General  Court  was  merely  a  re- 
iteration of  what  we  have  so  often  heard  from  the  same  body.  They  asserted  their 
rights  as  Englishmen  ;  said  they  had  conformed  to  the  act  of  Parliament  as  nearly  as 
the  case  would  sdmit ;  and  declared  that  it  was  their  misfortune,  if  a  strict  adherence 
to  their  duty  should  give  offence  to  Lord  Loudoun.  He,  in  turn,  applauded  the  zeal 
ol  the  province  in  the  service  of  his  majesty,  affected  to  rely  on  its  compliance  with 
his  wishes,  and  countermanded  his  orders  for  the  march  of  the  troops.  The  Gene- 
ral Court  sent  his  excellency  a  concluding  message,  in  which  they  asserted  that  they 
were  entirely  dependent  on  Parliament ;  that  its  acts  were  the  rule  of  all  their  judicial 
proceedings  ;  that  its  authority  had  never  been  questioned  ;  and  that  if  they  had  not 
made  this  avowal  '  in  times  past,  it  was  because  there  had  been  no  occasion  for  it.' 
Judge  Marshal  seems  to  think  that  this  language  was  sincere,  but  IMr.  ]\Iinot  attri- 
butes it  to  the  desire  of  the  Court  to  keep  friends  with  Parliament  till  they  were  reim- 
bursed for  the  expenses  which,  they  had  incurred  during  the  war.  The  truth  is  probably 
between  the  two  opini:ns."-^SaK/ard's  History  of  the  United  States,  p.  145,  146. 


132  THE    FRENCH    WARS. 

of  the  French  left  the  colonies  in  a  gloomy  state.  By  the  acquisition  of 
Fort  William  Henry,  they  had  obtained  full  possession  of  the  Lakes  Cham- 
plain  and  George ;  and  by  the  destruction  of  Oswego,  they  had  acquir- 
ed the  dominion  of  those  other  lakes  which  connect  the  St.  Lawrence  with 
the  waters  of  the  Mississippi.  The  first  afforded  the  easiest  admission 
from  the  northern  colonies  into  Canada,  or  from  Canada  into  those  colo- 
nies ;  the  last  united  Canada  to  Louisiana.  By  the  continued  possession 
of  Fort  Du  Quesne,  they  preserved  their  ascendancy  over  the  Indians, 
and  held  undisturbed  control  of  all  the  country  west  of  the  Alleghany 
mountains.  The  British  nation  was  alarmed  and  indignant,  and  the 
King  found  it  necessary  to  change  his  councils.  At  the  head  of  the  new 
ministry,  he  placed  the  celebrated  William  Pitt,  afterwards  Earl  of  Chat- 
ham, who  was  raised  by  his  talents  from  the  humble  post  of  ensign  in 
the  guards  to  the  control  of  the  destinies  of  a  niighty  empire ;  under  hia 
administration  public  confidence  revived,  and  the  nation  seemed  inspired 
with  new  life  and  vigor.  He  w^as  equally  popular  in  both  hemispheres ; 
and  so  promptly  did  the  Governors  of  the  northern  colonies  obey  the  re- 
quisitions of  his  circular  letter  of  1757,  that  by  May  in  the  follovnng  year, 
Massachusetts  had  seven  thousand,  Connecticut  five  thousand,  and  New 
Hampshire  three  thousand  troops,  prepared  to  take  the  field.  The  zeal 
of  Massachusetts  was  particularly  ardent.  The  people  of  Boston  sup- 
ported taxes  which  took  away  two  thirds  of  the  income  on  real  estate ; 
one  half  of  the  effective  men  in  the  province  were  on  some  sort  of  mili- 
tary duty ;  and  the  transports  for  carrying  the  troops  to  Halifax  were 
ready  to  sail  in  fourteen  days  from  the  time  of  their  engagement.  The 
mother  country  was  not  less  active.  While  her  fleets  blockaded  or  cap- 
tured the  French  armaments,  she  dispatched  Admiral  Boscawen  to  Halifax 
with  a  formidable  squadron  of  ships,  and  an  army  of  twelve  thousand 
men.  Lord  Loudoun  was  replaced  by  General  Abercrombie,  who,  early  in 
the  spring  of  1753,  was  ready  to  enter  upon  the  campaign  at  the  head  of 
fifty  thousand  men,  the  most  powerful  army  ever  seen  in  America. 

Three  points  of  attack  were  marked  out  for  this  campaign  ;  the  first, 
Louisburg;  the  second,  Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point ;  and  the  third. 
Fort  Du  Quesne.  On  the  first  expedition  Admiral  Boscawen  sailed  from 
Halifax  on  the  2Sth  of  May,  with  a  fleet  of  twenty  ships  of  the  line  and 
eighteen  frigates,  and  an  army  of  fourteen  thousand  men  under  the  com- 
mand of  General  Amherst,  and  arrived  before  Louisburg  on  the  2d  of 
June.  The  garrison  of  that  place,  commanded  by  the  Chevalier  De  Dru- 
court,  an  officer  of  courage  aiid  experience,  was  composed  of  two  thou- 
sand five  hundred  regulars,  aided  by  six  hundred  militia.  The  harbor 
being  secured  by  five  ships  of  the  line,  one  fifty  gun  ship,  and  five  frigates, 
three  of  which  were  sunk  across  the  mouth  of  the  basin,  it  was  found 
necessary  to  land  at  some  distance  from  the  town.  This  being  effected, 
and  the  artillery  and  stores  brought  on  shore.  General  Wolfe  was  detach- 
ed with  two  thousand  men  to  seize  a  post  occupied  by  the  enemy  at 
the  Lighthouse  point,  from  which  the  ships  in  the  harbor,  and  the 
fortifications  in  the  town,  might  be  greatly  annoyed.  On  the  approach 
of  that  gallant  officer,  the  post  was  abandoned  by  the  enemy,  and  several 
very  strong  batteries  were  erected  there  by  their  opponents.     Approaches 


THE    FKEKCH    WARS.  133 

were  also  mado  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  town,  and  tne  siege  was  press- 
ed with  resolution  and  vigor,  though  with  great  caution.  A  very  heavy 
cannonade  being  kept  up  against  the  loAvn  and  the  vessels  in  the  harbor, 
a  bomb  was  at'lenglh  set  on  fire  and  blew  up  one  of  the  lar<;'est  ships, 
and  the  flames  were  communicated  to  two  others,  which  shared  the  same 
fate.  The  English  Admiral  now  sent  six  hundred  men  in  boats  into  the 
harbor,  to  make  an  attempt  on  two  ships  of  the  line,  which  slill  remained 
in  the  bnsin  ;  one  of  which,  being  aground,  was  destroyed,  the  other  was 
towed  ofi'  in  triumph.  This  gallant  exploit  putting  the  English  in  com- 
plete possession  of  the  harbor,  and  several  breaches  being  made  practica- 
ble in  the  works,  the  place  was  deemed  no  longer  defensible,  and  the  Go- 
vernor oflered  to  capitulate.  It  was  required  that  the  garrison  should  sur- 
render as  prisoners  of  war.  Tliese  humiliating  terms,  though  at  first  re- 
jected, were  afterwards  acceded  to;  and  Louisburg.  with  all  its  artillery, 
provisions,  and  military  stores, /is  also  Island  Royal,  St.  Johns  and  their 
dependencies,  were  placed  in  the  hands  of  the"  English,  who,  without 
farther  difficulty,  took  possession  of  the  island  of  Cape  Breton.  The 
conquerors  found  two  hundred  and  twenty-one  pieces  of  cannon,  and 
eightpcn  mortars,  with  a  very  large  quantity  of  stores  and  ammunition. 
The  inhabitants  of  Cape  Breton  Avere  sent  to  France  in  English  ships; 
but  the  garrison,  sea  officers,  sailors,  and  marines,  amounting  collectively 
to  nearly  six  thousand  men,  were  carried  prisoners  to  England. 

The  armies  destined  to  execute  the  plans  against  Ticonderoga  and  Fort 
Du  Quesne  were  appointed  to  rendezvous  respectively  at  Albany  and 
Philadelphia.  The  first  was  commanded  by  General  Abercrombie,  and 
consisted  of  upwards  of  fifteen  thousand  men,  attended  by  a  formidable 
train  of  artillery.  On  the  5th  of  July,  the  General  embarked  his  troops 
on  Lake  George,  on  board  of  one  hundred  and  twenty-five  whale  boats, 
and  nine  hundred  batteaux,  and  commenced  operations  against  Ticondero- 
ga. After  debarkation  at  the  landing-place  in  a  cove  on  the  west  side 
of  the  lake,  the  troops  were  formed  into  four  columns,  the  British  in  the 
centre,  and  the  provincials  on  the  flanks.  In  this  order  they  marched  to- 
wards the  advanced  guard  of  the  French,  which,  consisting  of  one  bat- 
talion only,  posted  in  a  logged  camp,  destroyed  what  was  in  their  power, 
and  made  a  precipitate  retreat.  While  Abercrombie  was  continuing 
his  march  in  the  woods  toward  Ticonderoga,  the  columns  were  thrown 
into  confusion,  and  in  some  degree  entangled  with  each  other.  At  this 
juncture.  Lord  How-e,  at  the  head  of  the  r.ght  centre  column,  fell  in  with 
a  part  of  the  advance  guard  of  the  enemy  which  had  been  lost  in  the 
Vi'ood  in  retreating  from  Lake  George,  and  immediately  attacked  and  dis- 
persed it,  killing  a  considerable  number,  and  taking  one  hundred  and 
forty-eight  prisoners.  This  success  was,  however,  dearly  purchased  by 
the  loss  of  the  gallant  nobleman  who  fell  in  leading  the  attack.  The 
English  army,  without  further  opposition,  took  possession  of  a  post  within 
two  miles  of  Ticonderoga.  Abercrombie,  having  learned  from  the  pnsoners 
the  strength  of  the  enemy  at  that  fortress,  and  from  an  engineer  the  condi- 
tion of  their  works,  resolved  on  an  immediate  storm,  and  made  instant  dispo- 
sition for  an  assault.  The  troops  having  received  orders  to  march  up  brisk- 
ly, rush  upon  the  enemy's  fire,  and  reserve  their  own  till  they  had  passed 


134  THE  JRENCH   WARS. 

a  oreastwork,  marched  to  the  assault  with  great  intrepidity.  Unlock- 
ed for  impediments,  however,  occurred.  In  front  of  the  breastwork,  tea 
considerable  distance,  trees  had  been  felled  with  their  branches  outward, 
many  of  which  were  sharpened  to  a  point,  by  means  of  .which  the  as- 
sailants were  not  only  retarded  in  their  advance,  but,  becoming  entangled 
among  the  boughs,  were  exposed  to  a  very  galling  fire.  Finding  it  im- 
practicable to  pass  the  breastwork,  which  was  eight  or  nine  feet  high,  and 
much  stronger  than  had  been  represented,  General  Abercrombie,  after  a 
contest  of  near  four  hours,  ordered  a  retreat,  and  the  next  day  resumed 
his  former  camp  on  the  south  side  of  Lake  George.  In  this  brave  but  ill- 
judged  assault,  nearly  two  thousand  of  the  assailants  were  killed  and 
wounded,  while  the  loss  of  the  enemy,  who  were  covered  during  the 
whole  action,  was  inconsiderable.  General  Abercrombie  immediately  re- 
crossed  Lake  George,  and  entirely  abandoned  the  project  of  capturing 
Ticonderoga. 

The  campaign  was  not  destined,  however,  to  close  with  such  ill  success. 
Colonel  Bradstreet  proposed  an  expedition  against  Frontignac ;  a  fort, 
which,  by  being  placed  on  the  north  side  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  just  where  it 
issues  from  Lake  Ontario,  was  the  key  to  the  communication  between  Cana- 
da and  Louisiana.  It  served  also  to  keep  the  Indians  in  subjection,  and  was 
the  general  repository  of  stores  for  the  enemy's  western  and  southern  posts. 
Late  in  the  evening  of  the  25th  of  August,  Colonel  Bradstreet  landed  with- 
in a  mile  of  the  place,  with  three  thousand  men,  eight  pieces  of  cannon,  and 
three  mortars.  The  French  had  not  anticipated  an  attack  at  this  point, 
and  the  garrison  consisted  of  only  one  hundred  and  ten  men,  with  a  few 
Indian  auxiliaries.  It  was  impossible  to  hold  out  long.  Colonel  Brad- 
street  posted  his  mortars  so  near  the  fort,  that  every  shell  took  effect .;  and 
the  commander  was  very  soon  obliged  to  surrender  at  discretion.  The 
booty  consisted  of  sixty  pieces  of  cannon,  great  numbers  of  small  arms, 
provisions,  military  stores,  goods  to  a  large  amount,  and  nine  armed  ves- 
sels of  from  eight  to  eighteen  guns.  Colonel  Bradstreet  destroyed  the 
fort  and  vessels,  recrossed  the  Ontario,  and  returned  to  the  army. 

Had  it  not  been  for  this  fortunate  enterprise,  the  unaccountable 
delay  in  preparing  the  expedition  against  Du  Quesne  would  probably 
have  left  that  fort  a  third  time  in  possession  of  the  enemy.  It  was  not 
until  June  that  the  commander,  General  Forbes,  set  out  from  Philadel- 
phia ;  it  was  September  before  Colonel  Washington,  with  the  Virginia 
regulars,  Avas  ordered  to  join  the  main  body,  at  Eay's  Town  ;  and, 
owing  to  the  difficulties  of  cutting  a  new  road,  it  was  as  late  as  Novem- 
ber, when  the  army  appeared  before  Du  Quesne.  Tlie  garrison,  desert- 
ed by  the  Indians,  and  without  adequate  means  of  defence,  had  escaped 
down  the  Ohio,  the  evening  before  the  arrival  of  the  British,  who  had 
only  to  take  possession,  therefore,  in  the  King's  name.  The  fort  was 
supplied  with  a  new  garrison,  and  the  name  changed  to  Pittsburg.  The 
Indians,  as  usual,  joined  the  strongest  side.  A  peace  was  concluded 
with  all  the  tribes  between  the  Ohio  and  the  Lakes ;  and  the  frontier  in- 
habitants of  Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  and  Virginia,  were  once  more 
relieved  from  the  terrors  of  fire  and  scalping  knives. 

The  campaign  of  1758  was  highly  honorable  to  the  British  arms,  and 


THE    FRENCH    WARS.  135 

the  results  of  it  very  important.  Of  the  three  exi»o(litions,  two  bad 
completely  succeeded,  and  the  leader  of  the  third  had  mad^c  an  important 
conquest.  To  the  commanding  talents  of  Pitt,  and  the  confidence  which 
they  inspired,  this  change  of  fortune  must  be  chiefly  attributed ;  and  in 
no  respect  were  these  talents  more  strikingly  displayed  than  in  the 
choice  of  men  to  execute  his  plans.  The  advantages  of  this  campaign 
had,  however,  been  purchased  by  an  expensive  effort  and  corresponding 
exhaustion  of  provincial  strength  ;  and,  when  a  circular  letter  from  Mr. 
Pitt  to  the  several  Governors  induced  the  colonies  to  resolve  upon  mak- 
ino-  die  most  vigorous  preparation  for  the  next,  they  soon  discovered  that 
their  resources  were  by  no  means  commensurate  with  their  zeal. 

Notwithstanding  these  difficulties,  it  was  resolved  to  signalize  the  year 
1759  by  the  compTete  conquest  of  Canada.  The  plan  of  the  campaign 
was,  that  three  powerful  armies  should  enter  the  French  possessions  by 
ihree  different  routes,  and  attacjc  all  their  strong  holds  at  nearly  the  same 
lime.  At  the  head  of  one  division  of  the  army.  Brigadier  General  Wolfe, 
a  young  officer  who  had  signalized  himself  at  the  siege  of  Louisburg, 
was  to  ascend  the  St.  Lawrence  and  lay  siege  to  Quebec,  escorted  by  a 
strong  fleet  to  co-operate  with  his  troops.  The  central  and  main  army, 
composed  of  British  and  provincials,  was  to  be  conducted  against  Ticon- 
deroga  and  Crown  Point  by  General  Amherst,  the  new  Commander  in 
chieC  who,  after  making  himself  master  of  these  places,  was  to  proceed 
over  Lake  Champlain,  and  by  the  way  of  Richelieu  river,  to  the  St. 
Lawrence,  and,  descending  that  river,  form  a  junction  with  General 
Wolfe  before  the  walls  of  Quebec.  The  third  army,  to  be  composed 
principally  of  provincials,  reinforced  by  a  strong  body  of  friendly  In- 
dians, was  to  be  commanded  by  General  Prideaux,  who  was  to  lead  this 
division  first  against  Niagara,  and,  after  the  reduction  of  that  place, 
to  eiubark  on  Lake  Ontario,  and  proceed  down  the  St.  Lawrence  against 
Montreal.  It  has  been  observed  by  a  recent  author,  "  Had  the  elements 
been  laid,  and  the  enemy  spell-bound,  the  whole  of  this  brilliant  plan 
could  not  have  helped  succeeding."  This  sentence,  however,  betrays  a 
very  limited  view  of  a  plan  that  was  well  worthy  of  the  mind  of  Pitt, 
In  this  arrangement  immediate  advantage  was  not  sacrificed;  while  the 
more  remote  results  exhibited  a  prospect  highly  calculated  to  excite  the 
ambition  of  the  leaders,  and  to  arouse  all  the  energies  of  the  troops.  It 
is  in  thus  affording  motives  which  tend  to  bring  physical  force  into  most 
effective  and  persevering  action,  that  intellectual  superiority  becomes 
manifest,  confounding  the  calculations  of  ordinary  minds. 

Early  in  the  winter,  General  Amherst  commenced  preparations  for  his 
part  of  the  enterprise  ;  but  it  was  not  till  the  last  of  May  that  his  troops 
were  assembled  at  Albany;  and  it  was  as  late  as  the  22d  of[  July,  when 
he  appeared  before  Ticonderoga.  As  the  naval  superiority  of  Great 
Britain  had  prevented  France  from  sending  out  reinforcements,  none  of 
the  posts  in  this  quarter  were  able  to  withstand  so  great  a  force  as  that 
of  General  Amherst.  Ticonderoga  was  immediately  abandoned  ;  the 
example  was  followed  at  Crown  Point;  and  the  only  way  in  which  the 
enemy  seemed  to  think  of  preserving  their  province  was  by  retarding  the 
English  arm-"^  w'th  shows  of  resistance  till  the  season  of  operation  should 


136  THL    FRENCH    WARS. 

be  passed,  or  till,  by  the  gradual  concentration  of  their  forces,  they  should, 
become  numerous  enough  to  make  an  effectual  stand.  From  Crown 
Point  they  retreated  to  Isle-aux-Noix,  where  General  Amherst  under- 
stood there  was  a  body  of  between  three  and  four  thousand  men,  and  a 
fleet  of  several  armed  vessels.  The  English  made  great  exertions  to  se- 
cure a  naval  superiority ;  and  had  it  not  been  for  a  succession  of  adverse 
storms  upon  the  lake,  they  would  most  probably  have  accomplished  the 
original  design  of  forming  a  junction  at  Quebec,  instead  of  being  obliged 
to  go  into  winter  quarters  at  Crown  Point.  In  prosecution  of  the  enter- 
prise against  Niagara,  General  Prideaux  had  embarked  with  an  army  on 
Lake  Ontario ;  and  on  the  6th  of  July,  landed  without  opposition,  within 
about  three  miles  from  the  fort,  which  he  invested  in  form.  While  di- 
recting the  operations  of  the  siege,  he  was  killed  by  the  bursting  of  a  co- 
horn,  and  the  command  devolved  upon  Sir  William  Johnson.  That 
General,  prosecuting  with  judgment  and  vigor  the  plan  of  his  predeces- 
sor, pushed  the  attack  of  Niagara  with  an  intrepidity  that  soon  brought 
the  besiegers  within  a  hundred  yards  of  the  covered  way.  Meanwhile, 
the  French,  alarmed  at  the  danger  of  losing  a  post  which  was  a  key  to 
their  interior  empire  in  America,  had  collected  a  large  body  of  regular 
troops  from  the  neighboring  garrisons  of  Detroit,  Venango,  and  Presqu' 
Isle,  with  which,  and  a  party  of  Indians,  they  resolved,  if  possible,  to 
raise  the  siege.  Apprised  of  their  intention  to  hazard  a  battle,  General 
Johnson  ordered  his  light  infantry,  supported  by  some  grenadiers  and  re- 
gular foot,  to  take  post  between  the  cataract  of  Niagara  and  the  fortress ; 
placed  the  auxiliary  Indians  on  his  flanks  ;  and,  together  with  this  prepa- 
ration for  an  engagement,  took  effectual  measures  for  securing  his  lines, 
and  bridling  the  garrison.  About  nine  in  the  morning  of  the  24th  of 
July,  the  enemy  appeared,  and  the  horrible  sound  of  the  war  whoop  from 
the  hostile  Indians  was  the  signal  of  battle.  The  French  charged  with 
great  impetuosity,  but  were  received  with  firmness ;  and  in  less  than  an 
hour  were  completely  routed.  This  battle  decided  the  fate  of  Niagara. 
Sir  Wilham  Johnson,  the  next  morning,  opened  negociations  with  the 
French  commandant;  and  in  a  few  hours  a  capitulation  was  signed. 
The  garrison,  consisting  of  six  hundred  and  seven  men,  were  to  march 
out  with  the  honors  of  war,  to  be  embarked  on  the  lake,  and  carried  to 
New  York;  and  the  women  and  children  were  to  be  carried  to  Montreal. 
The  reduction  of  Niagara  effectually  cut  off  the  communication  between 
Canada  and  Louisiana. 

The  expedition  against  the  capital  of  Canada  was  the  most  daring  and 
important.  Strong  by  nature,  and  still  stronger  by  art,  Quebec  had  ob- 
tained the  appellation  of  the  Gibraltar  of  America;  and  every  attempt 
against  it  had  failed.  It  was  now  commanded  by  Montcalm,  an  officer 
of  distinguished  reputation ;  and  its  capture  must  have  appeared  chime- 
rical to  any  one  but  Pitt.  He  judged  rightly,  however,  that  the  boldest  and 
most  dangerous  enterprises  are  often  the  most  successful,  especially  when 
committed  to  ardent  minds,  glowing  with  enthusiasm,  and  emulous  of 
glory.  Such  a  mind  he  had  discovered  in  General  Wolfe,  whose  con- 
duct at  Louisburg  had  attracted  his  attention.  He  appointed  him  to 
conduct  the  expedition,  and  gave  him  "or  assistants   Brigadier  GeneraLs 


THE    FRENCH    WARS.  137 

Moncklon,  Townshend,  and  Murray;  all,  like  himself,  young  and  ardent. 
Early  in  the  season  he  sailed  from  Halifax  with  eight  thousand  troops, 
and,  near  the  last  of  June,  landed  the  whole  army  on  the  island  of  Or- 
leans, a  few  miles  below  Quebec.  From  this  position  he  could  take  a 
near  and  distinct  view  of  the  obstacles  to  be  overcome.  These  were  so 
great,  that  even  the  bold  and  sanguine  Wolfe  perceived  more  to  fear  than 
to  hope.  In  a  letter  to  Mr.  Pitt,  written  before  commencing  operations, 
he  declared  that  he  saw  but  little  prospect  of  reducing  the  place. 

Quebec  stands  on  the  north  side  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  and  consists  of 
an  upper  and  lower  town.  The  lower  town  lies  between  the  river  and  a 
bold  and  lofly  eminence,  which  runs  parallel  to  it  far  to  the  westward. 
At  the  top  of  this  eminence  is  a  plain,  upon  which  the  upper  town  is 
situated.  Below,  or  east  of  the  city,  is  the  river  St.  Charles,  whose 
channel  is  rough,  and  whose  banks  are  steep  and  broken.  At  a  short 
distance  farther  down  is  the  Montmorency ;  and  between  these  two  ri- 
vers, and  reaching  from  one  to  the  other,  was  encamped  the  French 
army,  strongly  intrenched,  and  at  least  equal  in  number  to  that  of  the 
English.  General  "Wolfe  took  possession  of  Point  Levi,  on  the  southern 
bank  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  and  there  erected  batteries  against  the  town. 
The  cannonade  which  was  kept  up,  though  it  destroyed  many  houses, 
made  but  little  impression  on  the  works,  which  were  too  strong  and  too 
remote  to  be  materially  affected  ;  their  elevation,  at  the  same  time,  placing 
them  beyond  the  reach  of  the  fleet.  Convinced  of  the  impossibility  of  re- 
ducing the  place,  unless  he  could  erect  batteries  on  the  north  side  of  the  St. 
Lawrence,  Wolfe  soon  decided  on  more  daring  measures.  The  northern 
shore  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  to  a  considerable  distance  above  Quebec,  is 
so  bold  and  rocky  as  to  render  a  landing  in  the  face  of  an  enemy  im- 
practicable. If  an  attempt  were  made  below  the  town,  the  river  Mont- 
morency passed,  and  the  French  driven  from  their  intrenchments,  the 
St.  Charles  would  present  a  new,  and  perhaps  an  insuperable  barrier. 
With  every  obstacle  fully  in  view,  Wolfe,  heroically  observing  that  "  a 
victorious  army  finds  no  difficulties,"  resolved  to  pass  the  Montmorency, 
and  bring  Montcalm  to  an  engagement.  In  pursuance  of  this  resolution, 
thirteen  companies  of  English  grenadiers,  and  part  of  the  second  batta- 
lion of  royal  Americans,  were  landed  at  the  mouth  of  that  river,  while 
two  divisions,  under  Generals  Townshend  and  Murray,  prepared  to  cross 
it  higher  up.  Wolfe's  plan  was  to  attack  first  a  redoubt,  close  to  the 
vvate'r's  edge,  apparently  beyond  reach  of  the  fire  from  the  enemy's  in- 
trenchments, in  the  belief  that  the  French.,  by  attempting  to  support  thai 
fortification,  would  put  it  in  his  power  to  bring  on  a  general  engagement ; 
or,  if  they  should  submit  to  the  loss  of  the  redoubt,  that  he  could  after- 
wards examine  their  situation  with  coolness,  and  advantageously  regu- 
late his  future  operations.  On  the  approach  of  the  British  troops  the 
redoubt  was  evacuated ;  and  the  General,  observing  some  confusion  in 
the  French  camp,  changed  his  original  plan,  and  determined  not  to  delay 
an  attack.  Orders  were  immediately  dispatched  to  the  Generals  Towns- 
hend and  Qlurray,  to  keep  their  divisions  in  readiness  for  fording  the 
river;  and  the  grenadiers  and  royal  Americans  were  directed  to  form  on 
the  beach  until  they  could  be  properly  sustained.  These  troops,  how- 
S 


138  THE    FEENCH    WARS. 

ever,  not  Avaiting  for  support,  rushed  impetuously  toward  the  enemy's  in- 
trenchments ;  but  they  were  received  with  so  strong  and  steady  a  fire 
from  the  French  musketry,  that  they  were  instantly  thrown  into  disor- 
der, and  obliged  to  seek  shelter  at  the  redoubt  which  the  enemy  had 
abandoned.  Detained  here  awhile  by  a  dreadful  thunder  storm,  they 
were  still  within  reach  of  a  severe  fire  from  the  French ;  and  many 
gallant  officers,  exposing  their  persons  in  attempting  to  form  the  troops, 
were  killed,  the  whole  loss  amounting  to  nearly  five  hundred  men.  The 
plan  of  attack  being  effectually  disconcerted,  the  English  General  gave 
orders  for  repassing  the  river,  and  returning  to  the  isle  of  Orleans. 

Compelled  to  abandon  the  attack  on  that  side,  Wolfe  deemed  that  ad- 
vantage might  result  from  attempting  to  destroy  the  French  fleet,  and  by 
distracting  the  attention  of  Montcalm  with  continual  descents  upon  the 
northern  shore.  General  Murray,  with  twelve  hundred  men  in  trans- 
ports, made  two  vigorous  but  abortive  attempts  to  land ;  and  though 
more  successful  in  the  third,  he  did  nothing  more  than  burn  a  magazine 
of  warlike  stores.  The  enemy's  fleet  was  effectually  secured  against  at- 
tacks, either  by  land  or  by  water,  and  the  Commander  in  chief  was  again 
obliged  to  submit  to  the  mortification  of  recalling  his  troops.  At  this 
juncture,  intelligence  arrived  that  Niagara  was  taken,  that  Ticonderoga 
and  Crown  Point  had  been  abandoned,  but  that  General  Amherst,  in- 
stead of  pressing  forward  to  their  assistance,  was  preparing  to  attack  the 
Isle-aux-Noix.  While  Wolfe  rejoiced  at  the  triumph  of  his  brethren  in 
arms,  he  could  not  avoid  contrasting  their  success  with  his  own  disas- 
trous efforts.  His  mind,  alike  lofty  and  susceptible,  was  deeply  impress- 
ed by  the  disasters  at  Montmorency ;  and  his  extreme  anxiety,  preying 
upon  his  delicate  frame,  sensibly  affected  his  health.  He  was  observed 
frequently  to  sigh  ;  and,  as  if  life  was  only  valuable  while  it  added  to 
his  glory,  he  declared  to  his  intimate  friends,  that  he  would  not  survive 
the  disgrace  which  he  imagined  would  attend  the  failure  of  his  enter- 
prise. Nothing,  however,  could  shake  the  resolution  of  this  valiant 
commander,  or  induce  him  to  abandon  the  attempt.  In  a  council  of  his 
principal  officers,  called  on  this  critical  occasion,  it  was  resolved,  that  all 
the  future  operations  should  be  above  the  town.  The  camp  at  the  isle 
of  Orleans  was  accordingly  abandoned ;  and  the  whole  army  having  em- 
barked on  board  the  fleet,  a  part  of  it  was  landed  at  Point  Levi,  and  a 
part  higher  up  the  river.  Montcalm,  apprehending  from  this  movement 
that  the  invaders  might  make  a  distant  descent  and  come  on  the  back  of 
the  city  of  Quebec,  detached  M.  de  Bougainville  with  fifteen  hundred 
men,  to  watch  their  motions,  and  prevent  their  landing. 

Baffled  and  harassed  in  all  his  previous  assaults.  General  Wolfe 
seems  to  have  determined  to  finish  the  enterprise  by  a  single  bold  and 
desperate  effort.  The  Admiral  sailed  several  leagues  up  the  river, 
making  occasional  demonstrations  of  a  design  to  land  troops  ;  and,  du- 
ring the  night,  a  strong  detachment  in  ffat-bottomed  boats  fell  silently 
down  with  the  stream,  to  a  point  about  a  mile  above  the  city.  The 
beach  was  shelving,  the  bank  high  and  precipitous,  and  the  only  part  by 
which  it  could  be  scaled,  was  now  defended  by  a  Captain's  guard  and  a 
battery  of  four  guns.     Colonel  Howe,  with  the  van,  soon  climbed  up 


TIIF.    FRENCH    WARS.  139 

the  rocks,  drove  away  the  guard,  and  seized  upon  the  battery.  The 
army  landed  about  an  hour  before  day,  and  by  daybreak  was  marshalled 
on  the  heights  of  Abraham. 

Montcalm  could  not  at  first  believe  the  intelligence  ;  but,  as  soon  as 
he  was  assured  of  its  truth,  he  made  all  prudent  haste  to  decide  a  battle 
which  it  was  no  longer  possible  to  avoid.  Leaving  his  camp  at  Mont- 
morency, he  crossed  the  river  St.  Charles  with  the  intention  of  attacking 
the  English  army.  No  sooner  did  Wolfe  observe  this  movement,  than 
he  began  to  form  his  order  of  battle.  His  troops  consisted  of  six  bat- 
talions, and  the  Louisburg  grenadiers.  The  right  wing  was  commanded 
by  General  Moncklon,  and  the  left  by  General  Murray.  The  right  flank 
was  covered  by  the  Louisburg  grenadiers,  and  the  rear  and  left  by 
Howe's  light  infantry.  The  form  in  which  the  French  advanced  indicat- 
ing an  i^itention  to  outflank  the  left  of  the  English  army,  General 
Townshend  was  sent  with  the  battalion  of  Amherst,  and  the  two  batta- 
lions of  royal  Americans,  to  that  part  of  the  line,  and  they  were  formed 
en  potence,  so  as  to  present  a  double  front  to  the  enemy.  The  body  of 
reserve  consisted  of  one  regiment,  drawn  up  in  eight  divisions,  with 
large  intervals.  The  dispositions  made  by  the  French  General  were  not 
less  masterly.  The  right  and  left  wings  were  composed  about  equally 
of  European  and  colonial  troops.  The  centre  consisted  of  a  column, 
formed  of  two  battalions  of  regulars.  Fifteen  hundred  Indians  and  Ca- 
nadians, excellent  marksmen,  advancing  in  front,  screened  by  surround- 
ing thickets,  began  the  battle.  Their  irregular  fire  proved  fatal  to  many 
British  officers,  but  it  Avas  soon  silenced  by  the  steady  fire  of  the  En- 
glish. About  nine  in  the  morning  the  main  body  of  the  French  advanc- 
ed briskly  to  the  charge,  and  the  action  soon  became  general.  Mont- 
calm having  taken  post  on  the  left  of  the  French  army,  and  Wolfe  on 
the  right  of  the  English,  the  two  Generals  met  each  other  where  the 
battle  was  most  severe.  The  English  troops  reserved  their  fire  until  the 
French  had  advanced  within  forty  yards  of  their  line,  and  then,  by  a 
general  discharge,  made  terrible  havoc  among  their  ranks.  The  fire  of 
the  English  was  vigorously  maintained,  and  the  enemy  every  where 
yielded  to  it.  General  Wolfe,  who,  exposed  in  the  front  of  his  bat- 
talions, had  been  Avounded  in  the  wrist,  betraying  no  symptom  of  pain, 
wrapped  a  handkerchief  round  his  arm,  and  continued  to  encourage  his 
men.  Soon  after,  he  received  a  shot  in  the  groin  ;  but,  concealing  the 
wound,  he  was  pressing  on  at  the  head  of  his  grenadiers  with  fixed 
bayonets,  when  a  third  ball  pierced  his  breast.*     The  army,  not  discon- 

*0n  receiving  his  mortal  wound,  Wolfe  was  conveyed  into  the  rear,  where,  careless 
about  himself,  he  discovered,  in  the  agonies  of  death,  the  most  anxious  solicitude  con- 
cerning the  fate  of  the  day.  From  extreme  faintness,  he  had  reclined  his  head  on  the 
arm  of  an  officer,  but  was  soon  aroused  by  the  cry  of  "They  fly,  they  fly!"  "  Who 
fly?"  exclaimed  the  dying  hero.  "The  French,"  answered  his  attendant.  "Then," 
said  he,  "  I  die  contented,"  and  immediately  expired.  A  death  more  full  cf  military 
glory  has  seldom  been  recorded  by  the  pen  of  the  historian,  or  celebrated  by  the  pencil 
of  the  painter.  General  Wolfe  was  only  thirty-three  years  of  age.  He  possessed 
those  military  talents,  which,  with  the  advantage  of  years  and  opportunity  of  action, 
"  to  moderate  his  ardor,  expand  his  faculties,  and  give  to  his  intuitive  perception  and 
Bcieuific  knowledge  the  correctness  of  judgment  perfected  by  experience,"  would 


140  THE    FRENCH    WARS. 

certed  by  his  fall,  continued  the  action  under  Monckton,  on  whom  the 
command  now  devolved,  but  who,  receiving  a  ball  through  his  bodj'',  soon 
,  yielded  the  command  to  General  Townshend.  Montcalm,  fighting  in 
front  of  his  battalions,  received  a  mortal  wound  about  the  same  time ; 
and  General  Senezergus,  the  second  in  command,  also  fell.  The  Bri 
tish  grenadiers  pressed  on  with  their  bayonets.  General  Murray,  briskly 
advancing  with  the  troops  under  his  direction,  broke  the  centre  of  the 
French  army.  The  Highlanders,  drawing  their  broadswords,  completed 
the  confusion  of  the  enemy  ;  and  after  having  lost  their  first  and  second  in 
command,  the  right  and  centre  of  the  French  were  entirely  driven  from  the 
field ;  and  the  left  was  following  the  example,  when  Bougainville  ap- 
peared in  the  rear,  with  the  fifteen  hundred  men  who  had  been  sent  to 
oppose  the  landing  of  the  English.  Two  battalions  and  two  pieces  of 
artillery  were  detached  to  meet  him  ;  but  he  retired,  and  the  British 
troops  were  left  the  undisputed  masters  of  the  field.  The  loss  of  the 
French  was  much  greater  than  that  of  the  English.  The  corps  of 
French  regulars  was  almost  entirely  annihilated.  The  killed  and 
wounded  of  the  English  army  did  not  amount  to  six  hundred  men. 
Although  Quebec  was  still  strongly  defended  by  its  fortifications,  and 
might  possibly  be  relieved  by  Bougainville,  or  from  Montreal,  yet  Ge- 
neral Townshend  had  scarcely  finished  a  road  in  the  bank  to  get  up  his 
heavy  artillery  for  a  siege,  when  the  inhabitants  capitulated,  on  condition 
that  during  the  war  they  might  still  enjoy  their  own  civil  and  religious 
rights.  A  garrison  of  five  thousand  men  was  lett  under  General  Murray, 
and  the  fleet  sailed  out  of  the  St.  Lawrence. 

The  fall  of  Quebec  did  not  immediately  produce  the  submission  of 
Canada.  The  main  body  of  the  French  army,  which,  after  the  battle  on 
the  plains  of  Abraham,  retired  to  Montreal,  and  which  still  consisted  of 
ten  battalions  of  regulars,  had  been  reinforced  by  six  thousand  Canadian 
militia,  and  a  body  of  Indians.  With  these  forces  M.  de  Levi,  who  had 
succeeded  the  Marquis  de  Montcalm  in  the  chief  command,  resolved  to 
attempt  the  recovery  of  Quebec.  He  had  hoped  to  carry  the  place  by  a 
co^ij)  de  main  during  the  winter  ;  but,  on  reconnoitring,  he  found  the  out- 
posts so  well  secured,  and  the  Governor  so  vigilant  and  active,  that  he 
postponed  the  enterprise  until  spring.  In  the  month  of  April,  Avhen  the 
upper  part  of  the  St.  Lawrence  was  so  open  as  to  admit  a  transportation 
by  water,  his  artillery,  military  stores,  and  heavy  baggage,  were  embark- 
ed at  Montreal,  and  fell  down  the  river  under  convoy  of  six  frigates ; 
and  M.  de  Levi,  after  a  march  of  ten  days,  arrived  with  his  army  at 
Point  au  Tremble,  within  a  few  miles  of  Quebec.  General  Murray,  to 
whom  the  care  of  maintai^iing  the  English  conquest  had  been  in- 
trusted, had  taken  every  precaution  to  preserve   it ;    but  his   troops   had 

liave  "  placed  him  on  a  level  with  the  most  celebrated  generals  of  any  age  or  nation." 
IMontcalm  was  every  way  worthy  to  be  a  competitor  of  Wolfe.  He  had  the  truest 
military  genius  of  any  officer  whom  the  French  had  ever  employed  in  America. 
After  he  had  received  his  mortal  wound,  he  was  carried  into  the  city ;  and  when 
informed  that  it  was  mortal,  his  reply  was,  "  I  am  glad  of  it."  On  being  told  that  he 
could  survive  but  a  few  hours,  "  So  much  the  better,"  he  replied,  ''I  shall  not  then 
live  to  see  the  surrender  of  Quebec." 


THE    FRENCH    WARS.  141 

suffered  so  much  by  the  extreme  cold  of  the  winter,  and  by  the  want  of 
vegetables  and  fresh  provisions,  that  instead  of  five  thousand,  the  original 
number  of  his  garrison,  there  were  not  at  this  time  above  three  thousand 
men  fit  for  service.  With  this  small  but  valiant  body  he  resolved  to 
meet  the  enemy  in  the  field ;  and  on  the  2Slh  of  April  marched  out  to 
the  heiglits  of  Abraham,  where,  near  Sillery,  he  attacked  the  French 
under  M.  de  Levi  with  great  impetuosity.  He  was  received  with  firm- 
ness ;  and,  after  a  fierce  encounter,  finding  himself  outflanked,  and  in 
danger  of  being  surrounded  by  superior  numbers,  he  called  off  his  troops, 
and  retired  into  the  city.  In  this  action  the  loss  of  the  English  was 
near  a  thousand  men,  and  that  of  the  French  still  greater.  The  French 
General  lost  no  time  in  improving  his  victory.  On  the  very  evening  of 
the  battle  lie  opened  trenches  before  the  town,  but  it  was  the  11th  of 
May  before  he  could  mount  his  batteries,  and  bring  his  guns  to  bear  on 
the  "fortifications.  By  that  time  General  Murray,  who  had  been  indefati- 
gable in  his  exertions,  had  completed  some  outworks,  and  planted  so 
numerous  an  artillery  on  his  ramparts,  that  his  fire  was  very  superior  to 
that  of  the  besiegers,  and  in  a  manner  silenced  their  batteries,  A  Bri- 
tish fleet  most  opportunely  arriving  a  few  days  after,  M.  de  Levi  imme- 
diately raised  the  siege,  and  precipitately  retired  to  Montreal.  Here  the 
Marquis  de  Vaudreuil,  Governor-General  of  Canada,  had  fixed  his  head- 
quarters, and  determined  to  make  his  last  stand.  For  this  purpose  he 
called  in  all  his  detachments,  and  collected  around  him  the  whole  force 
of  the  colony. 

The  English,  on  the  other  hand,  were  resolved  upon  the  utter  annihi- 
lation of  the  French  power  in  Canada;  and  General  Amherst  pre- 
pared to  overwhelm  it  with  an  irresistible  superiority  of  numbers. 
Almost  on  the  same  day,  the  armies  from  Quebec,  from  Lake  Ontario, 
and  from  Lake  Champlain,  were  concentrated  before  Montreal :  a  capitu- 
lation was  immediately  signed  ;  Detroit,  Michilimackinac,  and,  indeed, 
all  New  France,  surrendered  to  the  English.  The  French  troops  Avere 
to  be  carried  home  ;  and  the  Canadians  to  retain  their  civil  and  religious 
privileges. 

The  history  of  modern  Europe,  Avilh  whose  destiny  that  of  the  colonies 
was  closely  interwoven,  may  be  designated  as  the  annals  of  an  intermi- 
nable war.  Her  sovereigns,  ever  having  the  oily  words  of  peace  on  their 
lips,  have  seldom  had  recourse  to  the  olive  branch  but  as  the  signal  of  a 
truce,  the  duration  of  which  should  be  coeval  with  the  reinvigoration  of 
military  strength.  It  was  thus  with  France  on  the  present  occasion. 
Equally  unsuccessful  on  both  continents,  and  exhausted  by  her  strenuous 
and  continued  efforts,  she  was  at  length  induced  to  make  overtures  of 
peace  ;  and  every  thing  seemed  to  be  in  a  fair  train  for  adjustment,  when 
the  treaty  was  suddenly  broken  off'  by  an  attempt  of  the  court  of  Ver- 
seilles  to  mingle  the  politics  of  Spain  and  of  Germany  with  the  disputes 
between  France  and  Great  Britain.  A  secret  family  compact  between 
the  Bourbons  to  support  each  other  through  evil  and  good,  in  peace  and 
in  war,  had  rendered  Spain  desirous  of  war,  and  induced  France  once 
more  to  try  her  fortune.  As  the  interests  of  the  two  nations  were  now 
identified,  "it  only  remained  for  England  to  make  a  formal  declaration  of 


142  THE   FRENCH  WARS. 

hostility  against  Spain.  The  colonies  of  New  England  being  chiefly 
interested  in  the  reduction  of  the  West  India  islands,  furnished  a  coi>- 
siderable  body  of  troops  to  carry  on  the  war.  A  large  fleet  was  dis- 
patched from  England;  the  land  forces  amounted  to  sixteen  thousand; 
and  before  the  end  of  the  second  year,  Great  Britain  had  the  important 
city  of  Havana,  the  key  of  the  Mexican  Gulf,  together  with  the  French 
provinces  of  Martinique,  Grenada,  St.  Lucia,  St.  Vincent,  and  the  Carib- 
bee  islands. 

The  progress  of  the  British  conquests,  which  threatened  all  the  re- 
maining colonial  possessions  of  their  opponents,  was  arrested  by  prelimi- 
nary articles  of  peace,  which,  towards  the  close  of  1762,  were  exchanged 
at  Fontainbleau  between  the  Ministers  of  Great  Britain,  France,  and 
Spain.  On  the  10th  of  February  in  the  following  year,  a  definitive 
treaty  of  peace  was  signed  at  Paris,  and  soon  after  ratified.  France 
ceded  to  Great  Britain  all  the  conquests  which  the  latter  had  made  in 
North  America ;  and  it  was  stipulated  between  the  two  crowns,  that  the 
boundary  line  of  their  respective  dominions  in  the  new  hemisphere  should 
run  along  the  middle  of  the  Mississippi,  from  its  source  as  far  as  the 
Iberville,  and  along  the  middle  of  that  river,  and  of  Lakes  Maurepas  and 
Pontchartrain. 

Thus  terminated  a  war,  which  originated  in  an  attempt  on  the  part  of 
the  French  to  surround  the  English  colonists,  and  chain  them  to  a  nar- 
row strip  of  country  along  the  coast  of  the  Atlantic ;  and  ended  with 
their  giving  up  the  whole  of  what  was  then  their  only  valuable  territory 
in  North  America.  The  immediate  advantage  the  colonies  derived  from 
tlie  successful  issue  of  the  contest  was  great  and  apparent.  Although, 
for  a  short  period  after  the  conquest  of  Canada  had  been  effected,  they 
were  subject  to  attacks  from  the  Indian  tribes,  attached  to  the  French, 
and  also  from  the  Cherokees  on  their  south-western  borders,  they  were 
soon  enabled  to  visit  their  cruelties  with  severe  retribution,  and  to  pro- 
cure a  lasting  repose,  as  the  Indians  had  no  forts  to  which  to  repair 
for  protection  or  aid.  But  the  indirect  results,  though  almost  unper- 
ceived  at  first,  were  far  more  important,  and  prepared  the  way  for  those 
momentous  eflforts  which  issued  in  the  loss  to  Great  Britain  of  the  fairest 
portion  of  her  colonies,  and  the  establishment  of  her  vassal  as  a  rival. 
The  colonists  became  inured  to  the  habits  and  hardships  of  a  military 
life,  and  skilled  in  the  arts  of  European  warfare;  while  the  desire  of 
revenge  for  the  loss  of  Canada,  which  France  did  not  fail  to  harbor,  was 
preparing  for  them  a  most  efficient  friend,  and  making  way  for  the  ano- 
malous exhibition  of  a  despotic  sovereign  exerting  all  his  poiver  in  the 
cause  of  liberty  and  independence. 


143 


ANECDOTES  OF    THE    REVOLUTION 


FIFTH  OF  MARCH,  1770. 

Early  in  the  evening  of  the  5th  of  March,  1770,  the  inhabitants  of  Bo3- 
ton  were  observed  to  assemble  in  different  quarters  of  the  town  ;  parties 
of  soldiers  were  also  driving  about  the  streets,  as  if  both  the  one  and  the 
other  had  something  moic  than  ordinary  upon  their  minds.  About  eight 
o'clock,  one  of  the  bells  of  the  town  was  rung  in  such  manner  as  is  usual 
in  case  of  fire.  This  called  people  into  the  streets.  A  large  number 
assembled  in  the  market-place,  not  far  from  King-street,  armed  with 
bludgeons,  or  clubs.  A  small  fray  between  some  of  the  inhabitants  and 
the  soldiers  arose  at  or  near  the  barracks  at  the  west  part  of  the  town, 
but  it  was  of  little  importance,  and  was  soon  over.  A  sentinel  who  was 
posted  at  the  custom-house,  not  far  from  the  main  guard,  was  next  insult- 
ed, and  pelted  with  pieces  of  ice  and  other  missiles,  which  caused  him 
to  call  to  the  main  guard  to  protect  him.  Notice  was  soon  given  to  Captain 
Preston,  whose  company  was  then  on  guard,  and  a  sergeant  with  six 
men  was  sent  to  protect  the  sentinel ;  but  the  Captain,  to  prevent  any 
precipitate  action,  followed  them  himself.  There  seem  to  have  been  but 
few  people  collected  when  the  assault  was  first  made  on  the  sentinel ;  but 
the  sergeant's  guard  drew  a  greater  number  together,  and  they  were  more 
insulted  than  the  sentinel  had  been,  and  received  frequent  blows  from  snow 
balls  and  lumps  of  ice.  Captain  Preston  thereupon  ordered  them  to 
charge  ;  but  this  was  no  discouragement  to  the  assailants,  who  continued 
to  pelt  the  guard,  daring  them  to  fire.  Some  of  the  people  who  were  be- 
hind the  soldiers,  and  observed  the  abuse  of  them,  called  on  them  to  do 
so.  At  length  one  received  a  blow  with  a  club,  which  brought  him  to  the 
ground  ;  but,  rising  again,  he  immediately  fired,  and  all  the  rest,  except 
one,  followed  the  example.  This  seems,  from  the  evidence  on  the  trials 
and  the  observation  of  persons  present,  to  have  been  the  course  of  the 
material  facts.  Three  men  were  killed,  two  mortally  Avounded,  who  died 
soon  after,  and  several  slightly  wounded. 

The  soldiers  immediately  withdrew  to  the  main  guard,  which  was 
strengthened  by  additional  companies.  Two  or  three  of  the  persons  who 
had  seen  the  action  ran  to  the  Lieutenant-Governor's  house,  which  was 
about  half  a  mile  distant,  and  begged  he  would  go  to  King-street,  where 
they  feared  a  general  action  would  come  on  between  the  troops  and  the 
inhabitants.  He  went  immediately,  and,  to  satisfy  the  people,  called  for 
Captain  Preston,  and  inquired  why  he  had  fired  upon  the  inhabitants 
without  the  direction  of  a  civil  magistrate.  The  noise  was  so  great  that 
his  answer  could  r^*  be  understood;  and  some  persons,  who  vere  appr»- 


144      ANECDOTES  OF  THE  REVOLUTION. 

hensive  of  the  Lieutenant-Governor's  danger  from  the  general  confusion 
called  out  "  The  town-house,  the  town-house !"  when,  with  irresistible 
violence,  he  was  forced  up  by  the  crowd  into  the  council  chamber. 
There  demand  was  immediately  made  of  him,  to  order  the  troops  to 
withdraw  from  the  town-house  to  their  barracks.  He  refused  ;  but  calling 
from  the  balcony  to  the  great  body  of  people  who  remained  in  tho  street, 
he  expressed  his  great  concern  at  the  unhappy  event ;  assured  them  he 
would  do  every  thing  in  his  power  to  obtain  a  full  and  impartial  inquiry, 
that  the  law  might  have  its  course ;  and  advised  them  to  go  peaceably  to 
their  homes.  Upon  this  there  Avas  a  cry — "  Home,  home  !"  and  a  great 
part  separated,  and  went  home.  He  then  signified  his  opinion  to  Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Carr,  that  if  the  companies  in  arms  were  ordered  to  their 
barracks,  the  streets  would  be  cleared  and  the  town  in  quiet  for  that  night. 
Upon  their  retiring,  the  rest  of  the  inhabitants,  except  those  in  the  coun- 
cil chamber,  retired  also. 

Lieutenant-Colonel  Dalrymple,  at  the  desire  of  the  Lieutenant-Gover- 
nor, came  to  the  council  chamber,  while  several  justices  were  examining 
persons  who  were  present  at  the  transactions  of  the  evening.  From  the 
evidence  it  Avas  apparent  that  the  justices  would  commit  Captain  Preston, 
if  taken.  Several  hours  passed  before  he  could  be  found,  and  the  people 
suspected  that  he  would  not  run  the  hazard  of  a  trial ;  but  at  length  he 
surrendered  himself  to  a  warrant  for  apprehending  him,  and,  having  been 
examined,  Avas  committed  to  prison.  The  next  morning  the  soldiers  who 
were  upon  guard  surrendered  also,  and  Avere  committed.  This  Avas  not 
sufficient  to  satisfy  the  people,  and  early  in  the  forenoon  they  Avere  in 
motion  again.  The  Lieutenant-Governor  caused  his  council  to  be  sum- 
moned, and  desired  the  two  Lieutenant-Colonels  of  the  regiments  to  be 
present.  The  selectmen  of  Boston  Avere  Avaiting  the  Lieutenant-Gover- 
nor's coming  to  council,  and,  being  admitted,  made  their  representation, 
that,  from  the  contentions  arising  from  the  troops  quartered  in  Boston, 
and,  above  all,  from  the  tragedy  of  the  last  night,  the  minds  of  the 
inhabitants  AA'ere  exceedingly  disturbed ;  that  they  Avould  presently  be 
assembled  in  a  tOAATi-meeting  ;  and  that,  unless  the  troops  should  be  remov- 
ed, the  most  terrible  consequences  AA^ere  to  be  expected.  The  justices 
also  of  Boston  and  seA'eral  of  the  neighboring  toAvns  had  assembled,  and 
desired  to  signify  their  opinion,  that  it  Avould  not  be  possible  to  keep 
ihe  people  under  restraint,  if  the  troops  remained  in  town.  The  Lieu- 
tenant-Governor acquainted  both  the  selectmen  and  the  justices,  that  he 
had  no  authority  to  alter  the  place  of  destination  of  the  King's  troops  ; 
but  that  he  expected  the  commanding  officers  of  the  tAVO  regiments,  and 
would  let  them  know  the  applications  AA'hich  had  been  made.  Presently 
after  their  coming,  a  large  committee  from  the  toAvn-meeting  presented 
an  address  to  the  Lieutenant-Governor,  declaring  it  to  be  the  unanimous 
opinion  of  the  meeting,  that  nothing  could  rationally  I  e  expected  to  restore 
ihe  peace  of  the  town,  "  and  prevent  blood  and  carnage,"  but  the  imme- 
diate removal  of  the  troops.  The  committee  AvithdreAV  into  another  room 
to  AA'ait  for  an  answer.  Some  of  the  council  urged  the  necessity  of  com- 
plying Avith  the  people's  demand ;  but  the  Lieutenant-Governor  declared 
that  he  Avould,  upon  no  consideration  "daatever,   giv^e  orders  for  their 


ANECDOTES  OF  THE  REVOLUTION.       145 

removal.  Lieutenant-Colonel  Dalrymple  then  sifjnified,  that,  as  the 
twenty-ninth  regiment  had  originally  been  designed  to  be  placed  at  the 
castle,  and  was  now  peculiarly  obnoxious  to  the  town,  he  was  content 
that  it  should  be  removed  to  the  castle,  until  the  General's  pleasure  should 
be  known.  The  committee  was  informed  of  this  ofTer,  and  tlie  Lieu- 
tenant-Governor rose  from  council,  intending  to  receive  no  further  appli- 
cation upon  the  subject ;  but  the  council  prayed  that  he  would  meet  them 
again  in  the  afternoon,  and  Colonel  Dalrymple  desiring  it  also,  he  com- 
plied. Before  the  council  met  again,  it  had  been  intimated  to  them  that 
the  "desire"  of  the  Governor  and  council  to  the  commanding  officer  to 
remove  the  troops,  would  cause  him  to  do  it,  though  he  should  receive  no 
authoritative  "order."  As  soon  as  they  met,  a  committee  from  the  town- 
meeting  attended  with  a  second  message,  to  acquaint  the  Lieutenant- 
Gcvernor,  that  it  was  the  unanimous  voice  of  the  people  assembled, 
consisting,  as  they  said,  of  near  three  thousand  persons,  that  nothing  less 
than  a  total  and  immediate  removal  of  the  troops  would  satisfy  them. 
Ultimately  the  scruples  of  the  Lieutenant-Governor  were  overcome,  and 
he  expressed  a  desire  that  the  troops  should  be  wholly  withdrawn  from 
the  town  to  the  castle,  which  was  accordingly  done.  The  funeral  of  the 
victims  was  attended  with  extraordinary  pomp.  Most  of  the  shops  were 
closed,  all  the  bells  of  the  town  tolled  on  the  occasion,  and  the  corpse? 
were  followed  to  the  grave  by  an  immense  concourse  of  people  arranged 
six  abreast,  the  procession  being  closed  by  a  long  train  of  carriages  be- 
longing to  the  principal  gentry  of  the  town.  Captain  Preston  and  the 
party  of  soldiers  were  afterwards  tried.  The  Captain  and  six  of  the  men 
were  acquitted,  and  two  were  brought  in  guilty  of  manslaughter  ;  a  result 
which  reflected  great  honor  on  John  Adams  and  Josiah  Quincy,  the 
counsel  for  the  prisoners,  and  on  the  jury. 


THE  STAMP  ACT. 

The  Stamp  Act  was  not  passed  in  Parliament  until  March,  1765. 
Before  that  time,  and  while  the  law  was  under  consideration,  all  the  Colo- 
nies protested  against  it,  and  most  of  them  sent  agents  to  London  to 
reason  with  the  English  Ministers  ;  but  in  vain.  The  act  passed  in  the 
House  of  Commons,  by  a  vote  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  members  against 
fifty.  Doctor  Franklin,  then  in  London,  wrote,  the  same  evening,  to 
Charles  Thomson,  afterwards  Secretary  of  the  American  Congress,  as 
follows: — "The  sun  of  liberty  is  set;  the  Americans  must  light  the 
lamps  of  industry  and  economy."  The  gentleman  answered,  "  Be  as- 
sured we  shall  light  torches  of  quite  another  kind." 

The  people  of  Virginia  and  Massachusetts  were  among  the  first  to 
oppose  the  Stamp  Act.  But  the  same  feeling  was  soon  spread  over  the 
whole  country.  The  newspapers  were  still  published  on  paper  not 
stamped,  and  these  were  filled  with  warm  discussions  upon  this  subject. 
The  lawyers  also  agreed  to  use  no  stamped  paper ;  a  great  many  public 
officers  gave  up  their  commissions,  and  vast  numbers  of  the  people, 
i' 


146 


ANECDOTES  OF  THE  REVOLUTION, 


calling  themselves  sons  of  liberty,  agreed  to  oppose  the  Stamp  Act,  and 
to  assist  each  other,  at  all  hazards. 

In  Boston,  early  in  the  morning  of  August  14th,  two  effigies  were 
found  hanging  on  the  branch  of  an  old  elm,  near  the  southern  entrance 
of  the  city.     One  represented  a  stamp  officer.     There  was  a  great  jack- 


Doot  also,  out  of  which  rose  a  horned  head.  The  people  collected  m 
crowds  from  the  city  and  country.  About  dusk,  the  images  were  taken 
down,  placed  on  a  bier,  and  carried  about  in  solemn  procession,  the 
people  following,  stamping  and  shouting,  "  Liberty  and  property  for- 
ever— no  stamps."  They  passed  through  the  town-house,  down  King- 
street,  into  Kilby-street,  halted  at  the  house  of  one  Oliver,  which  they 
supposed  to  be  meant  for  a  stamp  office,  and  demolished  it  from  top  to 
bottom  ;  they  carried  off  the  wood,  marched  through  the  streets,  with  a 
tremendous  noise,  to  the  dwelling  of  Oliver  himself;  and  there,  having 
gone  through  the  ceremony  of  chopping  off  that  gentleman's  head,  in 
effigy,  broke  in  his  windows  in  an  instant. 

They  then  marched  up  Fort  Hill,  still  following  the  two  figures,  jack- 
boot, horns  and  all.  Here  they  kindled  a  bonfire  with  them,  returned  to 
Oliver's  house  with  clubs  and  staves,  and  destroyed  every  part  of  his 
gardens,  fences  and  out-houses.  Oliver  left  a  few  friends  in  his  house, 
and  fled  with  all  possible  speed.  His  friends  offended  the  multitude,  and 
they  broke  open  the  doors,  and  destroyed  all  the  furniture  in  the  lower 
story.  Mr.  Oliver  gave  notice  the  next  day,  that  he  had  concluded  not 
to  serve  as  a  stamp  officer.  The  people  Avent  to  his  house  in  the 
evening  again,  gave  him  three  cheers  of  encouragement,  and  left  him 
without  further  damage  to  himself,  his  house,  or  his  effigy. 

The  people  had  now  another  person  to  attend  to.  Having  heard  that 
Lieutenant-Governor  Hutchinson  had  written  to  England  in  favor  of  the 
stamp  duties,  they  visited  his  house  in  great  numbers.  As  he  assured 
them,  however,  that  he  had  written  no  such  thing,  they  applauded  him 
with  shouts,  kmdled  a  bonfire,  and  went  home.     On  the  26th  of  August, 


ANECDOTES  OF  THE  REVOLUTION.       147 

the  disorders  began  again.  Some  boys  were  playing  round  a  fire  in 
King-street.  Tiie  fireward  coming  to  extinguish  it,  some  one  whispered 
him  to  keep  back.  The  advice  was  followed  by  a  few  blows  and  kicks, 
and  he  soon  withdrew. 

Meanwhile,  a  particular  whistle  was  heard  from  several  quarters,  foW 
lowed  by  cries  of  "  Sirrah  !  Sirrah !"  A  long  train  of  persons  then 
came  up,  disguised,  and  armed  with  clubs  and  bludgeons.  They  pro- 
ceeded to  surround  the  house  of  one  Paxton,  harbor-master.  He  thought 
it  well  to  absent  himself;  but  the  crowd  followed  him  to  a  tavern,  where 
he  persuaded  them  not  to  destroy  his  house.  They  broke  open  the 
office  and  house  of  Story,  another  crown  officer,  opposite  the  court-house  ; 
burned  the  files  and  records  in  the  first,  and  destroyed  the  furniture  in 
the  other. 

They  afterwards  paid  some  attentions  of  the  same  kind  to  Mr.  Hal- 
lowell,  collector  of  the  duties,  drank  up  the  wine  in  hi?  cellar,  and 
carried  off  some  hundred  dollars  of  his  money.  They  visited  Mr.  Hutch- 
inson once  more  about  ten  o'clock  in  the  evening,  and  carried  off  his 
plate,  pictures,  furniture,  clothing,  manuscripts,  and  about  three  thousand 
dollars  in  cash.  Some  of  the  ringleaders  of  these  riots  were  imprisoned, 
though  soon  released.  The  Governor  offered  rewards  for  the  discovery 
of  others  :  a  nightly  watch  was  appointed,  and,  at  a  numerous  town- 
meeting,  the  selectmen  of  the  town  were  desired  to  use  every  effort  to 
prevent  these  dfsorders  for  the  future. 

But  the  Stamp  Act  was  received  every  where  in  a  similar  manner. 
At  Newport  and  Providence,  in  Rhode  Island,  vast  multitudes  got  to- 
gether, and  dragged  about  the  effigies  of  several  of  the  crown  officers  in 
carts,  with  halters  on  their  necks ;  then  they  hung  them  up,  and  cut 
them  down  to  be  burned.  Some  houses,  also,  were  pillaged.  So  it  was, 
too,  in  Connecticut,  at  New  Haven,  Lebanon,  and  other  towns  ;  in 
New-Hampshire,  Maryland,  New  York,  and  as  far  south  as  the  Ca- 
rolinas. 


GENERAL  PUTNAM, 

When  the  intelligence  of  the  battle  of  Lexington,  which  took  place  oq 
the  19th  of  April,  1775,  reached  General  Putnam,  he  was  engaged  in 
ploughing  on  his  farm,  at  Brooklyn,  in  Connecticut.  He  instantly  un- 
yoked his  cattle,  left  his  plough  standing  in  the  unfinished  furrow,  in  the 
midst  of  the  field,  and  without  stopping  to  change  his  dress,  immediately 
set  off  for  the  scene  of  military  transactions,  in  the  vicinity  of  Boston 
Upon  entering  the  army,  he  was  appointed  to  the  rank  of  Major-General. 
On  the  conclusion  of  the  war,  General  Washington  wrote  a  letter  to 
General  Putnam,  in  which  he  warmly  expressed  the  sense  he  entertained 
of  his  services.  "  The  name  of  Putnam,"  says  he,  "  is  not  forgotten  ; 
nor  will  it  be,  but  with  that  stroke  of  time  which  shall  obliterate  from 
my  mind  the  remembrance  of  all  those  toils  and  fatigues  through  which 


I4'S 


ANECDOTES  OF  THE  REVOLUTION, 


we  have  struggled,  for  the  preservation  and  establishment  ef  the  rights, 
libesties,  and  independence  of  our  country." 


^S^«g^^?^3S 


When  General  Putnam  was  pursued  by  General  Tyran  at  the  head 
of  fifteen  hundred  men,  his  only  method  of  escape  was  precipitating  his 
horse  down  the  steep  declivity  of  the  rock,  called  Horseneck;  and  as 
none  of  his  pursuers  dared  to  follow,  he  escaped.     An  act   of  still  more 


(Jarmg  intrepidity,  was  his  clearing  in  a  boat  the  tremendous  waterfalls 
of  Hudson's  river.  This  was  in  the  year  1756,  when  Putnam  was  en- 
gaged in  a  war  with  the  French  and  their  allies,  the  Indians.  He  Avas 
accidentally  with  a  boat  and  five  men  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  river, 
when  the  men  on  the  opposite  side  informed  him,  by  signal,  that  a  large 
body  of  savages  were  advancing  to  surround  him,  and  that  there  was  not 
a  moment  to  lose.  Three  modes  of  conduct  were  at  his  option — to  re- 
main, fight,  and  be  sacrificed;    to  attempt  to  pass  on  the  other  side,  ex- 


ANECDOTES  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 


U9 


posed  to  the  full  shot  of  the  enemy;  or  to  sail  down  tho  w.iterfdls,  with 
almost  a  certainty  of  being  overwhelmed.  Putnam  did  not  hesitate, 
and  jumped  into  his  boat  at  a  fortunate  instant;  for  one  of  his  compan- 
ions, who  was  at  a  little  distance,  was  a  victim  to  tlie  Indians.  His 
enemies  soon  arrived,  and  discharged  their  muskets  at  the  boat,  before 
he  could  get  out  of  their  reach.  No  sooner  had  he  escaped  this  danger, 
through  tlie  rapidity  of  the  current,  but  death  presented  itself  under  a 
more  terriffic  form.  Rocks,  whose  points  projected  above  the  surface  of 
the  water ;  lar^;e  masses  of  tiniber,  that  nearly  closed  the  passage  ;  <tb- 
sorbing  gulfs,  and  rapid  descents  for  inore  than  a  quarter  of  a  mile,  left 
him  little  hope  of  escape.  Putnam,  however,  directed  the  helm  with 
the  utmost  tran<5uillity.  His  companions  saw  him  with  admiration,  ter- 
ror, and  astonishment,  avoid  with  the  utmost  address  the  rocks  and 
threatening  guJfs,  which  they  every  instant  expected  to  devour  him.  He 
disappeared,  and  rose  again,  till  he  at  length  gained  the  even  surface  ot 
the  river,  at  the  bottom  of  this  dreadful  cascade.  The  Indians  considered 
k  a  miracle.  They  looked  upon  Putnam  as  invulnerable  ;  and  they 
feared  to  offend  the  Great  Spirit,  by  attempting  the  life  of  a  man  so 
visibly  undej  his  immediate  protection. 


CAPTAIN  MOLLY. 


Before  the  two  armies,  American  and  English,  had  begun  Uie  gem 
ral  action  of  Monmouth,  two  of  the  advanced  batteries  commenced 
a  very  severe  fire  against  each  other.  As  the  warmth  was  excessive, 
the  wife  of  a  cannonier  constantly  ran  to  bring  him  water  from  a  neigh- 
boring spring.  At  the  moment  when  she  started  from  the  spring,  to 
■pass  the  post  of  her  husband,  she  saw  him  fall,  and  hastened  to   assist 


■hira ;  but  he  was  dead.     At  the  same  moment  she  heard  an  officer  order 
tlie  cannon  to  be  removed  from  its  place,  complaining  that  he  could  not 


150 


ANECDOTES  OF  THE  REVOLUTION. 


fill  his  post  by  as  brave  a  man  as  had  been  killed.  "  No,"  said  the 
intrepid  Molly,  fixing  her  eyes  upon  the  officer,  "  the  cannon  shall  not 
be  removed  for  the  want  of  some  one  to  serve  it ;  since  my  brave  hus- 
band is  no  more,  I  will  use  my  utmost  exertions  to  avenge  his  death." 
The  activity  and  courage  with  which  she  performed  the  office  of  can- 
nonier  during  the  action,  attracted  the  attention  of  all  who  witnessed  it, 
finally  of  General  Washington  himself,  who  afterwards  gave  her  the 
rank  of  Lieutenant,  and  granted  her  half-pay  during  life.  She  wore  an 
epaulette,  and  every  body  called  her  Captain  Molly. 


MAJOR  BURNET'S  CUE. 

In  the  battle  of  Germantov/n,  Major  Burnet,  the  aid-de-camp  of  Gene- 
ral Greene,  wore  a  long  cue  after  the  fashion  of  the  times,  and  as  he 
turned  round  to  attend  to  a  dismounted  cannon,  his  cue  was  cut  off  bv  a 


fS<^^^^t^iii^i^ 


musKet  ball  from  the  enemy.  "  Don't  hurry,  my  dear  Major,"  crie<} 
Gieene,  laughing ;  "  pray  dismount  and  get  that  long  cue  of  yours  ,  don't 
be  hi  haste." 


151 


DESCRIPTION  OF   THE   CHIEF   CITIES   IN   THE 
UNITED    STATES. 


NEW  YORK. 


This  city,  founded  by  the  Dutch,  in  1614,  and  called  by  thorn  New  Amsterdam, 
in  population,  wealth,  and  commerce,  now  holds  the  first  rank  in  the  western 
world.  Its  situation  gives  it  a  decided  natural  advantage  over  every  other.  On  a 
safe  and  commodious  harbor,  twenty-five  miles  in  circumference,  —  large  enough 
to  contain  the  combined  navies  of  the  world,  —  at  the  mouth  of  the  Hudson,  one 
of  the  finest  navigable  rivers  in  any  country,  with  every  possible  facility  of  inter- 
coiu-se  by  ships,  railroads,  canals,  etc.,  -with,  every  part  of  our  own  and  other  coun- 
tries, it  is  even  now  second  only  to  London  in  the  extent  of  its  commerce,  and  in 
point  of  population  is  the  third  city  in  the  world.  Its  rapid  growth  in  material 
prosperity  is  perhaps  without  a  parallel.  Its  population  in  1656  was  1000  ;  in  1697, 
4302;  in  1731,  8622;  in  1760,  10,000;  1774,22,750;  1800,60,489;  1810,96,373; 
1820,  123,706  ;  1830,  202,957  ;  1835,  270,089  ;  1840,  312,710,  and  its  present  pop- 
ulation (1851)  is  about  515,000. 

The  city  proper  is  on  an  island,  bounded  on  the  east  by  East  River,  west  by  the 
Hudson,  and  north  by  Harlem  River.  The  island  is  thirteen  and  a  half  miles  long, 
and  varies  from  half  a  mile  to  more  than  two  miles  in  width.  The  earliest  settled 
and  most  compact  portion  of  the  city  is  at  the  southern  point.  The  streets  here, 
almost  entirely  devoted  to  business,  are  inconveniently  narrow  and  crooked ;  but 
very  great  expense  has  been  incurred,  within  the  last  few  years,  in  widening  and 
improving  them.  The  upper  portion  of  the  city  is  regularly  and  commodiously 
laid  out,  adorned  with  squares,  fountains,  costly  dwellings,  handsome  churches, 
and  other  public  buildings.  The  most  elegant  and  fashionable  street  is  Broadway, 
eighty  feet  in  width,  extending  from  the  Battery  to  Union  Square,  two  and  a  half 
miles  in  a  straight  line,  and  thence  continued,  under  another  name,  through  the 
entii-e  extent  of  the  city.  Few  streets  in  the  world  equal  it  in  the  elegance  of  its 
buildings,  the  bustle  of  its  business,  the  crowd  and  gayety  of  its  promenaders. 

The  finest  public  square  of  the  city  is  the  Battery,  at  the  southern  point,  contain- 
ing eleven  acres,  planted  with  trees,  laid  out  in  gravelled  walks,  and  commanding 
a  tine  view  of  the  harbor,  islands,  etc.  The  Bowling  Green,  near  the  Battery,  is  a 
pretty  enclosure,  adorned  Avith  a  beautiful  fountain.  The  Park  has  an  area  of 
eleven  acres,  on  which  are  the  City  Hall  and  other  city  offices.  It  also  contains 
the  most  superb  fountain  in  the  city,  the  basin  of  which  is  one  hundred  feet  in 
diameter,  enclosed  with  a  coping  of  white  marble.  Sixteen  feet  beyond  the  coping 
is  a  handsome  iron  fence  —  the  intermediate  space  planted  with  beautiful  shrub- 
bery. St.  John's  Park,  Hudson  Square,  is  tastefully  laid  out,  adorned  with  many 
trees  and  a  fountain,  and  surrounded  by  an  iron  railing,  which  cost  $26,000. 
Washington  Parade  Ground  contains  ten  acres.  Union  Square,  at  the  northern  ter- 
mination of  Broadway,  Gramercy  Park,  and  Tompkins  Sqtuire,  are  beautiful  enclo- 
sures ;  while  Madison,  Hamilton,  etc.,  farther  to  the  north,  wiU  secure  breathing- 
places  to  the  inhabitants,  who  are  rapidly  crowding  this  portion  of  the  city  mth 
costly  dwellings. 

Of  the  pubUc  buildings,  one  of  the  finest  is  the  City  Hall,  which  was  commenced 


152  CHIEF    CITIES 

in  1803,  and  occupied  ten  years  in  building.  Its  style  is  a  combination  of  the 
Corinthian  and  Ionic  orders.  The  front  and  ends  are  of  white  marble,  the  rear  of 
sandstone.  It  is  216  feet  long,  105  wide,  and  65  high.  Of  its  many  public  rooms, 
the  chief  is  the  Governor's  Room,  52  feet  by  20,  elegantly  furnished,  and  its  walls 
adorned  with  portraits  of  many  of  the  men  most  distinguislied  in  the  history'  of  the 
country.  In  the  Common  Council  Room  is  the  chair  occupied  by  "Washington 
when  President  of  the  first  American  Congress. 

The  Custom  House  is  of  white  marble,  in  the  Doric  style,  after  the  model  of  the 
Parthenon  at  Athens,  200  feet  long,  90  wide,  and  80  high.  The  great  business 
haU  is  circular,  sixty  feet  in  diameter,  surmounted  by  a  sky-Ughted  dome,  sup- 
ported by  16  Corintliian  columns,  30  feet  high. 

The  Merchants'  Exchange,  of  Quincy  granite,  fire-proof,  is  a  very  imposing 
structure,  200  feet  long,  171  wide,  77  high,  or  124  to  top  of  dome.     Cost,  $1,800,000. 

Of  the  225  churches  in  the  city,  the  most  splendid  and  costly  is  "  Trinity,"  built 
of  sandstone,  in  jjure  Gothic  style,  189  feet  long,  84  wide,  and  64  high,  or  264  feet 
to  top  of  spire.  The  tower  contains  a  beautiful  chime  of  bells,  and  commands  the 
finest  ^^ew  which  can  be  obtained  of  the  city  and  surrounding  country.  The  cost 
of  the  building  was  about  $400,000.  New  York  has  many  other  magnificent 
church  edifices. 

The  principal  literary  itistitutions  are,  Columbia  College,  chartered  by  George  II., 
in  1754  ;  the  University  of  the  City  of  New  York,  founded  in  1831 ;  the  Union 
Theological  Seminary  ;  Protestant  Episcopal  Theological  Seminary ;  Rutgers'  Fe- 
male Institute ;  New  York  Society  Library ;  Mercantile  Library;  Apprentices' 
Library,  etc.,  etc.  There  are  several  associations  for  the  encouragement  of  art,  and 
the  exhibition  of  paintings,  statuary,  etc. 

Hotels  and  places  of  amusement  abound. 

The  Croton  Aqueduct,  one  of  the  greatest  public  works  in  the  country,  was 
commenced  in  1835,  and  emptied  water  into  the  city,  from  a  distance  of  forty 
miles,  on  the  4th  of  July,  1842,  at  a  cost  of  $14,000,000.  It  wiU  discharge 
60,000,000  gallons  in  twenty-four  hours.  It  crosses  Harlem  River  on  a  massive 
stone  bridge,  1450  feet  long,  114  feet  high,  and  costing  $900,000. 

New  York  is  amply  fortified  ;  on  Governor's  Island  by  Fort  Columbus,  Castle 
WilUam,  and  a  battery  ;  by  similar  defences  on  Bedlow's  and  Ellis's  Islands ;  by 
Forts  Hamilton  and  Lafayette,  at  the  Narrows  ;  by  Forts  Tompkins  and  Richmond, 
on  Staten  Island ;  and  by  Fort  Schuyler,  on  Throg's  Neck,  at  the  entrance  of  East 
River  from  the  Sound. 


PHILADELPHIA, 

The  second  city  in  the  Union  in  size  and  population,  is  situated  between  the 
Delaware  and  Schuylkill  Rivers,  five  miles  from  their  junction,  and  one  hundred 
miles  from  the  sea.  It  lies  about  four  and  a  half  miles  along  the  Delaware,  which 
is  navigable  for  the  largest  ships  of  the  line  to  the  Navy  Yard  on  Front-street. 
The  Schuylkill  admits  vessels  of  three  hundred  tons  to  the  west  part  of  the  city 
and  is  the  avenue  through  which  immense  quantities  of  coal  are  brought  from  the 
interior  for  consumption  and  reshipment.  The  ground  on  which  the  city  stands  is 
remarkably  level,  the  highest  point  between  the  rivers  being  only  sixty-four  feet 
above  high-water  mark.  It  is  probably  the  most  regular  and  uniform  city  in  the 
world,  nearly  all  the  streets  crossing  each  other  at  right  angles.  The  streets  are 
wide,  varying  from  fifty  to  one  hundred  and  twenty  feet,  and  kept  scrupulously 
clean,  the  sidewalks  spacious,  and  the  whole  of  the  city  proper  bears  the  aspect 
of  extreme  neatness,  order,  and  comfort. 

The  dwellings  are  chiefly  of  brick,  of  a  very  fine  quality,  and  laid  with  scrupu- 
lous regularity ;  the  door-steps,  window-sills,  and  sometimes  the  basement  story, 
of  white  marble  or  red  sandstone.  Not  a  few  of  the  more  modern  buildings,  how- 
ever, public  and  private,  are  marble,  sandstone,  or  brick  faced  with  "  mastic  ; "  and 
a  few  are  of  granite. 


IN    THE   UNITED    STATES. 


153 


The  markets  of  Philadelphia  are  esteeinod  the  best  in  the  country,  CBpccially  in 
the  articles  of  butter,  vegetables,  and  fruit. 

The  city  is  abundantly  supplied  witli  good  water  from  the  Schuylkill.  The 
Fairmount  Waterworks,  two  miles  north-west  of  the  city,  by  which  the  river  is 
made  to  raise  its  own  water  to  reservoirs  sixty  feet  above  the  highest  ground  in 
tho  city,  were  constructed  at  a  cost  of  some  $450,000.  The  reservoirs  contain 
22,000,000  gallons,  and  are  surrounded  by  a  beautiful  promenade,  commanding  a 
fine  view  of  rhihuleliiliia  and  its  environs. 

Of  the  public  buildings,  altogether  the  most  remarkable  is  Girard  College, 
founded  by  the  munificence  of  the  late  Stephen  Girard,  who  left  $2,000,000  for  the 
erection  of  buildings  for  the  education  of  orphans.  The  college  lot,  enclosed  by  a 
substantial  stone  wall,  contains  forty-five  acres,  on  which  are  five  marble  buildings, 
and  a  sixth  in  process  of  erection.  The  centre  building,  or  college  proper,  is  218 
feet  long,  160  wide,  and  97  high.  It  is  surrounded  by  thirty-four  Corinthian 
columns,  each  55  feet  high  and  6  in  diameter.  These  columns  cost  $13,000 
each.  No  wood  is  used  in  the  construction  of  any  part  of  the  building,  except  for 
doors.  The  staircases  are  of  marble,  and  all  the  ceilings  are  supported  by  marble 
columns.  Tbe  other  four  completed  buildings,  designed  as  residences  for  the 
teachers  and  pupils,  are  each  120  feet  by  52,  with  two  stories  and  basement.  It 
was  one  condition  of  the  bequest,  that  no  clergyman,  of  any  denomination,  should 
ever  be  admitted  within  the  enclosure. 

The  Custom  House,  in  Chesnut-strect,  -was  five  years  in  building,  and  cost  half  a 
million  dollars.  It  is  of  the  Doric  order.  The  United  States  Mint,  also  on  Chesnut- 
street,  is  of  white  marble,  122  feet  front,  and  built  after  the  model  of  a  Grecian 
Ionic  temple.  The  Merchants'  Exchange  is  one  of  the  finest  marble  structures  in 
the  country.     The  Girard  Bank,  formerly  the  United  States  Bank,  is  of  white  mar- 


Girard  Bank. 

ble,  with  a  front  on  the  model  of  the  Parthenon,  with  a  portico  of  Corinthian  col- 
umns. The  Pennsylvania  Bank,  of  white  marble,  has  an  enclosure  surrounded  with 
an  iron  railing,  and  adorned  with  shrul)bery.  The  Bank  of  North  America,  the 
oldest  institution  of  the  kind  in  the  United  States,  has  a  new  and  elegant  banking- 
house.  The  State  House  is  an  antiquated  and  unattractive  building,  remarkable  for 
containing  the  hall  in  which  the  Declaration  of  Independence  was  signed.  The 
furniture  and  interior  decorations  of  the  hall  are  the  same  as  on  the  4th  of  Julj-, 
1776.  The  Penitentianj,  in  the  north-west  part  of  the  city,  is  built  in  the  style  of 
the  baronial  castles  of  the  middle  ages. 

There  are  some  160  or  170  churches  in  Philadelphia,  but  in  general  they  are  plain, 
substantial  buildings,  without  spires,  or  any  great  pretensions  to  architectural 
beauty.  St.  Stephen's  Church  (Episcopal)  and  St.  John's  Church  (Catholic) 
are  exceptions  to  the  general  fact,     jj 


154  CHIEF    CITIES 

Laurel  Hill  Cemetery,  on  the  Schuylkill,  eight  and  a  half  miles  from  the  city, 
contains  twenty  acres  of  hill  and  dale,  and  is  adorned  with  beautiful  trees,  shrubs 
and  flowers,  and  some  elegant  specimens  of  sculpture. 

Philadelphia  is  largely  engaged  in  manufactures,  of  which  the  chief  are  cotton, 
iron,  cloth,  glass,  morocco  leather,  china  ware,  etc.  The  capital  invested  in  manu- 
factures, in  1848,  exceeded  $15,000,000.  Its  commerce  is  also  great,  and  rapidly 
increasing.  In  1847,  the  value  of  its  imports  was  $12,145,937,  and  of  its  exports, 
$8,579,265.  Its  population,  in  round  numbers,  was,  in  1800,  70,000  ;  1810,  96,000  ; 
1820,  120,000;  1830,  167,000;  1840,  city  and  suburbs,  260,000;  1848,  330,000; 
and,  in  1851,  the  population  of  the  city  and  subxirbs  is  estimated  at  about 
409,000. 


BALTmORE, 


Beautifully  situated  upon  the  north  bank  of  the  Patapsco,  fourteen  miles  from 
the  Chesapeake,  is  a  large  and  elegant  city  —  in  point  of  commerce,  the  third  in 
the  United  States.  Its  natural  advantages  for  pleasant  residence,  manufactures, 
trade,  and  commerce,  are  hardly  equalled  by  those  of  any  other  city  in  the  Union. 
Its  large,  safe,  and  convenient  harbor,  defended  by  Fort  McHenry,  admits  vessels 
of  six  hundred  tons  to  Fell's  Point,  and  of  two  hundred  tons  to  the  wharves  of  the 
city.  It  has  long  been  considered  the  best  flour  market  in  the  world ;  and  its 
trade  in  tobacco  exceeds  that  of  any  other  city.  Jones's  Fall,  a  small  stream  flow- 
ing through  its  whole  extent,  into  the  Patapsco,  aff'ords  a  considerable  water  power  ; 
and  the  Patapsco  itself,  falling  eight  hundred  feet  in  thirty  miles,  furnishes  many 
valuable  mill  sites.  Within  twenty  miles  of  the  city,  there  are  about  sixty  flour- 
ing mills,  besides  many  cotton  and  other  manufactories.  The  growth  of  Baltimore 
has  of  late  been  astonishingly  rapid.  It  was  laid  out  in  1729,  and  in  1765  con- 
tained only  about  fifty  houses.  Incorporated  as  a  city  in  1796.  During  the  year 
1847,  1959  buildings  were  erected,  the  assessed  value  of  which  was  more  than 
$2,600,000.     Its  present  population  (1851)  is  169,000. 

The  city  covers  an  area  some  four  miles  square,  of  gently  rising  ground,  afibrd- 
ing  good  drainage,  and  many  eligible  building  lots.  The  streets  are  mostly  at  right 
angles,  and  from  fifty  to  one  hundred  feet  wide.  Three  elegant  stone  bridges,  and 
four  wooden  ones,  connect  the  parts  of  the  city  Ijnng  on  opposite  sides  of  Jones's 
Fall.  The  houses,  mostly  of  brick,  with  marble  or  granite  basements,  vie  with  the 
best  in  the  country  for  taste  and  beauty,  and  the  stores  and  public  buildings  give 
evidence  of  substantial  wealth  and  prosperity. 

Of  its  many  fine  public  buildings,  the  most  remarkable  is  the  Catholic  Cathedral, 
buUt  of  granite,  in  the  Ionic  style,  cruciform,  190  feet  long,  177  wide,  surmounted 
by  a  dome  and  cross  rising  to  the  height  of  127  feet.  At  the  west  end  are  two 
towers,  crowned  with  Saracenic  cupolas,  resembling  Turkish  minarets.  In  this 
church  are  many  elegant  paintings ;  among  them,  two  presented  by  Louis  XVI. 
and  Charles  X.  of  France.  It  contams,  also,  the  largest  organ  in  the  United 
States,  having  6000  pipes  and  36  stops.  The  Unitarian  Church  is  another  building 
of  great  beauty.  It  is  108  feet  long,  78  wide,  having  in  front  a  colonnade  of  four 
Tuscan  columns  and  two  pilasters.  A  cornice  extends  around  the  pediment  above, 
decorated  with  emblematic  figures  and  inscriptions.  The  dome  is  fifty-five  feet  in 
diameter.  St.  PauFs  Church,  (Episcopal,)  the  First  and  Second  Presbyterian,  and 
the  First  Baptist,  are  among  the  remaining  churches  most  noted  for  architectural 
beauty.  The  Merchants'  Exchange,  255  feet  by  140,  is  a  splendid  structure,  of  three 
stories  and  basement,  with  a  hall  86  feet  long,  lighted  by  a  dome  90  feet  from  the 
floor,  and  115  feet  above  the  street.  On  the  east  and  west  sides  of  the  building 
are  colonnades  of  six  Ionic  columns,  each  a  single  block  of  fine  Italian  marble, 
beautifully  wrought.     The  Merchants'  Shot  Tower  is  250  feet  high. 

The  city  is  abundantly  supplied  with  pure  water,  from  sprmgs  and  from  Jones's 
Fall,  distributed  from  several  reservoirs  within  the  city. 

Baltimore  is  noted  for  its  monuments,  of  which  the  finest  is  Washington  !Monu- 
ment,  180  feet  high,  and  built  on  an  eminence,  so  that  it  towers  conspicuously  above 


IN    THE    UNITED    STATES.  155 

the  city.  It  is  surmounted  by  a  statue  of  Washington,  16  feet  high,  and  cost 
$200,000.  Battl*  Monument,  erected  to  the  memory  of  those  who  were  slain  in  the 
defence  of  the  city  against  the  British  under  Lord  Koss,  Sept.  1814,  is  52  feet  high, 
and  has  on  the  base  appropriate  inscriptions,  and  representations  in  bass-relief  of 
some  of  the  incidents  of  the  battle.  Armistcad  Monument  perpetuates  the  memory  of 
Col.  George  Armistead,  who  commanded  Fort  McHenry,  in  1814,  when  it  successfully 
resisted  the  British  bombardment  twenty-four  hours.  There  are  other  monumenta 
of  less  note,  but  of  great  beauty. 


BOSTON. 


This  is  the  oldest  and  by  far  the  largest  city  of  New  England.  It  is  built  on  an 
oblong  peninsula  forming  the  western  shore  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  and  has  one  of 
the  largest  and  safest  harbors  in  the  world,  containing  seventy-five  square  miles, 
shut  in°by  a  beautiful  group  of  islands.  The  peninsula  is  from  three  to  four  miles 
in  length,  and  varies  from  one  to  two  miles  in  width ;  of  a  hilly  and  uneven  surface, 
having  three  hills  of  a  considerable  elevation,  (Beacon,  Tort,  and  Copp's  Hills,) 
fi-om  which  the  city  derived  its  early  name,  Trimountain,  and  which  give  to  it  a 
remarkably  picturesque  appearance,  especially  when  approached  by  sea. 

The  older  parts  of  the  city  having  been  settled  without  any  regard  to  plan,  many 
of  the  streets  are  narrow,  crooked,  and  inconvenient.  Hundreds  of  thousands  of 
dollars,  however,  are  annually  spent  m  widening  and  reducing  them  to  order  and 
regularity  ;  and  probably  no  city  in  the  country  has  improved  so  much  in  appear- 
ance, within  ten  years,  as  Boston.  The  newer  streets  are  wide  and  regular,  and  the 
dwellings,  mostly  of  brick  or  granite,  are  not  surpassed  by  those  of  any  city  in  the 
United  States.  The  Quincy  granite  quarries,  in  the  vicinity,  furnish  the  city  with 
that  elegant  and  durable  building  material  in  great  quantities.  Many  of  the  business 
streets  and  wharves  are  lined  with  long  blocks  of  superb  and  spacious  granite 
warehouses,  each  one  of  -which  would  be  elsewhere  a  matter  of  pride  and  curiosity. 
Most  of  the  banks,  the  Custom  House,  the  Merchants'  Exchange,  Faneuil  Hall 
Market,  the  Comt  House,  City  HaU,  the  Jail,  Hospital,  Tremont  Temple,  Museum, 
Masonic  Temple,  Fitchburg  Haikoad  Depot,  several  of  the  churches,  school-houses, 
and  hotels,  and  great  numbers  of  the  more  costly  private  dwellings,  are  built  of 
granite,  and  many  of  them  are  beautiful  specimens  of  architecture.  The  enormous 
pillars  of  the  Market  building,  the  Court  House,  Custom  House,  Exchange, 
Merchants'  Bank,  and  others,  are  each  a  single  block,  some  of  them  weighing 
nearly  sixty  tons.  Faneuil  Hall  (or  Quincy)  Market  is  two  stories  high,  585  feet 
long  and  50  wide,  with  a  portico  of  four  massive  columns  at  each  end,  and  a  dome 
in  the  centre  77  feet  fi-om  the  ground.  It  is  admitted  to  be  the  finest  market 
building  in  the  world.  Opposite  its  west  end  stands  Faneuil  Hall,  the  renowned 
"  Cradle  of  Liberty,"  built  in  1740-42,  and  presented  to  the  city  by  Peter  Faneuil, 
Esq.,  a  distinguished  and  patriotic  merchant,  for  whose  funeral  obsequies  the  hall 
was  first  thrown  open  to  the  citizens.  It  was  the  scene  of  the  most  stirring  meetings 
during  the  revolutionary  period,  and  is  still  used  for  all  great  political  assemblages. 
The  hall  is  adorned  with  portraits  of  Washington,  Lafayette,  and  other  men 
eminent  in  the  history  of  our  country.  The  State  House,  173  feet  by  61,  occupies 
the  most  commanding  position  in  the  city,  crowning  the  summit  of  Beacon  Hill 
and  lacing  the  Common.  Its  foundation  is  110  feet  above  the  level  of  the  sea. 
Above  this,  the  building  towers  120  feet  to  the  cupola,  from  which  hundreds  of 
thousands  of  visitors  annually  look  down  upon  the  city,  with  its  harbor,  islands, 
neighboring  towns,  and  a  highly  cultivated  country,  forming  a  view  seldom  sur- 
passed in  beauty.  The  State  House  was  three  years  in  building,  and  cost  nearly 
$140,000.  In  the  entrance  story  is  Chantrey's  elegant  marble  statue  of  Washington. 
The  Merchants'  Exchange  is  fire-proof,  built  of  stone  and  iron,  the  roof  of  wrought 
iron,  covered  with  galvanized  plates.  The  great  hall  is  80  feet  by  58,  having  eighteen 
columns  t)f  20  feet,  supporting  a  lofty  dome,  and  a  sky-light  of  beautU'uUy  colored 
glass.  The  cost,  exclusive  of  land,  was  $175,000.  The  Custom  House  is  m  the 
form  of  a  cross,  with  a  portico  on  each  front,  of  six  fluted  Doric  columns,  34  teet 


156  CHIEF    CITIES 

in  height,  each  column  costing  $5000.  The  height,  to  the  top  of  the  dome,  is 
90  feet. 

The  Avharves  of  Boston  surpass  those  of  any  other  seaport  in  the  United  States 
for  size,  number,  and  convenience.  They  are  about  two  hundred  in  number,  and 
nearly  surround  the  city.  Long  Wharf  is  1800  feet  long,  200  wide,  -with  a  block 
of  stores  running  its  entire  length.  Central  Wharf  is  1380  feet  long,  1.50  wide, 
with  an  observatory  about  midway  of  its  block  of  stores,  where  telegraphic  signals 
are  exchanged  with  vessels  in  the  bay.  India,  Lewis's,  Granite,  Union,  and  many 
other  wharves  have  blocks  of  spacious  stores  upon  them,  and  are  constantly  thronged 
in  business  hours. 

The  Common,  occui^ying  the  western  declivity  of  Beacon  Hill,  is  the  largest  public 
ground  in  any  American  city.  It  contains  seventy-five  acres,  surrounded  on  three 
sides  by  some  of  the  finest  residences,  but  open  to  the  west,  where  is  enjoyed  a 
beautiful  view  of  the  suburbs.  The  Common  is  adorned  with  many  hundred  trees 
of  all  varieties,  some  of  them  being  more  than  a  hundred  years  old  ;  with  a  beau- 
tiful pond,  supplied  with  Cochituate  water,  by  means  of  a  superb  fountain  which 
adorns  its  centre  and  throws  a  three-inch  jet  to  the  height  of  92  feet.  The  Common 
is  surrounded  by  a  mall  or  wide  gravelled  walk,  outside  of  which  is  an  iron  fence 
(costing  $75,000)  and  a  brick  sidewalk.  Thousands  of  dollars  are  annually 
expended  in  preserving  and  beautifj-ing  this  breathing-place  of  the  citizens  and 
play-ground  for  their  children. 

The  Bridges  which  connect  Boston  with  the  neighboring  towns,  Charlestown, 
Cambridge,  etc.,  are  reckoned  among  its  curiosities.  Cambridge  Bridge  is  over 
6000  feet  long,  and  rests  on  180  piers.  Charles  liiver  and  Warren  Bridges  are  each 
about  1400  feet  long  ;  Cragie's  Bridge,  about  3000  feet.  The  Mill  Dam,  or  Western 
Avenue,  is  a  mile  and  a  half  long,  from  60  to  100  feet  wide,  built  of  stone  and  earth, 
and  cost  $750,000.    South  Boston  Bridge  is  1550  feet  long,  and  40  wide  ;  cost  $50,000. 

Boston  is  supplied  with  water  from  Cochituate  Lake,  in  Framingham,  twenty 
miles  distant.  The  lake  is  abundantly  capable  of  furnishing  10,000,000  gallons 
dady.  It  contains  659  acres,  is  in  some  places  70  to  80  feet  deep,  and  is  elevated 
124  feet  above  tide  water  in  Boston  Harbor.  The  water  is  conveyed  in  an  oval 
brick  and  cement  aqueduct,  6  feet  4  inches  high,  and  5  feet  wide,  to  a  reservoii',  30 
acres  in  extent,  in  Brookline  ;  thence,  through  30  and  35  inch  pipes,  to  reservoirs 
on  Beacon  Hill,  South  Boston,  and  East  Boston.  The  Beacon  Hill  reservoir  will 
contain  3,000,000  gallons,  and  that  with  the  Mount  Washington  is  capable  of 
delivering  10,000,000  gallons  daily.  The  cost  of  this  stupendous  work  is  something 
over  $5,000,000. 

There  are  not  far  from  100  churches  in  Boston,  and  something  over  100  literar)'- 
and  charitable  institutions.  The  Lowell  Institute  was  founded  by  a  bequest  of 
$250,000  from  Mr.  Lowell,  a  Boston  merchant,  for  annual  courses  oi  free  lectures 
on  revealed  religion  and  some  of  the  natural  sciences.  The  Atheneeum  has  a  library 
of  50,000  volumes,  a  splendid  collection  of  paintings  and  statuary,  medals,  coins, 
etc.,  together  with  a  subscribers'  reading-room. 

But  the  glory  of  Boston  is  her  public  schools,  furnishing  to  every  child  within 
her  borders  the  oj^portunity  of  acquiring,  gratuitously,  the  elements  of  a  superior 
education,  either  for  business  life,  or  as  prcjoaratory  for  college.  There  are  178 
primarj'  schools,  22  grammar  schools,  an  English  High,  and  a  Latin  school,  all 
supported  by  the  city.  The  expense  for  schools  for  1850  was  $314,991  43.  The 
school-houses  are  built  in  the  best  style,  with  aU  the  modern  improvements,  costing 
usually  from  $20,000  to  $35,000  each.  Two  or  three  of  them,  however,  have  cost 
from  $60,000  to  $70,000  each.     Population  in  1851,  140,000. 


NEW  ORLEANS. 


New  Orleans,  the  seat  of  government  of  Louisiana,  and  the  commercial  mart  of 
all  the  Avestern  country,  stands  on  the  northern  bank  of  the  Mississippi,  at  a  spot 
where  the  river  makes  a  great  bend  to  the  north-east.     It  is  one  hundred  and  livo 


IN    THE    UNITED    STATES.  157 

miles  above  the  mouth  of  the  stream,  by  its  windings,  and  ninety  in  a  direct  lino. 
The  ground  is  level,  and  the  neighborhood  a  swamp.  It  consists  of  three  divisions ; 
the  city  proper,  and  the  faubourgs  or  suburbs  of  St.  Mario  and  Marigny.  The 
two  tirst  are  compactly  built,  and  in  all  paits  the  sti-cets  arc  straight  and  regular, 
generally  at  right  angles.  In  the  city,  the  houses  are  built  in  the  French  and 
Spanish  style,  and  arc  stuccoed  of  a  white  or  yellow  color.  The  faubourg  St. 
Marie  is  built  in  the  American  fashion,  and  resembles  one  of  our  Atlantic  cities. 

As  a  place  of  trade.  New  Orleans  has  immense  advantages.  It  is  the  outport  for 
all  the  commerce  of  the  Mississippi  and  its  tributaries.  It  is  accessible  for  ships  of 
the  largest  size,  and  its  levee  is  constantly  crowded  with  all  kinds  of  maritime  and 
river  craft.  In  the  cotton  season,  its  streets  are  barricadoed  with  bales.  There  are 
often  tiftccn  hundred  flat-boats  in  the  harbor  at  a  time.  Steamboats  arrive  and 
depart  every  hour,  and  fifty  may  be  often  scon  together. 

The  total  estimated  value  of  produce  received  from  the  interior  from  Sept.  1, 
184G,  to  Sept.  1,  1817,  was  over  ninety  millions  of  dollars,  wliile,  in  IS  11,  it  was 
only  about  sixty  millions.  Of  these  receipts,  tliere  were  of  cotton  7^0,669  bales. 
The  exports  of  cotton,  for  the  same  year,  were  565,007  bales  ;  in  1840,  835,775 
bales. 

In  1840,  the  pop^ilation  of  the  city  was  102,193.  In  1847,  the  returns  were  only 
92,623,  although  the  interval  had  been  a  period  of  unexampled  prosperity,  the 
receipts  of  produce  frouT  the  interior  having  increased  $30,000,000  in  the  three 
years  1844-7.     It  is  therefore  supposed  that  the  census  returns  were  erroneous. 

New  Orleans  is  famous  for  the  deadly  battle  between  the  Americans  under  Gen. 
Jackson,  and  the  British  under  Gen.  Packenham,  Jan.  8,  1814,  in  which  more  than 
2000  of  the  British,  including  Gen.  Packenham,  were  killed  in  an  hour,  while  only 
seven  Americans  were  killed,  and  six  wounded — a  disproportion  unparalleled  in 
the  historv  of  ancient  or  modern  warfare. 


ALBANY. 


Albany  is  the  seat  of  government  of  New  York,  and  in  point  of  wealth,  enter- 
prise, trade,  and  resources,  is  the  second  city  in  the  State.  It  is  situated  on  the 
west  bank  of  the  Hudson,  one  hundred  and  sixty  miles  above  New  York,  near  the 
head  of  tide- water.  It  was  settled  by  the  Dutch  in  1612,  and,  next  to  Jamestown 
in  Virginia,  is  the  oldest  settlement  in  the  United  States. 

Albanv  is  a  place  of  great  trade,  and,  during  the  session  of  the  Legislature,  it  is 
mucli  crowded  with  strangers.  The  basin,  where  the  canal  joins  the  Hudson,  is 
formed  by  an  artificial  pier,  80  feet  in  width,  and  4300  feet  long.  It  is  connected 
Avith  the  shore  by  drawbridges,  and  covered  with  stores  ;  in  which  immense  quan- 
tities of  lumber  and  mercliandise  are  deposited.  The  basin  contains  a  surface  of 
thirty-two  acres.  The  neighborhood  of  Albany  is  pleasant,  and  many  beautiful 
and  thriving  villages  are  within  a  short  distance.  State-street,  the  jn-incipal  thor- 
oughfare, is  150  to  170  feet  wide,  and  has  a  sharp  ascent,  at  the  head  of  which 
stands  the  Capitol,  130  feet  above  the  river.  It  is  115  feet  long,  96  broad,  50  high, 
built  of  freestone,  and  cost  $125,000.  On  the  east  side  is  an  Ionic  portico,  of 
columns  33  feet  high,  3  feet  8  inches  in  diameter.  In  front  of  the  Capitol  is  a 
handsome  square,  surrounded  by  an  iron  railing,  and  ornamented  with  walks,  trees, 
and  shrubbery.  The  City  Hall  is  a  splendid  marble  edifice  with  a  gilded  dome, 
showing  conspicuoiisly  at  a  great  distance.  The  Albany  Academy  is  a  noble  freestone 
building;  cost  $100,000.     The  Exchange  is  a  commodious  granite  building. 

Albany  has  excellent  schools,  and  is  well  furnished  with  libraries,  reading-rooms, 
a  geological  cabinet,  etc.  It  was  chartered  as  a  city  in  1686.  Its  population  in 
1820  was  12,630  ;   1830,  24,238  ;   1840,  33,721  ;  in  1851,  between  45,000  and  50,000. 


158  CHIEF    CITIES 


BROOKLYN, 


Situated  at  the  western  extremity  of  Long  Island,  and  separated  from  New  York 
by  East  River,  which  is  constantly  crossed  by  five  lines  of  steam  ferry  boats,  is  the 
second  city  in  New  York  in  population,  in  1851  falling  Uttle,  if  any,  short  of 
100,000. 

The  city  is,  for  the  most  part,  laid  out  with  great  regularity,  the  streets  shaded 
with  trees,  and  most  of  the  dwellings  substantial  and  elegant.  The  excellent 
water,  pure  air,  and  beautiful  prospect  make  Brooklyn  a  favorite  residence  for 
persons  doing  business  in  New  York,  and  is  nearer  to  its  business  centre  than 
most  of  the  "up-town"  residences  in  the  metropolis  itself.  "The  Heights,"  on 
East  River,  present  a  bold  front  seventy  feet  above  tide-water,  affording  a  tine  view 
of  New  York  city,  harbor,  and  bay,  with  its  islands  and  the  New  Jersey  shore. 

The  principal  public  building  is  City  Hall,  an  Ionic  structure,  of  white  marble, 
162  feet  by  102,  75  high,  with  a  cupola  rising  153  feet  from  the  street ;  cost, 
$200,000.  Not  a  few  of  the  numerous  churches  are  fine  specimens  of  architecture. 
The  Church  of  the  Holy  Trinity  (Episcopal)  is  an  elegant  Gothic  structure,  built 
by  a  private  citizen,  at  an  expense  of  $150,000. 

In  the  north-eastern  part  of  Brooklyn  is  the  United  States  Navy  Yard,  occupying 
forty  acres  of  land,  and  a  dry-dock  in  process  of  construction,  to  cost  $1,000,000. 

In  the  south  part  of  Brooklyn  is  Greenioood  Cemetery,  covering  242  acres, 
beautifully  diversified  with  hills,  valleys,  and  plains,  traversed  by  winding  avenues 
and  paths,  and  adorned  with  many  elegant  monuments. 

The  more  elevated  portions  afford  charming  views  of  the  ocean,  New  York  city 
and  bay,  Brooklyn,  Staten  Island,  New  Jersey,  etc. 


CHARLESTON. 


Charleston,  the  commercial  metropolis,  and  formerly  the  seat  of  government  of 
South  Carolina,  is  built  upon  a  point  of  land  at  the  junction  of  Ashley  and  Cooper 
Rivers.  Its  harbor  is  capacious,  but  difficult  of  entrance.  The  city  is  regularly 
built,  and  though  the  site  is  low,  the  approach  to  it  by  water  is  particularly  fine. 
Many  of  the  streets  are  very  handsome,  and  most  of  the  houses  are  furnished  with 
piazzas  to  each  story.  In  the  outer  parts  of  the  city,  the  houses  are  surrounded 
with  gardens,  and  ornamented  with  trees  and  shrubbery.  Groves  of  orange 
and  peach  trees  in  bloom,  present  here  a  most  inviting  appearance  to  the  traveller 
who  arrives  from  the  north  in  the  early  season.  The  population  in  1830  was  30,289  ; 
in  1840,  41,137;  in  1851,  about  60,000. 

The  public  buildings  are  the  City  Hall,  Exchange,  Custom  House,  Court  House,  Jail, 
two  arsenals,  college,  etc.,  with  about  thirty  churches,  and  many  elegant  hotels. 

A  railroad  extends  from  Charleston,  through  South'  Carolina  and  Georgia,  to 
Tennessee  River,  and  is  in  time  to  be  extended  to  the  Ohio  River,  opposite  Cincin- 
nati. A  branch  railroad  also  connects  Charleston  with  Columbia,  the  capital. 
Linos  of  steamboats  ply  regularly  between  Charleston  and  New  York,  Philadel- 
phia, and  other  northern  cities. 


CINCINNATI. 


Cincinnati,  the  largest  city  in  Ohio,  and  indeed  in  all  the  western  country,  stands 
on  the  northern  bank  of  the  Ohio,  near  the  south-western  corner  of  the  State,  Its 
site  is  the  eastern  part  of  an  alluvial  tract,  bounded  on  the  north  by  a  ridge  of  hUls 
rising  some  three  hundred  feet  by  gentle  slopes,  and  mostly  covered  with  native 
forest  trees.  This  plain  contains  about  four  square  miles,  and  consists  of  two  dif- 
ferent levels,  one  about  fifty  feet  higher  than  the  other.  The  city  rises  gradually 
from  the  river,  but  does  not  make  a  very  bold  or  striking  appearance.  It  is  built 
with  perfect  regularity,  on  the  plan  of  Philadelphia.     The  principal  streets  are 


IN    THE    UNITED    STATES. 


159 


sixty-six  feet  in  width.  The  central  part  is  very  compact,  yet  the  whole  outline  of 
the  city  is  but  partially  filled  up,  and  the  greater  portion  of  the  buildings  are  scat- 
tered irregularly  about.  Most  of  the  public  edifices  are  of  stone  or  brick,  and  many 
of  the  stores   and  houses  are  of  brick.     Many  of  the  streets  arc  well   ])aved   and 


City  of  Cincinnati. 

shaded  with  trees,  and  the  house-lots  ornamented  -with  shrubbery.  Cincinnati  has 
several  elegant  church  edifices,  of  which  the  most  costly  and  showy  is  the  Roman 
Catholic  ;  a  beautiful  Court  House,  -n  ith  a  dome  one  hundred  and  twenty  feet  high ; 
a  Bank  building  with  a  superb  portico  of  Doric  columns  four  and  a  half  feet  in 
diameter,  extending  across  the  entire  front,  of  seventy-nine  feet ;  and  many  other 
fine  buildings.  There  are  many  literary,  scientific,  charitable,  and  industrial  insti- 
tutions here,  and  the  schools  are  of  a  very  high  order.  Lane  Seminary,  a  Presby- 
terian Theological  Institution,  at  Walnut  Hills,  two  miles  from  the  centre  of  the  city, 
was  founded  in  1833,  and  is  now  in  a  very  fiourishing  state. 

The  city  is  supplied  with  water,  raised  by  steam  power  from  the  Ohio  River,  and 
forced  into  two  reservoirs  on  a  hill  seven  hundred  feet  distant.  Their  capacity  is 
1,600,000  gallons. 

The  city  is  largely  engaged  in  manufactures,  the  want  of  extensive  water  power 
being  supplied  to  a  considerable  extent  by  the  use  of  steam.  There  are  woollen, 
cotton,  and  flouring  mills,,  many  tanneries,  manufactories  of  hardware,  cutlery,  etc. 
In  1843,  fourteen  and  a  half  millions  of  dollars  were  employed  in  manufactures,  pro- 
ducing articles  to  the  amount  of  nearly  twenty  millions  of  dollars.  Its  trade  is  great, 
and  rapidly  increasing.  In  1847,  its  imports  were  very  nearly  $50,000,000,  and  its 
exports  nearly  $56,000,000.  It  is  the  greatest  pork  market  in  the  world.  Many 
hvmdreds  of  thousands  of  hogs  are  slaughtered  here  annually,  the  produce  of  which 
amounts  to  millions  of  dollars. 

The  population  in  1800  was  750;  1805,  950;  1810,2,540;  1820,9,602;  1830, 
26,515;   1840,46,383;   1850,  about  100,000. 

Cincinnati  occupies  the  site  of  old  Fort  Washington ;  and  the  outlines  of  the  city 
were  marked  in  1789.  The  first  settlers  were  chiefly  from  New  England  and  New 
Jersey. 


160 


CHIEF    CITIES 


PITTSBURG. 

Pittsburg,  in  the  west  of  Pennsylvania,  is  the  next,  in  this  State,  in  importance  to 
■  Pliiladelphia.  It  stands  upon  a  point  of  land  at  the  junction  of  the  AUeghany  and 
Monongahela  Rivers,  which  here  take  the  name  of  Ohio.  It  is  built  on  a  regular 
plan,  upon  the  slope  of  an  eminence,  and  a  level  plain  at  its  foot.     It  is  finely  situated 


City  of  Pittsburg. 

for  trade,  and  enjoys  a  communication,  by  steamboats,  with  all  the  great  towns  on 
the  Ohio  and  Mississippi ;  but  it  is  most  distinguished  for  its  large  and  flourishing 
manufactures  of  glass,  iron,  woollen,  and  cotton.  The  surrounding  country  is  ex- 
ceedingly rich  in  iDituminous  coal,  which  is  delivered  at  the  houses  for  three  cents 
the  bushel.  The  constant  use  of  this  fuel  causes  a  perpetual  cloud  of  black  smoke 
to  hang  over  the  place. 

The  city  was  laid  out  in  1765,  on  the  site  of  Fort  Du  Quesne,  subsequently 
changed  to  Fort  Pitt.  Its  population  in  1810  was  4,768;  1820,7,250;  1830,  in- 
cluding Alleghany  and  the  suburbs,  21,912  ;  1840,  38,931.  The  immense  manufac- 
tures of  Pittsburg  are  not  all  carried  on  within  the  limits  of  the  city  proper,  but  are 
distributed  over  a  circle  of  five  miles  radius  from  the  Court  House,  including  Alle- 
ghany city,  Birmingham,  LaM-renccville,  and  a  number  of  other  villages,  whose 
manufacturing  establishments  have  their  warehouses  in  the  city,  and  are  to  all 
intents  and  purposes  parts  of  it.  The  population  within  this  compass,  in  1851,  prob- 
ably somewhat  exceeds  100,000 — supplied  with  about  eighty  places  of  religious 
worship.  Four  bridges  connect  Pittsburg  with  AUeghany  city,  and  one,  1500  feet 
long,  which  cost  .f  102,000,  connects  it  with  the  opposite  shore  of  the  Monongahela. 
The  principal  public  buildings  are  the  Court  House  and  a  splendid  Roman  Catholic 
Church,  both  on  Grant's  Hill,  an  eminence  about  a  mile  back  from  the  city,  com- 
manding an  unsurpassed  view  of  the  three  rivers,  and  of  the  towns  and  villages  for 
miles  around.  The  Western  University  of  Pennsylvania,  the  Western  Theological 
Seminary  of  the  Presbyterian  Church,  the  Theological  Seminary  of  the  Associate 
Reformed  Church,  and  the  Alleghany  Theological  Institute  are  located  in  and  about 
the  city.  The  Western  Penitentiary,  an  immense  building,  in  the  ancient  Norman 
style,  completed  in  1827,  at  a  cost  of  $183,000,  is  in  Alleghany  city.  A  United 
States  Arsenal  is  at  Lawrenccville. 

Pittsburg  is  lighted  with  gas  formed  from  its  own  bituminous  coal,  at  a  trifling 
cost.  It  is  supplied  with  an  abundance  of  pure  water  from  the  Alleghany  River, 
raised  by  steam  to  a  reservoir  on  Grant's  Hill,  containing  1,000,000  gallons,  and 
thence  distributed  in  iron  pipes.  The  business  and  importance  of  Pittsburg  will  be 
still  more  rapidly  extended  on  the  completion  of  the  great  Central  Railroad,  now 
in  process  of  construction  to  unite  Philadelphia  with  the  western  waters. 


IN    THE    UNITED    STATES. 


161 


WASHINGTON, 

Chosen  by  the  Father  of  his  Country  to  be  its  seat  of  government,  was  ceded  to 
the  United  States  by  Maryland,  in  1788,  and  the  city  was  laid  out  on  a  plan  of  great 
magnitude,  in  1792.  The  contemplated  city  contains  a  little  over  eight  square 
miles,  or  <'j,120  acres.  Only  a  small  part  of  it,  however,  is  actually  built.  It  is  sit- 
uated on  the  cast  side  of  Potomac  River,  between  that  and  one  of  its  tributaries, 
called  the  East  Branch.  The  actual  city  occupies  a  spot  about  a  mile  and  a  half 
above  the  junction  of  the  two  streams.  Tlie  ground  on  which  it  stands  is  elevated, 
for  the  most  part,  some  forty  feet  above  the  level  of  the  river,  and  there  are  several 
moderate  elevations,  on  two  of  which  stand  the  Capitol  and  the  President's  House. 
The  streets  cross  each  other,  generally,  at  right  angles.  But  the  different  parts  of  the 
city  are  traversed  diagonally  by  ten  spacious  avenues,  one  hundred  and  thirty  to  one 
hundred  and  sixty  feet  in  width,  radiating  from  the  Capitol  and  President's  House. 
Most  of  the  buildings  are  in  three  clusters,  one  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  Capitol, 
another  in  that  of  the  President's  House,  and  another  about  the  Navy  Yard.  Penn- 
sylvania Avenue,  from  the  Capitol  to  the  President's  House,  is  the  most  thickly 
built,  and  altogether  the  handsomest  portion  of  the  city. 

The  Capitol,  a  large  and  magnificent  building,  of  white  freestone,  in  the  amplitude 
of  its  proportions,  style  of  external  and  internal  embellishment,  etc.,  is  thought  to 
equal  any  senate-house  in  the  world.  It  occupies  an  area  of  more  than  an  acre  and 
a  half,  and,  elevated  seventy-two  feet  above  tide- water,  commands  a  wide  and  beau- 
tiful prospect.  The  front,  including  the  wings,  is  three  hundred  and  fifty-two  feet 
long;  the  wings  one  hundred  and  twenty-one  feet  deep.  The  east  and  west  pro- 
jections are  adorned  with  splendid  porticoes  of  Corinthian  columns.  The  height,  to 
top  of  dome,  is  one  hundred  and  twenty  feet.  The  rotunda  is  ninety-five  feet  diam- 
eter, and  the  same  in  height.  The  walls  of  the  rotunda  arc  adorned  with  magnificent 
paintings  by  Trumbull,  with  figures  the  size  of  life,  representing  scenes  in  American 
history.  Here  is  also  the  Baptism  of  Pocahontas,  by  Chapman,  and  the  Embarka- 
tion of  the  Pilgrims,  by  Weir ;  many  beautiful  sculptures  in  alto  rilievo,  and 
Grecnough's  colossal  statue  of  Washington,  in  a  sitting  posture,  twice  the  size  of  life. 
The  immense  library  now  contains  thirty  thousand  volumes,  with  many  medals, 
paintings,  statues,  etc.  The  chambers  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives 
are  superbly  decorated  and  furnished.  The  cost  of  the  Capitol  and  embellishments 
was  over  two  million  dollars. 

The  President's  House,  a  mile  west  of  the  Capitol,  also  of  freestone,  is  one  hundred 
and  seventy  feet  by  eighty-six,  having  on  its  north  front  a  portico  of  four  Ionic 
columns,  and  on  its  south  front,  a  circular  colonnade  of  six  Ionic  columns.  Many 
of  its  apartments,  particularly  the  East  Room,  are  spacious  and  splendid. 


Department  of  State. 


162  CHIEF    CITIES    IN   THE    UNITED    STATES. 

Clustering  about  the  presidential  mansion  are  the  buildings  occupied  by  the  State, 
Navy,  War,  and  Treasury  Departments.  The  office  of  the  State  Department  is  a 
large  edifice  of  brick,  with  a  portico  in  front.  The  new  Treasury  building  is  three 
hundred  feet  long,  with  a  rear  wing  one  hundred  feet  long,  and  a  splendid  colonnade 
four  hundred  and  fifty-seven  feet  long,  comprising  thirty-two  massive  columns. 
The  General  Post-Office  is  an  immense  marble  structure,  containing  about  eighty 
rooms.  Its  front  and  ends  are  adorned  with  fluted  marble  columns.  The  Patent- 
Office  is  of  freestone  and  marble,  and  a  fine  specimen  of  architecture.  The  collec- 
tion of  curious  articles,  which  fill  its  enormous  halls,  is  one  of  the  most  interesting 
that  the  world  affords. 

The  Smithsoniati  Institute  was  founded  by  the  bequest  of  half  a  million  of  dollars 
from  James  Smithson,  an  Englishman,  who  died  in  1335.  The  sum  was  left  "to 
the  United  States  of  America,  to  found,  at  Washington,  an  institution  for  the  increase 
and  diffusion  of  knowledge  among  men."  The  cornei-  stone  of  the  building  for  this 
institution  was  laid  May  1,  1847.  It  is  built  in  a  lot  of  nineteen  acres,  granted  by 
government.  The  material  is  red  sandstone,  and  the  style  the  ancient  Norman.  It 
has  ten  towers,  one  one  hundred  and  fifty,  and  the  rest  one  hundred  feet  high. 

The  Navy  Yard,  on  East  Branch,  has  an  area  of  twenty-seven  acres  enclosed. 
Here  is  a  monument  to  the  American  officers  who  fell  in  the  war  with  Tripoli. 

The  Co)igressional  Cemetery  has  ten  acres  of  elevated  ground,  affording  a  beautiful 
view.  The  grounds  are  enclosed  by  a  high  brick  wall,  and  tastefully  ornamented 
with  trees  and  shrubbery.     It  has  many  handsome  monuments  and  tombs. 

Washington  has  grown  rapidly  within  a  few  years,  and  its  present  population  is 
forty  thousand. 


163 


GENERAL   VIEW   OF   THE   UNITED   STATES. 


AGRICULTURE. 

The  chief  agricultural  occupations  in  the  Eastern  States  are  grazing  and  the  dairy. 
The  Middle  States  arc  principally  devoted  to  the  cultivation  of  wheat  and  maize ; 
the  Southern  to  that  of  tobacco,  cotton,  sugar,  and  rice;  and  the  Western  to  maize 
and  wheat.  Slave  labor  is  chiefly  employed  in  the  Southern  States,  and  in  some  of 
the  Middle  and  Western. 

Value  of  Agricultural  Exports  from  the  United  States  for  the  year 

ending  June  30,  1848, $107,330,8r,2 

«                 «                 <«             1849 111,059,378 

"            1850 108,482,797 

This  enumeration  includes  the  products  of  animals,  vegetable  food,  sugar,  tobacco, 
cotton,  hemp,  grain,  etc. 


COMMERCE. 


Number  of  American  vessels  entered  during  the  year  ending 

June  30,  1849, 

"  Foreign  "  "  " 


Number  of  American  vessels  cleared  during  same  year, 
"  Foreign  "  "  " 

Crevps  of  American  vessels  entered,  (men  and  boys,) 
♦'       Foreign  "  '•  " 


American 
Foreign 


"      cleared. 


Value  of  goods  imported  into  the  United  States  in  1840, 

<«  •»  K  «'  1845, 

«<     .  "  «  "  1846, 

«  «  .i  ♦«  1847, 

M  «  «  "  1848, 

«  M  «  '<  1849, 

«  ««  "  ♦«  1850, 

Value  of  exports  from  the  United  States :  — 

Domestic  Produce.  Foreign  Produce. 

In  1840,       .        .      $113,895,634  $18,190,312 

1847,  .    150,637,464 

1848,  .    132,904,121  21,128,010 

1849,  .    .    132,666,955 

1850,  .    .    132,398,285  14,951,808 


11,208 
8,992 

11,466 
8,847 


20,200 


20,313 


109,047 
89,684   198,731 


112,771 
92,283 


205,054 


$107,141,519 
117,254,564 
121,691,797 
146,545,638 
154,997,928 
147,857,439 
178,138,318 


Total. 
$132,085,946 

154,032,131 

147,350,093 


164  GENERAL    VIEW    OF 

The  exports  for  1850  were,  of  products  of  the  sea,  $2,824,818;  of  the  forest, 
$7,442,503;  of  agrictdture,  $108,482,797;  of  manufactures,  $13,374,059  >  coal. 
$167,090  ;  ice,  $107,018.  The  estimated  annual  value  of  the  products  of  the  United 
States  is  $3,200,000,000.  ' 

Tonnage  of  the  United  States,  1850,  3,535,454  tons.  In  the  coasting  trade, 
1,755,796  tons;  cod  fisheries,  85,646;  mackerel  fisheries,  58,112  ;  in  steam  naviga- 
tion, 526,947. 

Tonnage  built  in  the  United  States,  1850 :  Number  of  vessels,  1360 ;  tons, 
272,218,    In  1849,  the  number  of  vessels  built  was  1547,  and  the  tonnage,  256,578. 


FISHERIES. 


Nearly  all  the  fisheries  are  carried  on  by  the  New  England  States.  In  1840,  the 
amount  of  capital  invested  in  them  was  $16,429,620  ;  and  the  products  were  773,947 
quintals  dried  and  smoked  fish,  472,359  barrels  pickled  fish,  4,764,708  gallons  sperm, 
and  7,536,778  gallons  whale  and  other  fish  oil.  The  exports  of  sea  products  in 
1849  were,  in  value,  as  follows:  Cod  fisheries,  $419,092;  river  fisheries,  $93,085; 
whale  and  other  fish  oil,  $965,597  ;  sperm  oil,  $572,763 ;  whalebone,  $337,714  ; 
spermaceti  candles,  $159,403.     Total,  $2,547,654. 


PUBLIC  LANDS. 


The  public  lands  belonging  to  the  government  consist  of  territory  within  the 
limits  of  Ohio,  Illinois,  Indiana,  Michigan,  Mississippi,  Alabama,  Wisconsin,  and 
that  part  of  Minesota  east  of  the  Mississippi  River,  —  conveyed  to  the  general  gov- 
ernment by  New  York,  Virginia,  Massachusetts,  Connecticut,  and  Georgia,  —  also 
within  the  territories  of  Orleans  and  Louisiana,  as  acquired  from  France,  by  the 
treaty  of  1803,  including  the  portion  of  Alabama  and  Mississippi  south  of  SI",  the 
whole  of  Louisiana,  Arkansas,  Missouri,  Iowa,  and  that  portion  of  Minesota  west  of 
Mississippi  river  ;  the  Indian  Territory,  the  district  called  Nebraska,  the  Territory  of 
Oregon,  and  the  region  between  Oregon  and  IMinesota,  and  between  42°  and  49'^ 
north  latitude ;  also  within  the  State  of  Florida,  obtained  from  Spain  by  the  treaty 
of  1819  ;  and  in  New  Mexico  and  California,  acquii-ed  from  Mexico  by  the  treaty 
of  1848. 

Within  these  limits,  the  public  lands  covered  an  estimated  area  of  1,584,000,000 
acres.  To  October  1, 1849,  146,000,000  acres  had  been  sold,  leaving  an  unsold  area 
of  1,438,000,000  acres.  A  vast  portion  of  this  land  is  occupied  by  the  Indians,  who 
are  considered  as  proprietors  of  the  soil  till  the  government  extinguish  their  title  by 
purchase.  A  General  Land  Office,  at  Washington,  directs  the  sale  of  these  territo- 
ries. All  the  lands  are  surveyed  before  sale ;  they  are  divided  into  townships  of 
six  miles  square,  which  are  subdivided  into  sections  of  one  mile  square,  containing 
each  six  hundred  and  fo^ty  acres,  and  sold  in  sections,  half,  quarter,  and  half-quar- 
ter sections.  The  minimum  price  is  fixed  by  law  at  a  dollar  and  a  quarter.  All 
sales  are  made  for  cash.  Salt  springs  and  lead  mines  are  reserved,  but  may  be  sold 
by  special  orders  from  the  President.  One  section  of  six  hundred  and  forty  acres 
is  reserved  in  each  township,  as  a  fund  for  the  perpetual  support  of  schools.  By 
the  act  of  Congress  of  1841,  the  annual  proceeds  of  the  sales  of  the  public  lands  are 
to  be  divided  in  equitable  portions  among  the  states,  according  to  their  representa- 
tive population,  after  deducting  expenses  of  sales,  and  certain  reservations  granted 
for  the  benefit  of  the  States  in  which  the  lands  are  situated.  By  a  proviso  in  the 
act,  however,  the  proceeds  of  the  lands  are  to  revert  to  the  treasury  whenever  the 
duties  on  imports  are  made  to  exceed  a  tariff  of  twenty  per  cent. 

The  amount  of  public  land  sold  in  1848  was  1,887,553  acres,  for  which  were  re- 
ceived $2,621,615.  In  the  first  three  quarters  of  1849  were  sold  887,226  acres,  for 
$1,177,047.  Total  sales  for  sixteen  and  three  quarters  years,  from  1833,  72,440,463 
acres,  for  $92,382,250. 


THE    UNITED    STATES.  166 


REVENUE   AND   EXPENDITURE. 

The  receipts  into  the  United  States  Treasury  for  the  years  1818  and  1849  were  aa 

follows :  — 

1848.  1849. 

From  Customs, $31,757,071  $28,340,739 

"      Sales  of  public  lands,  .         .         .               3,328,643  l,(i88,9G0 

"     Miscellaneous  sources,          .         .                  351,037  1,038,649 


Total  receipts,  exclusive  of  loans,  &c.,  .  $35,436,751  $31,074,348 


Expcnditui-es. 
For  the  Civil  List, 
"    Foreign  Intercourse, 
"    Miscellaneous, 
Under  direction  of  War  Department, 

«  Navy  " 

Public  Debt,  .... 

Total  expend' s,  (exclusive  of  trust  funds,)     $69,504,847  $57,631,668 

«     receipts  for  four  years,  1845-8 $121,051,921 

"     expenditures  (exclusive  of  public  debt)  for  do.,       .         $146,924,402 


1848.  1840. 

$2,647,956  $2,865,616 
390,898  7,972,832 

2,546,216  3,179,193 

27,820,163  17,290,937 
10,670,417  9,869,818 

15,429,197  16,453,272 


PUBLIC    DEBT. 


The  debt  of  the  United  States  in  1840  was  $5,125,078  ;  1841,  $6,737,398;  1842, 
$15  0''8,486;  1843,  $26,898,053;  1844,  $26,143,996  ;  1845,  $16,801,647 ;  1846, 
$24,256,495  ;   1847,  $45,659,659  ;   1848,  $65,804,450  ;   1849,  $64,704,693. 

State  of  the  United  States  debt,  Oct.  1,  1849  :  —  Old  funded  and  unfunded  debt. 
Treasury  notes  of  1812,  and  Yazoo  Scrip,  $122,735  ;  Debt  of  District  of  Columbia, 
assumed  1836,  $960,000  ;  outstanding  Treasurv  notes  prior  to  July,  1846,  $144,391 ; 
Stock  issued  for  Treasui-y  notes  of  1837-43,  $149,828  ;  Loan  of  1842,  $8,198,686  ; 
do.  of  1843,  $6,468,231 ;  do.  1846,  $4,999,149  ;  do.  1847,  $27,618,351 ;  do.  of  1848, 
$15,740,000 ;  Stock  issued  in  payment  of  4th  and  5th  instalments  of  Mexican  in- 
demnity, i303,574.     Total,  $64,704,694. 


POST-OFFICE. 


The  number  of  mail  routes  within  the  United  States  at  the  close  of  the  fiscal  year 
ending  on  the  30th  of  June,  1850,  was  5590;  the  aggregate  length  of  such  routes 
was  178,672  miles;  and  the  number  of  contractors  employed  thereon,  4,760. 

The  annual  transportation  of  the  mails  on  these  routes  was  46,541,423  miles,  at 
an  annual  cost  of  $2,724,426,  making  the  average  cost  about  5  cents  and  8^  mills 
per  mile. 

The  increa.sc  in  the  number  of  inland  mail  routes  during  the  year  was  649  ;  the 
increase  in  the  length  of  mail  routes  was  10,969  miles,  and  the  annual  transportation 
of  the  year  exceeded  that  of  the  previous  year  by  3,997,354  miles,  at  an  increased 
cost  of  ,$342,440.     This  is  exclusive  of  the  mail  service  to  California  and  Oregon. 

There  were,  at  tliat  date,  five  foreign  mail  routes,  of  the  aggregate  length  of 
15,079  miles,  and  the  annual  price  of  the  transportation  thereon,  payable  by  this 
department,  was  $264,506  ;  being  an  increase  of  $8,814  on  the  cost  of  the  preceding 
year. 

The  whole  number  of  Post-Offices  in  the  United  States  was  18,417-  There  were 
1979  Post-Offices  established,  and  309  discontinued  within  the  year. 

The  gross  revenue  of  the  department  for  the  year  ending  June  30,  1850,  was 
$5,552,971-48.  The  expenditures  for  the  year  were  $5,212,953-43.  Leaving  as  the 
excess  of  the  gross  revenue  over  the  expenditures  of  the  year,  the  sum  of  $340,018*05. 


166  GENERAL    VIEW    OF 

In  1848,  the  total  transportation  was  41,012,579  miles,  of  wbich,  by  steamboat, 
4,385,800  ;  bv  railroad,  4,327,400. 

Expenses  of  Post-Office  department  were $4,326,850 

Revenue $4,371,077 

The  follo^ving  are  the  reduced  rates  of  postage,  commencing  July  1st,  1851 :  — 
Letters  not  exceeding  half  an  ounce,  and  within  3000  miles,  3  cents,  prepaid,  5 
cents  not  prepaid  :  and  the  same  for  every  additional  half  ounce  or  fraction  thereof. 
Over  3000  miles,  double  these  rates.  J'oreign  letters,  wholly  or  in  part  by  sea,  un- 
der 2500  miles,  10  cents  ;  over  2500  miles,  20  cents;  but  no  change  is  made  in  ex- 
isting postal  arrangements  with  foreign  countries.  Drop  letters,  1  cent ;  advertising, 
1  cent. 

Weekly  Newspapers,  not  over  three  ounces,  sent  from  the  office  of  publication, 
to  subscribers  within  the  county,  free  ;  out  of  the  county,  and  within  50  miles,  5 
cents  a  quarter  ;  over  50  and  less  than  300  miles,  10  cents  a  quarter ;  over  300  and 
less  than  1000  miles,  15  cents;  over  1000  and  less  than  2000,  20  cents  ;  over  2000 
and  less  than  4000,  25  cents  ;  over  4000  miles,  30  cents.  Monthly  newspapers,  one 
fourth  those  rates ;  semi-monthly,  one  half  those  rates ;  semi- weekly,  double  those 
rates  ;  tri- weekly,  treble  those  rates  ;  and  oftenor  than  tri-weckly,  five  times  those 
rates.     Newspapers  less  than  300  square  inches,  one  fourth  the  above  rates. 

All  other  newspapers,  circulars  not  sealed,  handbills,  engravings,  pamphlets,  peri- 
odicals, magazines,  and  other  printed  matter,  (except  periodicals  as  below,)  includ- 
ing books  and  parcels  not  exceeding  32  ounces,  for  everj'^  ounce  or  fraction  of  an 
ounce  under  500  miles,  one  cent ;  over  500  and  less  than  1500,  two  cents ;  over  1500 
and  less  than  2500,  three  cents ;  over  2500,  and  less  than  3500,  four  cents ;  over 
3500,  five  cents  —  to  be  paid  in  adva7ice.  If  by  oversight  unpaid,  double  those  rates 
to  be  charged.  On  periodicals  published  quarterly,  or  oftener,  subscribers  to  pay 
half  the  above  rates,  quarterly  in  advance. 

The  publishers  of  newspapers,  and  of  periodicals  not  over  16  ounces,  may  inter- 
change one  copy  free,  and  enclose  bills  to  subscribers. 


ARMY  AND   NAVY. 

The  regular  Army  of  the  United  States  consists  of  two  regiments  of  dragoons, 
one  regiment  of  mounted  riflemen,  four  regiments  of  artillery,  and  eight  regiments 
of  infantry,  under  the  command  of  one  Major- General,  and  two  Brigadier-Generals. 
The  numerical  force,  according  to  the  returns  for  1851,  presents  a  total  of  10,334  ; 
of  which  number  are  commissioned  officers,  889  ;  non-commissioned  officers,  musi- 
cians, artiticers,  and  privates,  9445.  The  militia  force,  according  to  the  latest  re- 
turns, presents  a  total  of  2,006,456  ;  of  which  are  commissioned  officers,  72,938  ; 
non-commissioned,  musicians,  artificers,  and  privates,  1,850,284.  There  are  18 
arsenals,  and  101  permanent  military  posts.  There  have  graduated  at  the  United 
States  Military  Academy  at  West  Point,  from  its  fii-st  class  in  1802  to  1849,  inclu- 
sive, 1449.  Of  these,  248  have  died  in  the  service,  69  have  been  killed  in  battle, 
and  there  are  now  in  service  611. 

The  United  States  Navy  consists  of  12  ships  of  the  line,  xiz.,  1  of  120  guns,  10 
of  74  guns,  and  one  razee,  54  guns ;  12  frigates  of  the  fixst  class,  44  guns  ;  2  of  the 
second  class,  36  guns;  21  sloops  of  war,  viz.,  16  of  20  guns,  1  of  18  guns,  and  4  of 
16  guns;  4  brigs,  of  10  guns  ;  3  schooners,  15  steamers,  5  storeships  and  brigs.  59 
individuals  arc  employed  in  the  Navy  Department  at  Washington.  There  are  in 
the  Navy,  68  Captains,  97  Commanders,  327  Lieutenants,  150  Surgeons  and  assist- 
ants, 64  Pursers,  24  Chaplains,  438  Midshipmen. 

The  expenses  in  1848  were,  for  National  Armories,  $486,j078-39  ;  for  the  Military 
Establishment,  $33,507, 181-66  ;  for  the  Naval  Establishment,  $11,765,778-55. 

There  were  employed  in  the  Mexican  War,  of  regular  and  volunteer  forces,  4391 
officers,  94,584  men;  total,  99,067.  There  were  killed,  or  died  of  wounds  received 
in  battle,  116  officers,  and  1399  men.  The  aggregate  number  of  deaths  of  officers 
and  men  during  the  war,  was  7707.  The  cost  of  the  war,  including  the  sum  jjaid 
to  Mexico,  and  the  bounty  lands  to  soldiers,  is  about  .$98,000,000. 

The  cost  of  the  Army  for  the  last  65  years  is  computed  fi-om  official  documents  at 
$750,000,000. 


THE    UNITED     STATES. 


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168 


GENERAL    VIEW    OF 


POPULATION. 

Population  of  the  United  States,  according  to  the  Census  of  1850. 


States. 

Whites. 

Free  Col'd. 

Slaves. 

Total. 

Total,  1840. 

Alabama,   . 

426,515 

2,250 

342,894 

771,659 

590,756 

Arkansas,  . 

162,071 

587 

46,982 

209,641 

97,574 

California, 

200,000 

200,000 

30,000 

Connecticut, 

363,189 

7,415 

370,604 

309,970 

Delaware,  . 

71,282 

17,957 

2,289 

91,528 

78,085 

Florida, 

47,120 

926 

39,341 

87,387 

54,477 

Georgia,     . 

513,083 

2,586 

362,966 

878,635 

691,392 

Indiana, 

983,634 

5,100 

988,734 

685,866 

Illinois, 

853,059 

5,239 

858,298 

476,183 

Iowa, 

191,830 

292 

192,122 

43,112 

Kentucky, 

770,061 

9,667 

221,768 

1,001,496 

779,828 

Louisiana, 

254,271 

15,685 

230,807 

500,762 

352,411 

Maine, 

581,920 

1,312 

583,232 

501,793 

Massachusetts,   . 

985,498 

8,773 



994,271 

737,698 

Maryland, 

418,763 

73,943 

89,800 

582,506 

470,019 

Mississippi, 

291,536 

898 

300,419 

592,853 

375,654 

Michigan, 

393,156 

2,547 

395,703 

212,267 

Missouri,    . 

592,176 

2,667 

89,289 

684,132 

383,702 

New  Hampshire, 

317,354 

477 

317,831 

284,574 

New  York, 

3,042,574 

47,448 

3,090,022 

2,428,921 

New  Jersey, 

466,283 

22,269 

119 

488,671 

373,306 

North  Carolina,  ) 
Indians,            5 

552,477 
710 

27,271 

288,412 

868,870 

753,419 

Ohio, 

1,951,101 

25,930 

1,977,031 

1,519,467 

Pennsylvania,     . 

2,258,480 

53,201 

2,311,681 

1,724,033 

Rhode  Island,    . 

144,012 

3,543 

147,555 

108,830 

South  Carolina, 

274,775 

8,769 

384,925 

668,469 

594,398 

Tennessee, 

767,319 

6,280 

249,519 

1,023,118 

829,210 

Texas, 

133,131 

926 

53,346 

187,403 

150,000 

Vermont,    . 

312,756 

710 

313,466 

291,948 

Virginia,     . 

894,149 

53,906 

473,026 

1,421,081 

1,239,797 

Wisconsin, 
Total,      . 

303,600 

626 
409,200 

304,226 

30,945 

19,517,885 

3,175,902 

23,102,987 

17,199,635 

District  Columbia,     . 

38,027 

9,973 

3,687 

51,687 

43,712 

Minesota,    . 

6,192 

6,192 

1,000 

New  Mexico, 

61,632 

61,632 

50,000 

Oregon, 

20,000 

20,000 

2,000 

Utah, 

Grand  Total,  . 

25,000 

419,173 

25,000 

19,668,730 

3,179,589 

23,267,498 

17,296,347 

Total  population  of  the  United  States  and  Territories, 
Total  population  in  1840, 


23,267,498 
17,296,347 


Increase  in  ten  years, 5,971,151 

The  slave  population  in  1840  was  2,487,113.  It  is  now  3,179,589,  showing  an 
increase  of  692,476,  or  about  22  per  cent.  The  free  colored  population  of  the  United 
States  in  1840  was  386,293.  It  numbers  now,  as  will  be  seen  above,  419,173,  show- 
ing an  increase  of  only  32,880,  or  7.84  per  cent. 


THE    UNITED     STATES. 


169 


The  following  tables  will  show  the  relative  increase  of  free  popiilation  in  the 
Northern  and  Southern  States  :  — 

Population  of  the  Fkee  States. 


States. 

1850. 

1840. 

Gain. 

Calilbrnia, 

200,000 

30,000 

170,000 

Connecticut,  . 

370,(501 

310,015 

60,589 

Indiana, 

988,734 

685,806 

302,868 

Illinois, 

858,298 

476,183 

382,115 

Iowa, 

192,122 

43,111 

149,011 

Maine,    . 

583,232 

501,793 

81,439 

Massachusetts, 

994,271 

737,099 

256,572 

Michis^an, 

395,703 

212,276 

183,427 

New  Hampshire, 

317,831 

284,574 

33,257 

New  York,     . 

3,090,022 

2,428,921 

661,101 

New  Jersey,  • 

488,552 

373,306 

115,246 

Ohio,      . 

1,977,031 

1,519,467 

457,564 

Pennsylvania, 

2,311,081 

1,724,033 

587,648 

Rhode  Island, 

147,555 

108,830 

38,725 

Vermont, 

313,466 

291,948 

21,518 

Wisconsin,      . 

304,226 

30,945 

273,281 

Total,      . 

13,533,328 

9,758,967 

3,774,361 

Free  Population  of  the  Slave  States. 


States. 

1850. 

1840. 

Gain. 

Alabama,      ..... 

428,765 

337,224 

91,541 

Arkansas, 

162,658 

77,639 

85,019 

Delaware,     . 

89,239 

75,480 

13,759 

Florida, 

48,046 

28,760 

19,286 

Georgia,   .     . 

515,669 

410,448 

105,221 

Kentucky,    . 

779,728 

597,570 

182,158 

Louisiana,     . 

269,955 

183,959 

85,996 

Maryland,     . 

492,706 

379,737 

112,969 

Mississippi,  . 

292,434 

180,440 

111,994 

Missouri, 

594,843 

325,462 

269,381 

North  Carolina, 

580,450 

507,602 

72,848 

South  Carolma, 

283,544 

267,360 

16,184 

Tennessee,    . 

773,599 

646,151 

127,448 

Texas,  . 

131,057 

100,000 

34,057 

Virginia, 

948,055 

790,810 

157,245 

Total 

6,393,748 

4,908,642 

1,485,106 

[ncrcase  in  the  slave  States,           .... 

1,485,106 

increase  in  the  free  S 

tates, 

• 

. 

. 

3,774,361 

Total  increase  of  free  population, 

w 


6,259,467 


170 


-GENERAL    VIEW    OF 


Table,  showing  the  aggregate  population  by  States,  according  to  each  census, 
from  1790  to  1830,  both  inclusive,  which,  with  the  census  of  1840  and  1850,  given 
above,  wiU  exhibit  at  a  glance  the  rapid  growth  of  the  United  States  for  the  last 
sixty  years. 

Population  feom  1790  to  1830. 


States. 

1830 

1820. 

1810. 

1800. 

1790. 

Alabama, 

309,527 

127,901 

20,845 

. 

Arkansas,     • 

30,388 

14,273 

Connecticut, 

297,665 

275,202 

262,042 

251,002 

238,141 

Delaware,     . 

76,748 

72,749 

72,647 

64,273 

59,098 

Florida, 

34,730 

G  corgia. 

516,823 

340,987 

252,433 

162,101 

82,548 

Indiana, 

343,031 

147,178 

24,520 

4,875 

Illinois, 

157,455 

55.211 

12,282 

District  Columbia, 

39,834 

33,039 

240,023 

14,093 

Kentucky,    . 

687,917 

564,317 

406,511 

220,955 

73,077 

Louisiana,     . 

215,739 

153,407 

76,556 

Maine, 

399,955 

298,335 

228,705 

151,719 

96.540 

Massachusetts, 

610,408 

523,287 

472,040 

423,245 

378,717 

Maryland,     . 

447,040 

407,350 

380,-546 

341,548 

319,728 

Mississippi,  . 

136,621 

75,448 

40,352 

8,850 

Michigan,      . 

31,639 

8,896 

4,762 

Missouri, 

140,445 

66,586 

20,845 

New  Hampshire, 

269,328 

244,161 

214,360 

183,762 

141,899 

New  York,  . 

1,918,608 

1,372,812 

959,949 

586,756 

340,120 

New  Jersey, 

320,823 

277,575 

249,555 

211,949 

184,139 

North  Carolina,    . 

737,987 

638,829 

555,500 

478,103 

393,751 

Ohio,    . 

937,903 

581,434 

230,760 

45,365 

Pennsylvania, 

1,348,233 

1,049,458 

810,091 

602,305 

434,373 

Rhode  Island, 

97,199 

83,059 

77,031 

69,122 

69,110 

South  Carolina,    . 

581,185 

502,741 

415,115 

345,591 

249,073 

Tennessee,    . 

681,904 

422,813 

261,727 

105,602 

35,791 

Vermont, 

280,652 

235,764 

217,713 

154,465 

85,416 

Virginia, 
Total, 

1,211,405 

1,065,379 

974,622 

880,200 
5,305,941 

748,308 

12,861,192 

9,638,191 

7,451,532 

3,929,829 

Population  in  1840,  17,339,970. 


Do.  in  1850,  23,267,498. 


THE   UNION. 

The  thirteen  United  Colonies,  which  first  adopted  and  issued  the  immortal 
Declaration  of  Independence,  entered  into  the  confederation  of  1778,  and  formed 
the  constitution  of  1789,  were  New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island,  Con- 
necticut, New  York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  Maryland,  Virginia, 
North  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  and  Georgia.  All  the  other  States  which  are  now 
members  of  the  Union  have  been  since  admitted  in  the  following  order,  viz  :  — 

Vermont,  which  was  separated  from  New  York,  was  admitted  into  the  Union  in 
the  year  1794. 

Tennessee,  which  was  separated  from  North  Carolina,  was  admitted  1796. 

Kentucky,  originally  a  part  of  the  territory  of  Virginia,  was  admitted  1798. 

Ohio,  which  was  formed  from  land  north-west  of  the  Ohio  River,  that  had  been 


TUE    UNITED     STATES. 


171 


ceded  to  the  General  Government  by  the  States  to  which  it  belonged,  was  admitted 
180'2. 

Louisiana,  formed  from  the  Louisiana  purchase,  admitted  1812. 

Indiana,  from  a  portion  of  what  is  called  the  North-west  Territory,  admitted  1816. 

Mississippi,  from  part  of  the  territory  of  Georgia,  admitted  1817. 

Illinois,  from  the  North-west  Territory,  admitted  1819. 

Alabama,  from  part  of  Georgia,  admitted  1819. 

Maine,  which  was  separated  from  Massachusetts,  admitted  1820. 

Missouri,  formed  from  a  part  of  the  Louisiana  purchase,  admitted  1S2L 

Arkansas,  from  a  portion  of  tlie  Louisiana  purchase,  admitted  1836. 

Michigan,  wliich  was  constituted  a  Territory  in  1805,  admitted  1836. 

Florida,  from  the  Sj^aniards,  constituted  a  Territory  in  1822,  admitted  1845. 

Texas,  indeijendcnt  republic,  annexed  1845. 

Iowa,  from  Wisconsin  Territory,  constituted  a  Territory  in  1838,  admitted  1846. 

AVisconsin,  from  Michigan  Territory,  constituted  a  Territory  in  1836,  admitted 
.46. 

California,  from  Mexico,  1848,  admitted  as  a  State  1850. 

Oregon,  constituted  a  Territory,  1848. 
Minesota,         "  "  1849. 

Utah,  "  «  1850. 

New  Mexico,  "  "  1850. 


1846 


APPORTIONMENT*  OF  REPRESENTATIVES  TO  CONGRESS. 


Maine,           .... 

7 

Tennessee,    . 

11 

New  Hampshire,  . 
Massachusetts, 

4 

10 

Ohio,    . 
Indiana, 

21 
10 

Rhode  Island, 
Connecticut, 

2 
4 

Mississippi,  . 
Illinois, 

4 
7 

Vermont,       .... 

4 

Louisiana,     . 

4 

New  York,    .... 

34 

Missouri, 

5 

New  Jersey, 

Pennsylvania, 

Delaware 

5 

24 

1 

Alabama, 
Michigan, 
Arkansas, 

7 
3 

1 

Maryland 

Virginia 

6 
15 

Florida, 
Texas,  . 

1 
2 

North  Carolina,    . 

9 

Iowa,    . 

2 

South  Carolina,     . 

7 

Wisconsin,    . 

3 

Georgia,        .... 
Kentucky 

8 
10 

California,     . 

2 

The  House  of  Representatives  contains  233  members,  and  the  ratio  of  representa- 
tion under  the  present  census  is  93,702.  In  the  next  Congress,  Arkansas,  Indiana, 
Massachusetts,  and  Pennsylvania  will  gain  each  one  member ;  Illinois,  Michigan, 
and  Missouri,  each  two ;  while  Maine,  New  Hampshire,  New  York,  North  Caroli- 
na, Tennessee,  and  Vermont  each  lose  one,  and  South  Carolina  and  Virginia  each 
two. 

The  apportionment  for  the  32d  Congress  shows  a  remarkable  change  during  the 
last  ten  years  in  the  relative  strength  of  the  States  in  the  House  of  Representatives. 
In  the  27th  Congress,  Maine  had  8  members  —  she  has  now  but  6.  New  Hampshire 
and  Vermont  had  each  5  against  3  now;  Massachusetts  12  against  11 ;  Connecticut 
6  against  4  ;  New  York  40  against  33  ;  New  Jersey  6  against  5  ;  Pennsylvania  28 
against  25  ;  Maryland  8  against  6  ;  Virginia  21  against  13 ;  North  Carolina  13 
against  8  ;  South  Carolina  9  against  5 ;  Georgia  9  against  8  ;  Tennessee  and  Ken- 
tucky each  13  against  10.     So  much  for  losses.     As  to  the  gains  :  —  Alabama  had 

*  This  app.irliciiiiiiont,  which  took  place  25th  June,  1842,  is  in  the  ratio  of  one  Representative  for 
every  70,CSU  inhabitants. 


172 


GENERAL    VIEW    OF 


5  Representatives  in  the  27th  Congress  —  she  now  is  entitled  to  7 ;  Mississippi  had 
2,  and  now  has  4  ;  Louisiana  3,  now  4;  Ohio  19,  now  21  ;  Michigan  1,  now  5  ;  In- 
diana 7,  now  11 ;  Illinois  3,  now  9  ;  Missouri  2,  now  7  ;  Florida,  Texas,  Iowa,  and 
Wisconsin  have  come  into  the  Union  since  1843,  with  an  aggregate  representation 
of  8  members. 

Sixty-one  years  ago  the  Repubhc  contained  less  than  four  millions  of  inhabitants. 
Since  then,  it  has  increased  to  over  twenty-three  millions.  The  same  ratio  of  in- 
crease for  the  next  fifty  years  will  show  a  population  of  over  one  hundred  millions 

a  goodly  number  with  which  to  begin  the  20th  century.     The  number  of  slaves 

has  increased  from  697,897,  in  1790,  to  3,179,589  in  1850.  The  slave  population  in 
1800  was  893,041  ;  in  1810,  1,191,364;  in  1820,  1,538,064;  in  1830,  2,009,031;  and 
in  1840,  2,487,113. 

The  following  table  wiU  show  the  representative  population  of  the  United  States, 
the  number  of  Representatives  to  which  each  State  is  entitled,  and  also  what  States 
are  to  send  Representatives  on  fractions. 


States. 


Alabama, 

Arkansas,    . 

California,    . 

Connecticut, 

Delaware,    . 

Florida, 

Georgia, 

Indiana, 

Illinois, 

Iowa,   . 

Kentucky,  . 

Louisiana,    . 

Maine, 

Massachusetts, 

Maryland,    . 

Mississippi, 

Michigan,     . 

Missouri, 

New  Hampshire, 

New  York,  . 

New  Jersey, 

North  Carolina, 

Ohio,   . 

Pennsylvania, 

Rhode  Island, 

South  Carolina, 

Tennessee,   . 

Texas, 

Vermont, 

Virginia, 

Wisconsin,  . 


Federal  Rep. 
Population. 


634,501 
190,848 
200,000 
370,604 
906,612 
71,650 
733,448 
988,734 
858,298 
192,122 
912,788 
408,440 
583,232 
984,271 
646,586 
472,685 
395,703 
648,416 
317,831 

2,090,022 
488,623 
753,505 

1,977,031 

2,311,681 
147,555 
514,499 
923,310 
166,064 
313,466 

1,231,870 
304,226 


Total, 21,832,521 

Representatives  allowed  for  fractional  numbers,  as 
marked, 

Whole  number  of  Representatives  under  the  next 
apportionment,    ....... 


No.  of 
Rep's. 

6 

2 
2 
3 


7 

10 

9 

2 

9 

4 

6 

10 

5 

4 

5 

6 

3 

32 

5 

8 

21 

24 

1 

5 

9 

1 

3 

13 

3 


218 
15 

233 


Fractions. 

*72,289 
3,444 

12,596 
*S9,498 
*90,612 
*71,650 
*77,534 
*51,714 

20,980 

4,718 

♦75,470 

33,632 

21,020 

*57,251 

*78,076 

4,175 

20,895 
*86,204 

36,725 
*91,558 

20,113 

3,889 

9,289 

*62,533 

*53,853 

45,989 
*89,992 
*72,362 

32,360 

13,744 

23,120 


No.  at 
present. 


7 
1 
2 
4 
1 
1 
8 

10 
7 
2 

10 
4 
7 

10 
6 
4 
3 
5 
4 

34 
5 
9 

21 

24 
2 
7 

11 

2 

4 

15 

3 


233 


*  These  States  have  a  Representative  added  to  the  number  of  apportionment. 


THE    UNITED    STATES.  173 


TAXATION. 

Congress  possesses  the  power  to  impose  direct  taxes ;  but  aa  this  branch  of  the 

revenue  has  been  found  one  of  the  least  productive,  and  the  other  sources  of  supply 
being  abundant,  there  is  no  taxation  by  the  General  Government.  Each  State 
levies  its  o^vn  tax  for  the  expenses  of  its  local  government ;  and  each  city  or  town 
provides,  by  taxation,  for  its  own  municipal  concerns. 


SALARIES. 


The  highest  salary  is  that  of  the  President,  who  receives  twenty-five  thousand 
dollars  a  year ;  Ministers  Plenipotentiary  receive  nine  thousand  dollars  annually, 
and  the  same  sum  for  an  outfit ;  the  Secretaries  of  State,  the  Treasury,  "War, 
Navy,  and  the  Interior,  and  the  Postmaster-General,  six  thousand;  the  Attor- 
ney-General, four  thousand  ;  the  Vice-President,  live  thousand  ;  the  Chief  Justice, 
live  thousand ;  the  Associate  Justices,  four  thousand  five  hundred ;  Charges  des 
Affaires,  four  thousand  five  hundi-ed ;  Secretaries  of  Legation,  two  thousand  ;  mem- 
bers of  Congress,  eight  dollars  a  day. 


NEWSPAPERS. 


The  first  paper  printed  in  America  was  the  Boston  News  Letter  ;  the  first 
number  of  wliich  was  issued  April  I7th,  1701.  In  1775,  there  were  37  periodicals, 
of  all  sorts,  published  in  different  parts  of  the  United  States;  in  1810,  358  ;  in  1828, 
802  ;  in  1839,  1555. 

After  full  and  careful  examination,  it  is  estimated  that  the  aggregate  yearly  issue 
of  newspapers,  magazines,  and  reviews,  from  the  city  of  New  York  alone,  in  the 
year  1849,  was  72,710,257,  of  which  between  nine  and  ten  millions  were  religious 
periodicals. 

One  hundred  and  fifty  years  ago,  there  wa^  not  a  single  daily  newspaper  in  Eng- 
land ;  and  it  is  not  two  hundred  years  since  the  first  idea  of  a  regular  newspaper 
was  conceived  in  that  island  to  rouse  the  people  to  resist  the  Spanish  Armada. 
Now,  in  the  United  Kingdom,  there  are  547  newspapers.  In  the  year  ending  Jan- 
uary 5,  1849,  90,928,408  newspaper  stamps  were  issued  in  the  kingdom,  of  which 
76,180,832  were  in  England  alone. 


CANALS. 


About  two  thousand  five  hundred  miles  of  canal  have  been  executed,  or  are  in  a 
tolerable  state  of  forwardness.  Ey  means  of  these  artificial  channels,  and  the  great 
lakes  and  western  rivers,  with  Avhich  they  open  a  communication,  the  internal  nav- 
igation far  surpasses  in  extent  that  of  any  other  country  in  the  world.  The  course 
upon  a  single  line  from  New  York  up  the  Hudson,  through  the  Erie  Canal,  Lake 
Erie,  the  Ohio  Canal  and  River,  up  to  the  highest  navigable  point  of  the  Missoiu-i, 
would  equal  four  thousand  three  hundred  and  twenty  railes. 

ERIE  AND   HUDSON   CANAL. 

New  York  surpasses  every  State  in  the  Union  for  canals.  The  great  Erie  and 
Hudson  Canal,  from  Albany  to  ]3uffalo,  was  begun  in  1817,  and  fuushed  in  1825,  at 
tlie  cost  of  above  nine  millions  of  dollars.  It  is  three  himdred  and  sixty-tlu-ee  miles 
long,  forty  feet  wide,  and  four  feet  deep. 


174 


GENERAL    VIEW    OF 


In  the  whole  length  of  the  canal,  are  eighty-three  locks  and  eighteen  aqueducts 
The  locks  are  built  in  the  most  durable  manner,  of  stone  laid  in  water  lime,  and 
are  each  ninety  feet  long  and  fifteen  wide.  Lake  Erie  is  five  hundred  and  sixty 
■  five  feet  above  the  Hudson  at  Albany,  and  the  whole  rise  and  fall  of  lockage  on  the 
canal  is  sx  hundred  and  eighty-eight  feet.  One  of  the  aqueducts  crosses  the  Gene- 
see river,  at  Rochester,  and  is  eight  hundred  and  four  feet  in  length.  Anotl  t.r 
aqueduct  crosses  the  Mohawk,  at  Little  Falls,  on  three  arches  of  fifty  and  seventy 


Aqueduct  of  the  Lrie  Canal. 

feet  span ;  two  others  cross  the  same  river,  one  seven  hundred  and  forty-eight  feet, 
and  the  other  eleven  hundred  and  eighty-ei^t  feet  in  length.  The  sides  of  the  canal 
are  sometimes  paved  with  stone,  and  sometimes  covered  with  thick  grass,  to  hinder 
the  soil  from  washing  away.  A  tow  path  four  feet  above  the  surface  of  the  water, 
and  ten  feet  wide,  runs  the  whole  length  of  the  canal.  A  number  of  side  cuts  branch 
off  from  the  canal  to  different  places  ;  one  of  these,  from  Syracuse  to  Oswego,  is  thirty- 
eight  miles  long ;  another  from  IMontezuma  to  Cayuga  and  Seneca  Lake,  twenty  miles 
The  canal  boats,  for  the  conveyance  of  passengers,  are  generally  eighty  feet  in 
length,  and  fourteen  in  width,  drawing  from  one  to  two  feet  of  water.  The  cabin 
occupies  nearly  the  whole  length  of  the  deck,  and  is  eight  feet  in  height,  with  single 
berths  on  each  side  for  thirty  persons.  They  are  drawn  by  three  horses,  and  proceed 
day  and  night  four  miles  an  hour ;  relays  are  furnished  every  eight  or  ten  miles 
Boats  with  merchandise  go  about  fifty-five  miles  in  twenty -four  hours;  the  passage 
boats  make,  including  delays,  eighty-five  miles  progress  in  the  same  time.  Tht 
navigation  upon  this  great  canal  is  prodigious,  and  the  work  does  honor  to  the  saga 
city  and  enterprise  of  those  who  planned  it. 


CHESAPEAKE  AND  DELAWARE  CANAL.  ^ 

The  Chesapeake  and  Delaware  Canal  crosses  the  northern  part  of  Delaware,  uniting, 
the  two  bays.  It  is  fourteen  miles  long,  sixty  feet  wide,  and  ten  feet  deep,  with  locks 
one  hundred  feet  in  length,  and  twenty-two  feet  wide.  It  begins  at  Delaware  city, 
forty-six  miles  below  Philadelphia,  and  passes  westerly  to  Back  Creek,  a  navigable 
branch  of  Elk  river.  The  Deep  Cut  is  the  name  given  to  the  passage  of  this  canal, 
for  fi'ur  miles,  through  a  hill  ninety  feet  in  height,  being  the  deepest  ^,ut  upon  any 
canal  ia  the  world.     The  Summit  Bridge,  which  crosses  the  canal  at  the  cut,  is  a 


THE    UNITED    STATES.  ITf) 

single  arch,  two  hundred  nnd   fifty-five  feet  in  length.     He; e  the  sides  of  the  canal 
are  secured  by  walls  of  stone,  and  the  high  banks  are  in  some  places  thatched  w\th 


Tht  Deep  Cvii  of  ihe  Delaware  Canal. 

Straw  to  prevent  their  washing  into  the  canal.  East  of  this  spot,  the  canal  is  carried 
through  deep  marshes  ;  the  foundation  and  embankments  were  executed  at  great 
expense.  At  every  half  mile  are  recesses  for  the  passing  of  vessels,  where  the  width 
of  the  canal  is  increased  to  one  hundred  and  ten  feet.  At  its  junction  with  the  Dela- 
ware, is  an  artificial  harbor,  or  large  basin,  of  a  semicircular  shape.  This  canal  was 
begun  in  1823,  and  completed  in  six  years,  at  the  cost  of  more  than  two  million  of 
dollars.  The  navigation  u[>on  it  is  great  and  increasing.  In  the  tables,  towards  the 
close,  we  have  given  a  list  of  the  principal  canals  in  the  United  States,  with  their 
distances. 


COAL    MINES. 


COAL. 


In  no  part  of  the  world  is  anthracite  coal  found  so  abundantly  as  in  Pennsyl- 
vania. It  abounds  m  the  Wyommg  and  Lacka'.vanna  valley,  between  the  Blue 
Kidge  and  the  Susquelianna.  The  anthracite  district  is  principally  occupied  by 
mountains  running  pavailel  to  the  Blue  Ridge,  often  broad,  wuh  table  summits,  and 
rising  generally  about  f.fteen  hundred  feet  above  the  ocean.  These  mountains  are 
mostly  in  a  state  of  nature,  harboring  wolves,  bears,  cougars,  deer,  and  other  wild 
animals. 

"•  The  coal  occurs  in  the  greatest  quantity  in  those  parts  of  this  region  most  accessi- 
ble by  water.  Extensive  veins  and  beds  range  from  the  Lehigh  to  the  Susque- 
hanna, ciossing  the  headwaters  of  the  Schuylkill  and  Swatara,  about  ten  miles 
north-west  of  the  Blue  Ridge.  It  is  abundant  near  the  Susquehanna,  and  Lacka- 
V  anna,  but  in  no  part  is  it  so  plentiful  as  at  Mauch  Chunk,  a  village  on  the  Lehigh, 
a  branch  of  the  Susquehanna. 

The  anthracite  region  of  the  Susquehanna  lies  in  the  valley  formed  by  the  Sus- 
quehanna and  the  Lackawanna,  one  of  its  branches  ;  this  region  is  distinguished  as 


176 


GENERAL   VIEW    OF 


the  vpjleys  of  the  Wyoming  and  Lackawanna,  but  is  in  fact  withcoit  any  natural 
division,  and  constitutes  a  single  fonnation.  It  it  between  sixty  and  seventy  miles 
long,  and  five  broad.  The  double  barrier  of  nearly  parallel  mountains,  through 
whose  included  vallev  flow  the  Susquehanna  and  Lackawanna,  is  a  perfectly  wel 
defined  coal  formation,  and  its  geological  structure  is  very  interesting. 

The  coal  lies  in  beds,  and  not  as  commonly,  in  veins  ;  these  are  of  every  thick- 
ess,  from  a  foot  to  twenty-seven  feet :  none  are  much  esteemed  that  are  less  than 
three  or  four ;  few  are  wrought  that  are  less  than  six.  The  lateral  extent  of  the  beds 
is  immense  •  'they  break  out  in  the  precipices  and  hills,  and  upon  the  banks  of  the 
Susquehanna  and  Lackawanna,  and  form  in  some  places  the  pavement  of  these 
rivers.  They  appear  in  the  sides  and  channels  of  almost  every  stream  from  the 
mountains  •  they  blacken  tiie  soil  in  numerous  places,  and  wells  are  often  sunk  in 
the  coal. 


The  western  part  of  Pennsylvania  is  as  abundantly  supplied  with  bituminous 
coal  as  the  eastern  is  with  anthracite.  It  is  found  on  the  Rivers  Conemaugh,  Alle- 
ghany, Monongahela,  and  Ohio,  and  in  numerous  places  west  of  the  Alleghany 
ridge,  which  is,  with  some  exceptions,  its  eastern  boundary.  The  veins  are  gen- 
erally narrow,  rarely  above  six  feet  in  width.  The  coal  is  abundant,  and  of  excel- 
lent quality,  near  Pittsburg. 

The  bituminous  coal  area  of  the  United  States  is  133,132  square  miles,  or  l-17th 
part;  British  America,  18,000  square  miles,  or  l-45th  part;  Great  Britain,  8,139 
square  miles,  or  l-14th  part ;  Spain,  3108  square  miles,  or  l-52d  part ;  Prance,  1719 
square  miles,  or  l-118th  part;  Belgium,  518  square  miles,  or  l-122d  part.  The 
area  of  the  Pennsylvania  anthracite  coal  formations  is  put  down  at  437  square  miles, 
from  which,  in  the  last  thirty  years,  25,669,917  tons  have  been  sent  to  market.  In 
1849,  there  were  sent  3,232,493  tons,  producing  to  the  country  the  value  of  nearly 
$13,000,000,  which  is  more  than  twice  the  amoimt  of  all  the  gold  brought  from  Cal- 
ifornia within  the  year. 


PENNSYLVANIA   COAL   TRADE. 

Brought  to  market,  in  1820,  365  tons ;  in  1830,  112,082  tons ;  in  1840,  860,017 
tons ;  in  1847,  2,970,370  tons  :  valued  at  $12,000,000,  and  carried  in  some  9000  ves- 
sels of  vario\is  kinds. 


THE    UNITED     STATES.  177 


COAL   MINE   vs.  GOLD   MINES. 

The  value  of  all  the  gold  and  silver  coined  at  the  United  States  Mint  for  the  last 
ten  years  docs  not  exceed  $70,000,000 ;  while  the  coal  dug  from  the  mountains  of 
Pennsylvania  in  the  same  time,  estimated  at  $5  per  ton,  would  have  been  worth 
$105,000,000. 


CONGRESS. 


The  Senate  is  composed  of  two  members  elected  by  the  legislature  of  each  state 
for  the  term  of  six  years.  Of  course  the  number  of  Senators  is  now  sixty-two. 
The  Vice-President  of  the  United  States  is  President  of  the  Senate. 


COUETS. 


Supreme  Court.  Chief  Justice,  Roger  B.  Taney,  of  Maryland  —  salary, 
The  Associate  Justices  are  John  McLean,  Ohio  ;  James  M.  Wayne,  Georgia ;  John 
McKinley,  Kentucky  ;  John  Catron,  Tennessee  ;  Peter  V.  Daniel,  Virginia ;  Samviel 
Nelson,  New  York  ;  Levi  "Woodbury,  New  Hampshire  ;  Robert  C.  Grier,  Pennsylva- 
nia —  salary,  $1:500.  The  Supreme  Court  is  held  in  Washington,  and  has  but  one 
session  annually,  commencing  in  December. 

Circuit  Courts.  The  United  States  are  divided  into  nine  judicial  circuits,  in 
each  of  which  a  Circuit  Court  is  held  semi-anniiaUy,  by  a  justice  of  the  Supreme 
Court,  and  the  district  judge  of  the  state  or  district  in  which  the  court  sits. 

District  Courts.  The  United  States  are  also  divided  into  forty-three  districts, 
in  which  District  Courts  are  held  by  tliirty-five  judges. 


INTERCOURSE  WITH   FOREIGN  NATIONS. 

The  United  States  are  represented  by  Ministers  Plenipotentiary  at  the  courts  of 
Great  Britain,  France,  Spain,  Mexico,  Brazil,  Germany,  and  Chili ;  and  by  Charges 
d' Affaires  at  the  courts  of  most  of  the  other  foreign  powers  with  which  this  country 
is  connected  by  commercial  intercourse. 


RAILROADS. 


On  the  1st  of  January,  1850,  there  were  1025^  miles  of  Railroad  completed  in 
Massachusetts,  More  than  100  miles  more  have  been  completed  since.  There  are 
about  1000  miles  more  of  completed  Railroad  in  New  England;  in  New  York,  12— 
1500  ;  and  in  the  United  States,  more  than  8500  miles.  The  longest  single  road  in 
the  country  is  the  New  York  and  Erie,  which  is  416  miles  in  length. 


MAGNETIC  TELEGRAPH. 

On  the  1st  of  January,  1850,  there  were  in  the  United  States  about  12,000  miles 
of  the  Magnetic  Telegraph,  working  on  Morse's  system  ;  and  it  is  estimated  about 
10,000  miles  working  according  to  the  various  other  patents.    In  1838,  the  American 

X 


178                                   GENERAL    VIEW    OF 

Institute  reported  as  a  wonderful  thing,  that  Morse  could  telegraph  the  words  "  steam- 

boat Carolme  burnt,"  in  six  minutes.     Now,  a  thousand  such  words  may  be  telegraphed 

in  about  two  minutes. 

COLLEGES,    &c. 

The  numher  of  Colleges  in  the  United  States,  in  1849,  was  121 ;  instructors,  93i. 

Theological  Seminaries,  43 ;  instructors,  122,     Law  Schools,  12 ;   instructors,  23. 

Medical  Schools,  35  ;  instructors,  230. 

RELIGIOUS  DENOMINATIONS. 

Principal  Religious  Denominations  in  the  United  States  in  1850,  according  to  the 

latest  reports. 

Names. 

Churches. 

Ministers. 

Members. 

Methodist  Episcopal,*          .... 

3,873 

645,667 

'•          South,* 

1,578 

491,786 

"         Protestant,* 

798 

771 

62,305 

Baptists,  Regular,* 

8,406 

5,142 

686,807 

"        Anti-Mission,* 

2,035 

907 

67,845 

"        Freewill,*     .         . 

1,252 

1,082 

56,452 

"         Campbellite,* 

1,898 

848 

118,618 

"        Minor  sects. 

. 

316 

358 

27,700 

Presbyterian,*  j  tst'  g* 

2,512 

1,860 

192,033 

1,651 

1,551 

155,000 

Associate  Presbyterian, 

214 

120 

18,800 

Associate  Reformed,    . 

332 

219 

26,340 

Reformed  Presbyterian, 

47 

29 

5,300 

Presbyterian,  Cumberland, 

480 

350 

50,000 

"            others,   . 

490 

310 

44,00'J 

Congregational,  (EvangeUcal,)     . 

1,971 

1,687 

197,196 

Reformed  Dutch,* 

282 

299 

33,980 

German  Reformed, 

261 

273 

69,750 

Protestant  Episcopal,  . 

1,192 

1,497 

67,550 

Lutheran, 

1,604 

663 

163,000 

United  Brethren, 

1,800 

503 

67,000 

Evangelical  Association,  (German,) 

190 

300 

17,000 

Unitarian,*           .... 

245 

Roman  Catholic,* 

1,073 

1,081 

1,233,350 

Christian  Connection, 

1,500 

1,500 

325,000 

Church  of  God,  .... 

125 

83 

10.000 

Mennonites 

400 

240 

60,000 

Universalists,*     .... 

1,042 

684 

r"»'^.[ffiSS:**°."'  : 

100,000 
50,000 

The  statistics  of  the  denominations  marked  *  are  from  the  reports  of  1849  ;  th 

> 

others  from  the  latest  reports  that  could  be  obtained. 

THE    UNITED     STATES.  179 


LIGHTHOUSES. 

In  July,  1849,  the  lighthouse  establishment  of  the  United  States  numbered  288 
lighthouses  and  32  floating  lights ;  of  which  61  were  on  the  Northern  Lakes  and 
the  River  St.  Lawrence.  The  Uritish  establishment  numbers  44  lightliousc  stations, 
exhibiting  65  lights  and  8  floating  lights.  The  expense  of  the  British  establi.sh- 
ment  for  the  four  years  ending  December  31,  1845,  was  $1,90'?,S28  ;  the  expenoe 
of  the  American,  for  the  four  years  ending  June  30,  1846,  was  $1,666,316. 


CALIFORNIA  FLEET. 

From  January,  1849,  to  January,  1850,  the  whole  number  of  clearances  from  the 
different  ports  of  the  United  States  for  Calilbrnia  was  698. 


EXPENDITURES,  PER  MINUTE,  OF  THE  UNITED   STATES 
GOVERNMENT. 

The  expenditures,  per  minute,  of  Washington's  administration  were  $3-82 
Adams  the  elder,  $2-58  ;  Jefferson,  $9-95 ;  Madison,  $34-88  ;  Monroe,  $25-18 
Adams  the  younger,  $24-35  ;  Jackson,  $35-15  ;  Van  Buren,  $65-78  ;  Tyler,  $43-95 
Polk,  $145-88. 


THE   COTTON  TRADE. 

In  1790,  America  did  not  export  a  single  pound  of  cotton.  In  1846,  out  of 
467,856,274  pounds  imported  into  Great  Britain,  401,949,393  came  from  the  United 
States.  The  total  amount  exported  from  the  United  States,  in  1830,  was  1,218,183 
bales  ;  in  1849,  5,718,209  bales.  The  amount  consumed  in  domestic  manufactures, 
in  1830,  was  182,142  bales  ;  and  in  1849,  628,039  bales. 


THE  TEA  TRADE. 

The  tea-plant  was  known  in  China  as  early  as  A.  D.  350  ;  but  its  general  intro- 
duction does  not  date  earlier  than  about  A.  D.  800.  In  1669,  the  East  India  Com- 
pany imported  into  England  143  pounds;  in  1678,4713  pounds;  in  1700,  the 
import  was  60,000  pounds  ;  in  1721,  1,000,000  pounds  ;  in  1840,  31,717,000  pounds. 
From  July  1,  1848,  to  July  1,  1849,  there  were  exported  from  China  into  the  United 
States,  in  37  vessels,  18,672,000  pounds ;  Great  Britain,  in  86  vessels,  47,242,700 
pounds  ;  all  the  rest  of  Europe,  8  vessels,  only  97,000  pounds. 


EMIGRATION. 


In  1848,  the  total  number  of  emigrants  from  Great  Britain  was  248,089,  of  whom 
176,883  were  from  England,  11,505  from  Scotland,  and  59,701  from  Ireland.  The 
number  of  foreign  emigrants  arriving  in  New  York  in  1849  was  234,271  ;  and  in 
Boston,  34,873.  It  is  estimated  that  the  whole  number  arriving  in  the  United 
States  during  1849  was  at  least  325,000. 


180 


GENERAL    VIEW    OF 


ESTIMATE  OF  CROPS  IN  THE  UNITED   STATES  IN  1848,   AS  GIVEN 
IN  THE  REPORT   OF  THE   PATENT-OFFICE, 


Bushels  of  wheat  raised, 

"  barley, 

•<  oats, 

*'  rye, 

"  buckwheat, 

"  Indian  com, 

«  potatoes,  . 


126,364,600 
6,222,050 

185,500,000 
32,951,200 
12,583,000 

583,150,000 

114,475,000 


Tons  of  hay. 

Pounds  of  tobacco, 
"  cotton, 

"         rice, 
"         sugar. 

Tons  of  hemp,  . 


15,735,000 

318,909,000 

1,066,000,000 

119,199,500 

200,000,000 

20,330 


SOURCES  OF  WEALTH,   AND  THEIR  RELATIVE  PROPORTIONS. 

Of  the  annual  products  of  the  United  States,  the  fisheries  yield  in  the  proportion 
of  17  }  the  forest,  59  ;  mines,  74  ;  live  stock,  including  beef,  pork,  butter,  wool,  etc., 
and  natural  increase,  246 ;  man\ifactures,  560  ;  and  agriciilture,  including  gardens, 
orcha/ids,  fodder,  etc.,  870. 


EMPLOYMENTS. 


By  the  United  States  census  of  1840,  it  was  ascertained  that  there  were,  at  that 
time,  in  this  country,  3,719,951  persons  employed  in  agricultural  pursuits  ;  791,749 
in  manufactures;  117,607  in  commerce;  15,211  in  mining  ;  56,021  navigating  the 
ocean;  33^076  in  internal  navigation  ;  and  65,255  at  the  learned  professions. 


STEAMBOATS   ON  THE  MISSISSIPPL 

The  number  of  steamboats  on  the  Mississippi,  in  1848,  was  572  ;  tonnage,  118,655 
tons  ;  valued  at  $5,189,979. 


INDIAN  APPROPRIATIONS. 

The  Indian  appropriations  for  LS49,  from  the  United  States  govsmment,  were 

$774,317. 


POPULATION   OF  THE  EARTH. 

Of  the  population  of  the  earth,  417,000,000  belong  to  the  European  or  Caucasian 
race  ;  280,000,000  to  the  Asiatic  or  Mongolian  ;  90,000,000  to  the  African  or  Negro  ; 
20,000,000  to  the  Malay,  and  10,000,000  to  the  American  or  Indian  race. 


Square  Miles. 

Populution. 

Oceans. 

Square  Miles. 

America, 
Europe, 
Asia, 
j\i'rica,  . 
Oceanica, 

15,000,000 

3,500,000 

16,000,000 

11,000,000 

4,500,000 

50,565,000 

238,782,000 

450,000,000 

57,000,000 

20,925,000 

Northern  Ocean, 
Pacific           " 
Atlantic         " 
Indian            " 
Southern       " 

6,000,000 
77,000,000 
34,000,000 
20,000,000 
13,000,000 

Total, 

50,000,000 

817,271,000 

1 

150,000,000 

THE    UNITED     STATES, 


181 


PUBLIC  LIBRARIES  IN  THE  UNITED   STATES,  ACCORDING   TO  THE 

CENSUS   OF   1850. 


PUBLIC 

UIIBARIG9. 

PUB.    SCHOOL    LIBBAniE3. 

States. 

No. 

Volumes. 

No. 

4 

Volumes. 
740 

Maine 

48 

51,815 

New  Hampsliire, 

27 

20,487 

\  crmoiit,    . 

21 

9,917 

13 

9,100 

Massachusetts, 

78 

199,322 

700 

85,443 

Rhode  Island, 

18 

8,165 

10 

5,064 

Coniiecticut, 

43 

44,273 

1 

300 

New  York, 

355 

168,239 

9,482 

1,186,584 

Xew  Jersey, 

26 

26,571 

6 

2,180 

Pennsylvania, 

111 

149,476 

29 

8,131 

Delaware,  . 

3 

10,350 

Maryland,  . 

10 

44,850 

22 

5,467 

i  Virginia,     . 

23 

43.105 

2 

1,460 

North  Carolina, 

7 

45,252 

South  CaroUaa, 

9 

63,875 

1 

250 

Georgia, 

8 

12,500 

11 

1,800 

Florida,       . 

1 

1,000 

1 

200 

Alabama,    . 

5 

2,048 

30 

1,000 

Mississippi, 

5 

11,264 

102 

3,050 

Louisiana,  . 

7 

12,800 

1 

10,000 

Texas, 

2 

330 

Ohio,  . 

66 

54,858 

3 

1,595 

Indiana, 

63 

46,429 

1 

200 

Illinois, 

32 

32,419 

16 

2,350 

Missouri,     . 

10 

21,950 

4 

6,200 

Arkansas,  . 

1 

52 



Kentucky,  . 

36 

33,316 

1    • 

1,100 

Tennessee, 

13 

6,866 

2 

5,100 

Michigan,  . 

248 

59,819 

124 

31,382 

Iowa, 

1 

1,600 

4 

160 

Wisconsin, 

7 

10,240 

33 
10,605 

2,163 

Total, 

1262 

1,212,858 

1,321,349 

This  list  does  not  include  private,  College,  Church,  or  private  School  Libraries. 


Asia  contains 

Europe 

Africa 

America, 

Oceanica, 

Total,      , 


MORAL  ASPECT   OF   THE   WORLD. 


585,000,000 

235,000,000 

110,000,000 

50,000,000 

20,000,000 

1,000,000,000  _ 


of  which 


C  Heathen,    . 
I   Mahometans, 
1   Jews, 

•^   Romish  Church, 
Greek, 

Protestant  Denomi- 
nations, 


600,000,000 
140,000,000 

10,000,000 
130,000,000 

55,000,000 

65,000,000 


182 


CHRONOLOGICAL    LIST 

OF  THE  OFFICERS  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


FIRST  APMINISTRATION— 1789  TO   1797-8  YEARS, 


George  Washungton, 
John  Adams, 

Thomas  Jefferson, 
Edmund  Randolph, 
Timothy  Pickering, 
Alexander  Hamilton, 
Oliver  Wolcott, 
Henry  Knox, 
Timothy  Pickering 
James  M'Henry, 


John  Adams, 
Thomas  Jefferson, 

Timothy  Pickering, 
John  jNIarshall, 
Oliver  Wolcoti, 
Samuel  Dexter, 
Jnmes  IMTlenry, 
Samuel  Dexter, 
Roger  Griswold, 
George  Cabot, 
Benjamin  Sloddcrt 


Aaron  Burr, 
George  Clinton, 


Virguiia, 
Massachusetts^ 

Virginia, 
do. 

Blassachusetts, 

New  Vork, 

Connecticut, 

Massachusetts, 

do. 
Maryland, 


April  30,  1789.      President. 
do.         1789.      Vice  President. 
Appointed. 
Sept.  26,  1789. 
Jan.      2, 1794. 
Dec.   10,  1795. 
Sept.  11,  1789. 
Feb.     3,  1795. 
Sept.  12,  1789. 
Jan.     2,  1795. 
Jan.   27,  1796. 

SECOND   ADMINISTRATION— 1797  TO  1801-4  YEARS. 
Massachusetts,       March  4,  1797.      President. 
Virginia,  do.        1797. 

Appointed. 
I\Iassachusetts  C continued  in  ojffice.) 
Virginia,  May    13,  1800. 

Connecticut,  (^continued  in  office.) 
]\Iassachusetts,  Dec.  31,  1800. 
]\Iaryland,  (^continued  in  office.) 
Blassachusetts,  May  13,  1800. 
Connecticut,  Feb.     3,  1801. 

Blassachusetts,  'May  3,  1798. 
RIaryland,  May  21,  1798. 

THIRD    ADMINISTRATION— 1801  TO  1809—8  "iTEARS. 
Thomas  Jefferson,        Virginia,  IMarch  4,  1801.      President 

New  York  do.         1801. 

do.  do.         1805. 

Appointed. 
Virginia,  March  5,  1801. 

Massachusetts,  {contiimd  in  office.) 
Pennsylvania,  Jan.  26,  1802. 
Massachusetts,      March  5,  1801. 


Secretaries  of  State. 

Secretaries  of  the 
Treasury. 

Secretaries  of  "War 


Vice  President. 

Secretaries  of  State. 

Secretaries  of  the 
Treasury. 

Secretaries  of  War. 
Secretanes  of  the  Navy. 


Vice  Presidents. 


James  Madison, 
Samuel  Dexter, 
Albert  Gallatin, 
Henry  Dearborn, 
Benjamin  Stoddert, 
Robert  Smith, 


Maryland, 
do. 


(continued  in  office.) 
Jan.    26,  1802. 


Secretary  of  State. 
Secretaries  of  the 

Treasury. 
Secretary  of  War. 

Secretaries  of  the  Navy. 


James  Madison, 
George  Clinton, 
Elbridge  Gerry. 

Robert  Smith 
James  Monroe, 
James  Monroe, 


FOURTH    ADMINISTRATION— 1809  TO  1317- 8  YEARS.       . 
Virginia,  March  4,  1809.      President. 

N.  ¥.,   1809,  {d.  April  20,  1812.)  )  ^-      presidents 

Mass.,    1813,  \d.  Nov.  23,  1S14.)  \  ^^'^  I'-^esidents. 

Appointed. 

Maryland,  March  6,  1809.  ) 

Virginia,  Nov.  25,  1811.  }  Secretaries  of  Stat«. 

do.  Feb.  28,  1815.  ) 


OFFICERS    OF    THE    VNITED    STATES. 


183 


Albert  Gallatin,  Pennsylvania,  (continued  in  office.) 

George  W.  Campbell,  Tennessee,  Feb.     9,  1814. 

Alexander  J.  Dallas,  Pennsylvania,  Oct.      6,  Ibl4. 

William  Eusiis,  Massacluisells,  March  7,  1809. 

John  Armstrong,  New  York,  Jan.    13,  1813. 

James  Monroe,  Virginia,  Sept.  27,  1814. 

William  11.  Crawford,  Georgia,  ]March  2,  1815. 

Paul  Hamilton,  South  Carolina,  March  7,  1809. 

William  Jones,  Pennsylvania,  Jan.    12,  1813. 

B.  W.  Crowninshield,  Ma.ssachusetis,  Dec.  19,  1814. 


Secretaries 

of  the 
Treasury. 

Secretaries  of  War 


Secretaries  of  the  Navy 


FIFTH    AnMINl.STRATION-1817  TO  1825—8  YEARS. 


James  IMonroe, 
Daniel  D.  Tompkins, 


Virginia, 
Newf  York, 


President. 
Vice  President. 


John  Q.  Adams,  INIassachusetts, 

William  H.  Crawford,    Georgia, 


Isaac  Shelby, 
John  C.  Calhoun, 
B.  W.  Crowninshield, 
Smith  Thompson, 
Samuel  L.  Southard, 


John  Q.  Adams, 
John  C.  Calhoun, 

Henry  Clay, 
Ricnard  Rush, 
James  Barbour, 
Peter  B.  Purler, 
Samuel  L.  Southard, 


Kentucky, 
Soutn  Carolina, 


South  Carolina, 

Kentucky, 
Pennsylvania, 
Virginia, 
New  York, 
New  Jersey, 


March  4,  1817. 
do.         1817. 
Appointed. 
March  5,  1817. 
March  5,  1817. 
March  5,  1817. 
Dec.    16,  1817. 
Massachusetts,  {contimml  in  office.) 
New  York,  Nov.  30,  1818. 

New  Jersey,  Dec.     9,  1823. 

SIXTH   ADMINISTRATION— 1825  TO  1829-4  YEARS. 
Massachusetts,      March  4,  1825.      President 
do.        1825. 
Appointed. 
March  8,  1825. 
March  7,  1825. 
do  1825. 

May  26,  1828. 
(continued  in  office.) 


Secretary  of  State. 
Secretary  of  the  Treas 

Secretaries  of  War. 
Secretaries  of  the  Nav^ 


Vice  President. 

Secretary  of  State 
Secretary  of  the  Treas. 

Secretanes  of  War. 

Secretary  of  the  Naw 


SEVENTH  ADMINISTRATION-I829  TO  1837—8  YEARS. 


Andrew  Jackson, 
John  C.  Calhoun, 
Martin  Van  Buren, 
Martin  Van  Buren, 
Edward  Livingston, 
Louis  McLane, 
John  For.syth, 
Samuel  D.  Ingham, 
Louis  McLane, 
Wilham  J.  Duane, 
Roger  B.  Taney, 
Levi  Woodbury, 
John  H.  Eaton, 
Lewis  Cass, 


Tennessee, 

South  Carolina, 

New  York, 

New  York, 

Louisiana, 

Delaware, 

Georgia, 

Pennsylvania, 

Delaware, 

Pennsylvania, 

Maiyland, 

N.  Hampshire, 

Tennessee, 

Michigan, 


March  4,  1829. 
do.  1829. 
do.         1833. 


President. 
Vice  Presidents. 


Benj.  F.  Butler,  («fmig-)New  York, 
John  Branch,  »    North  Carolina 


Levi  Woodbury, 
Mahlon  Dickerson, 
John  ISIcLean, 
William  T.  Barry, 
Amos  Kendall, 


N.  Hampshire, 
New  Jersey, 
Ohio, 
Kentucky, 
Kentucky, 


•  Secretaries  of  State. 


Secretaries  of  the  Treasury. 


Secretaries  of  War. 


Secretaries  of  the  Navy. 


Postmasters  General ;  now  first  con^ 
sidered  as  Cabinet  Officers. 


184 


OFFICERS    OF    THE    UNITED    STATES. 


EIGHTH  ADMINISTRATION— 1837. 


Martin  Van  Buren, 
Richard  M.  Johnson, 
John  Forsyth, 
Levi  Woodburjr, 
Joel  R.  Poinsett, 
Mohlon  Diekerson, 
James  K.  Paulding, 
Amos  Kendall, 
John  M.  Niles, 


New  York,  March  4,  1837. 

Kentucky,  do.  1837. 

Georgia,  {continued  in  office.) 
N.  Hampshire,  {contin'd  in  do.) 
South  Carolina,    March  5,  1837. 
New  Jersey 
New  York, 


President. 
Vice-President. 
Secretary  of  State. 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 
Secretary  of  War. 

Secretaries  of  the  Navy. 


Kentucky,  (continued  in  ojfficc.) 
Connecticut, 


Postmasters  General. 


NINTH  ADMINISTRATION  — 1841 . 


William  Henry  Harrison,  Ohio,  March  4,  1841. 

John  Tyler,  Virginia,  do.         1841. 

Daniel  Welister,  Massachusetts,  March  5,  1841. 

Thomas  Ewing,  Ohio,  do.         1841. 

John  Bell,  Tennessee,  do.         1841. 

George  E.  Badger,  North  Carolina,  do.         1841. 

Francis  Granger,  New  York,  do.         1841. 


President. 
Vice-President. 
Secretary  of  State. 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 
Secretary  of  War. 
Secretary  of  the  Navy. 
Postmaster  General. 


John  Tyler, 
Daniel  Webster, 
Abel  P.  Upshur, 
John  C.  Calhoun, 
Tliomas  Ewing, 
Walter  Forward, 
John  C.  Spencer, 
George  M.  Bibb, 
John  Bell, 
John  C.  Spencer, 
James  M.  Porter, 
William  Wilkins, 
George  E.  Badger, 
Abel  P.  Upshur, 
David  Henshaw, 
G.  W.  Gilmer, 
John  Y.  Mason, 
Hugh  S.  Legare, 
John  Nelson, 
Francis  Granger, 
Charles  A.  Wickliffe, 


TENTH  ADMINISTRATION— 1841. 

Virginia,  April  6,  1841.     President. 

Massachusetts,  {contin'din  office.) 


Virginia 

South  Carolina, 

Ohio, 

Pennsylvania, 

New  York, 

Kentucky, 

Tennessee, 

New  York, 

Pennsylvania, 

Pennsylvania, 

North  Carolina, 

Virginia, 

Massachusetts, 

Virginia, 

Virginia, 

South  Carolina, 

Maryland, 

New  York, 

Kentucky, 


■  Secretaries  of  State. 


j>  Secretaries  of  the  Treasury. 

J 
1 

>  Secretaries  of  War. 

J 
1 

>  Secretaries  of  the  Navy. 


>  Attorneys  General. 

>  Postmasters  General. 


ELEVENTH  ADMINISTRATION— 184 J 


James  Knox  Polk, 
George  M.  Dallas, 
.Tames  Buchanan, 
Robert  J.  Walker, 
William  L.  Marcy, 
George  Bancroft, 
John  Y.  Mason, 
Cave  .Johnson, 
John  Y.  Mason, 
Nathan  Clifford, 
Isaac  Toucey, 


Zachary  Taylor, 
Millard  Fillmore, 
John  M.  Clayton, 
George  W.  Crawford, 
William  M.  Meredith, 
William  B.  Preston, 
Thomas  Ewing, 
Jacob  Collamer, 
Reverdy  Johnson, 


Tennessee, 
Pennsylvania, 

do. 
Mississippi, 
New  York, 
Massachusetts, 
Virginia, 
Tennessee, 
Virginia, 
Maine, 
Connecticut, 


March  4,  1845.     President, 
do.         1845.     Vice-President. 

Secretary  of  State. 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 
Secretary  of  War. 

>  Secretaries  of  the  Navy. 

Postmaster  General. 

>  Attorneys  General. 


TWELFTH  ADMINISTRATION  — 1849. 


Louisiana, 

New  York. 

Delaware, 

Georgia, 

Pennsylvania, 

Virginia, 

Ohio, 

Vermont, 

Maryland, 


March  5,  1849. 
do.         1849. 


President. 
Vice-President. 
Secretary  of  State. 
Secretary  of  War. 
Secretary  of  tiie  Treasury. 
Secretary  of  the  Navy, 
Secretary  of  the  Interior. 
Postmaster  General. 
Attorney  General 


OFFICERS    OF    THE    UNITED    STATES. 


185 


THIRTEENTH  ADMINISTRATION  —  1850 
Millard  Fillmohe,  New  York,         July  10,  1850 


Daniel  Webster, 

Thomiis  Corwin, 

Charles  M.  Conrad, 

William  A.  (iraham, 

Alexander  11.  H.  Stuart,  Virginia, 

Nathan  K.  Hall,        .         New  York, 

John  J.  Crittenden,  .        Kentucky, 


Massachusetts, 
Ohio, 
Louisiana, 
North  Carolina, 


President. 
Vice  President. 
Secretary  of  State. 

••  Treasury. 

"  War. 

"  Navy. 

"  the  Interior- 

Postmaster  General. 
Attorney  General. 


THE 


DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE, 


IN  CONGRESS,  JULY  4TH,  1776. 

THE    UNANIMOUS    DECLARATION    OF   THE   THIRTEEN    UNITED    STATES    OF 

AMERICA. 

When,  in  the  course  of  human  events,  it  hecomes  necessary  for  one  people 
to  dissolve  the  political  bands  which  have  connected  Ihem  with  another,  and 
to  assume,  among  the  powers  of  the  earth,  the  separate  and  equal  station, 
to  which  the  laws  of  nature  and  of  nature's  God  entitle  them,  a  decent 
respect  to  the  opinions  of  mankind  requires,  that  they  should  declare  the 
causes  which  impel  them  to  the  separation. 

We  hold  these  truths  to  be  self-evident — That  all  men  are  created  equal ; 
that  they  are  endowed  by  their  Creator  with  certain  unalienable  rights ; 
that  among  these  are  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness  :  That  to 
secure  these  rights,  governments  are  instituted  among  men,  deriving  their 
just  powers  from  the  consent  of  the  governed ;  that  whenever  any  form  of 
government  becomes  destructive  of  these  ends,  it  is  the  right  of  the  people 
to  alter  or  to  abolish  it,  and  to  institute  new  government,  laying  its  founda- 
tion on  such  principles,  and  organizing  its  powers  in  such  form,  as  to  them 
shall  seem  most  likely  to  effect  their  safety  and  happiness.  Prudence, 
indeed,  will  dictate,  that  governments  long  established  should  not  be 
changed  for  light  and  transient  causes ;  and  accordingly  all  experience  hath 
shown,  that  mankind  are  more  disposed  to  suffer,  while  evils  are  suflferable, 
than  to  right  themselves,  by  abolishing  the  forms  to  which  they  are  accus- 
tomed. But  when  a  long  train  of  abuses  and  usurpations,  pursuing  inva- 
riably the  same  object,  evinces  a  design  to  reduce  them  under  absolute 
despotism,  it  is  their  light,  it  is  their  duty,  to  throw  off"  such  government, 
and  to  pi'ovide  new  guards  for  their  future  security.  Such  has  been  the 
patient  sufferance  of  these  colonies ;  and  such  is  now  the  necessity  which 
constrains  them  to  alter  their  former  systems  of  government.  The  history 
of  the  present  king  of  Great  Britain,  is  a  history  of  repeated  injuries  and 
usurpations,  all  having  in  direct  object  the  establishnioiit  of  an  absolute 
tyraimy  over  these  states.  To  prove  this,  let  facts  be  submitted  to  a 
candid  world. 


190  DECLARATION'     OF     INDEPENDENCE. 

He  has  refused  his  assent  to  laws  the  most  wholesome  and  necessary  for 
the  public  good. 

He  has  forbidden  his  governors  to  pass  laws  of  immediate  and  pressing 
importance,  unless  suspended  in  their  operation  till  his  assent  should  be 
obtained ;  and  when  so  suspended,  he  has  utterly  neglected  to  attend  to 
them.  He  has  refused  to  pass  other  laws  for  the  accommodation  of  large 
districts  of  people,  unless  those  people  would  relinquish  the  right  of 
representation  in  the  legislature — a  right  estimable  to  them,  and  formidable 
to  tyrants  only. 

He  has  called  together  legislative  bodies  at  places  unusual,  uncomfortable, 
and  distant  from  the  repository  of  their  public  records,  for  the  sole  purpose 
of  fatiguing  them  into  compliance  with  his  measures. 

He" has  dissolved  representative  houses  repeatedly,  for  opposing,  with 
manly  firmness,  his  invasions  on  the  rights  of  the  people. 

He  has  refused,  for  a  long  time  after  such  dissolutions,  to  cause  others  to 
be  elected ;  whereby  the  legislative  powers,  incapable  of  annihilation,  have 
returned  to  the  people  at  large,  for  their  exei'cise ;  the  state  remaining,  in 
the  mean  time,  exposed  to  all  the  dangers  of  invasion  from  without,  and 
convulsions  within. 

He  has  endeavored  to  prevent  the  population  of  these  states ;  for  that 
purpose,  obstructing  the  laws  for  naturalization  of  foreigners ;  refusing  to 
pass  others  to  encourage  their  migration  hither,  and  raising  the  conditions 
of  new  appropriations  of  lands. 

He  has  obstructed  the  administration  of  justice,  by  refusing  his  assent  to 
laws  for  establishing  judiciary  powers. 

He  has  made  judges  dependent  on  his  will  alone,  for  the  tenure  of  their 
offices,  and  the  amount  and  payment  of  their  salaries. 

He  has  erected  a  multitude  of  new  offices,  and  sent  hither  swarms  of 
officers,  to  harrass  our  people,  and  eat  out  their  substance. 

He  has  kept  among  us,  in  times  of  peace,  standing  armies,  without  the 
consent  of  our  legislatures. 

He  has  affected  to  render  the  military  independent  of,  and  superior  to, 
the  civil  power. 

He  has  combined  with  others  to  subject  us  to  a  jurisdiction  foreign  to 
our  constitution,  and  unacknowledged  by  our  laws  ;  giving  his  assent  to 
their  acts  of  pretended  legislation  : 

For  quartering  large  bodies  of  armed  troops  among  us : 

For  i)rotecting  them,  by  a  mock  trial,  from  punishment  for  any  murders 
which  they  should  commit  on  the  inhabitants  of  these  states  : 

For  cutting  off  our  trade  with  all  parts  of  the  world  : 

For  imposing  taxes  on  us  without  our  consent : 

For  depriving  us,  in  many  cases,  of  the  benefits  of  trial  by  jury  : 

For  transporting  us  beyond  seas  to  be  tried  for  pretended  oflenses : 

For  abolishing  the  free  system  of  English  laws  in  a  neighboring  province, 
establishing  therein  an  arbitrary  government,  and  enlarging  its  boundaries, 
so  as  to  render  it,  at  once,  an  example  and  fit  instrument  for  introducing 
the  same  absolute  rule  into  these  colonies  : 

For  taking  away  our  charters,  abolishing  our  most  valuable  laws,  and 
altering,  fundamentally,  the  forms  of  our  governments  : 


DECLAllATION     OF     I  X  JJ  K  I'ENU  P:NCE.  191 

For  suspendiiiir  our  own  lei;islat.iires,  and  declaring  themselves  invested 
witli  powor  to  logislate  for  us  in  all  casos  whatsoever. 

He  has  abdicated  government  here,  by  declaring  us  out  of  his  protection, 
and  waging  war  against  us. 

lie  has  [ilundered  our  seas,  ravaged  our  coasts,  burnt  our  towns,  and  de- 
stroyed the  lives  of  our  people. 

He  is,  at  this  time,  transporting  large  armies  of  foreign  mercenaries  to 
complete  the  works  of  death,  desolation,  and  tyranny,  already  begun,  with 
circumstances  of  cruelty  and  perfidy,  scarcely  paralleled  in  the  most  bar- 
barous ages,  and  totally  unworthy  the  head  of  a  civilized  nation. 

He  has  constrained  our  fellow-citizens,  taken  captive  on  the  high  seas,  to 
bear  arms  against  their  country,  to  become  the  executioners  of  their  friends 
and  brethren,  or  to  fall  themselves  by  their  hands. 

He  has  excited  domestic  insurrections  amongst  us,  and  has  endeavored  to 
bring  on  the  inhabitants  of  our  frontiers  the  merciless  Indian  savages,  whose 
known  rule  of  warfare  is  an  undistinguished  destruction  of  all  ages,  sexes 
and  conditions. 

In  every  stage  of  these  oppressions  we  have  petitioned  for  redress,  in  the 
most  humble  terms :  our  repeated  petitions  have  been  answered  only  by 
repeated  injury.  A  prince,  whose  character  is  thus  marked  by  every  act 
Avhich  may  define  a  tyrant,  is  unfit  to  be  the  ruler  of  a  free  people. 

Nor  have  we  been  wanting  in  attention  to  our  British  brethren.  We 
have  warned  them,  from  time  to  time,  of  attempts,  by  their  legislature,  to 
extend  an  unwarrantable  jurisdiction  over  us.  We  have  reminded  them 
of  the  circumstances  of  our  emigration  and  settlement  here.  We  have 
appealed  to  their  native  justice  and  magnanimity,  and  we  have  conjured 
them,  by  the  ties  of  our  common  kindred,  to  disavow  these  usurpations, 
which  would  inevitably  interrupt  our  connections  and  correspondence. 
They,  too,  have  been  deaf  to  the  voice  of  justice,  and  of  consanguinity. 
We  must,  therefore,  acquiesce  in  the  necessity,  which  denounces  our  sepa- 
ration, and  hold  them,  as  we  hold  the  rest  of  mankind,  enemies  in  war, 
in  peace  friends. 

We,  therefore,  the  representatives  of  the  United  States  of  America,  in 
general  congress  assembled,  appealing  to  the  Supreme  Judge  of  the  world, 
for  the  rectitude  of  our  intentions,  do,  in  the  name  and  by  the  authority 
of  the  good  people  of  these  colonies,  solemnly  publish  and  declare  that 
these  united  colonies  are,  and  of  right  ought  to  be,  free  and  independent 
states ;  that  they  are  absolved  from  all  allegiance  to  the  British  crown,  and 
that  all  political  connection  between  them  and  the  state  of  Great  Britain, 
is,  and  ought  to  be,  totally  dissolved ;  and  that  as  free  and  inde])eudent 
states,  they  have  full  power  to  levy  war,  conclude  peace,  contract  alliances, 
establish  commerce,  and  to  do  all  other  acts  and  things,  which  independent 
states  may  of  right  do.  And  for  the  support  of  this  declaration,  with  a 
firm  reliance  on  the  protection  of  Divine  Providence,  we  mutually  pledge 
to  each  other  our  lives,  our  fortunes,  and  our  sacred  honor. 


192                  DECLARATION     OF     INDEPENDENCE. 

The  foregoing  declaration 

was,  by  order  of  Congress,  engrossed,  and 

signed  by  the  following  members  : —                                                                        [! 

JOHN  HANCOCK. 

NEW  HAMPSHIRE.                                                               (| 

JOSIAH    BaRTLETT, 

Matthew  Thornton. 

William  Whipple, 

MASSACHUSETTS  BAY.                                                        il 

Samuel  Adams, 

Robert  Treat  Paine, 

John  Adams, 

Elbridge  Gerry. 

•                                                  RHODE  ISLAND,  &c.                                                             t| 

Stephen  Hopkins, 

William  Ellery. 

CONNECTICUT. 

Roger  Sherman, 

William  Williams, 

Samuel  Huntington 

Oliver  Wolcott. 

NEW  YORK. 

William  Floyd, 

Francis  Lewis, 

Phillip  Livingston, 

Lewis  Morris. 

NEW  JERSEY. 

Richard  Stockton, 

John  Hart, 

John  Witherspoon, 

Abraham  Clark. 

Francis  Hopkinson, 

PENNSYLVANIA.                                                              1| 

Robert  Morris, 

James  Smith, 

Benjamin  Rush, 

George  Taylor, 

Benjamin  Franklin, 

James  Wilson, 

John  Morton, 

George  Ross. 

George  Clymer, 

DELAWARE. 

C^SAR  Rodney, 

Thomas  M'Kean. 

George  Read, 

MARYLAND. 

Samuel  Chase, 

Charles  Carroll, 

William  Paca, 

of  Carrolton. 

Thomas  Stone, 

VIRGINIA. 

George  Wythe, 

Thomas  Nelson,  Jr., 

Richard  Henry  Lee 

,                    Francis  Lightfoot  Lee, 

Thomas  Jefferson, 

Carter  Braxton. 

Benjamin  Harrison, 

NORTH  CAROLINA                                                          || 

William  Hooper, 

John  Penn. 

Joseph  Hewes, 

SOUTH   CAROLINA.                                                             !| 

Edward  Rutledge, 

Thomas  Lynch,  Jr., 

Thomas.  Heyward,  Jr.,                  Arthur  Middleton.                               || 

GEORGIA. 

Button  Gwinnett, 

George  Walton, 

Lyman  Hall, 

CONSTITUTION 

OF   THE 

UNITED   STATES  OF  AMERICA. 


We,  the  people  of  the  United  States,  in  order  to  form  a  more  perfect 
imion,  estabUsh  justice,  insure  domestic  tranquility,  provide  for  the  common 
defense,  promote  the  general  welfare,  and  secure  the  blessings  of _  liberty  to 
ourselves  and  our  posterity,  do  ordain  and  establish  this  Constitution  for  the 
United  States  of  America. 

ARTICLE  I. 

Section  I.  All  legislative  powers  herein  granted,  shall  be  vested  in  a 
congress  of  the  United  States,  which  shall  consist  of  a  senate  and  house 
of  representatives. 

Sect.  II.  The  house  of  representatives  shall  be  composed  of  members 
chosen  every  second  year,  by  the  people  of  the  several  states ;  and  the 
electors  in  each  state  shall  have  the  qualifications  requisite  for  electors  of 
the  most  numerous  branch  of  the  state  legislature. 

No  person  shall  be  a  representative,  who  shall  not  have  attained  to  the 
age  of  twenty-five  years,  and  been  seven  years  a  citizen  of  the  United  States, 
and  who  shall  not,  when  elected,  be  an  inhabitant  of  that  State  in  which 
he  shall  be  chosen. 

Representatives  and  direct  taxes  shall  be  apportioned  among  the  several 
states  which  may  be  included  within  this  union,  according  to  their  re- 
spective numbers,  which  shall  be  determined  by  adding  to  the  whole  number 
of  free  persons,  including  those  bound  to  service  for  a  term  of  years,  and 
excluding  Indians  not  taxed,  three-fifths  of  all  other  persons.  The  actual 
enumeration  shall  be  made  within  three  years  after  the  first  meeting  of  the 
congress  of  the  United  States,  and  within  every  subsequent  term  of  ten 
years,  in  such  manner  as  they  shall  by  law  direct.  The  number  of  repre- 
sentatives shall  not  exceed  one  for  every  thirty  thousand,  but  each  state 
shall  have  at  least  one  representative :  and  until  such  enumeration  shall  be 
made,  the  state  of  New  Hampshire  shall  be  entitled  to  choose  three ;  Mas- 
sachusetts eight ;  Rhode  Island  and  Providence  Plantations  one ;  Connec- 
ticut five  ;  New  York  six  ;  New  Jersey  four  ;  Pennsylvania  eight ;  Delaware 
one ;  Maryland  six ;  Virginia  ten ;  North  Carohna  five  ;  South  Carolina 
five  ;  and  Georgia  three. 


194  CONSTITUTION     OF    THE     UNITED     STATES. 

When  vacancies  happen  in  the  representation  from  any  state,  the  execu- 
tive authority  thereof  shall  issue  Avrits  of  election  to  fill  such  vacancies. 

The  house  of  representatives  shall  choose  their  speaker  and  other  officers  ; 
and  shall  have  the  sole  power  of  impeachment. 

Skct.  III.  The  senate  of  the  United  States  shall  be  composed  of  two 
senators  from  each  state,  chosen  by  the  legislature  thereof,  for  six  years ; 
and  each  senator  shall  have  one  vote. 

Immediately  after  they  shall  be  assembled  in  consequence  of  the  first 
election,  they  shall  be  divided,  as  equally  as  may  be,  into  three  classes. 
The  seats  of  the  senators  of  the  first  class,  shall  be  vacated  at  the  expiration 
of  the  second  year,  of  the  second  class,  at  the  expiration  of  the  fourth  year, 
and  of  the  third  class,  at  the  expiration  of  the  sixth  year,  so  that  one-third 
may  be  chosen  every  second  year  ;  and  if  vacancies  happen  by  resignation 
or  otherwise,  during  the  recess  of  the  legislature  of  any  state,  the  executive 
thereof  may  make  temporary  appointments  until  the  next  meeting  of  the 
legislature,  which  shall  then  fill  such  vacancies. 

No  person  shall  be  a  senator,  who  shall  not  have  attained  to  the  age  of  thirty 
years,  and  been  nine  years  a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  and  who  shall  not, 
when  elected,  be  an  inhabitant  of  that  state  for  which  he  shall  be  chosen. 

The  vice-president, of  the  United  States  shall  be  president  of  the  senate, 
but  shall  have  no  vote,  unless  they  be  equally  divided. 

The  senate  s^all  choose  their  other  officers,  and  also  a  president  pro 
tempore,  in  the  absence  of  the  vice-president,  or  when  he  shall  exercise  the 
office  of  president  of  the  United  States. 

The  senate  shall  have  the  sole  power  to  try  all  impeachments.  When 
sitting  for  that  purpose,  they  shall  be  on  oath  or  affirmation.  When  the 
president  of  the  United  States  is  tried,  the  chief  justice  shall  preside ;  and 
no  person  shall  be  convicted  without  the  concurrence  of  two-thirds  of  the 
members  present. 

Judo-ment,  in  cases  of  impeachment,  shall  not  extend  further  than  to 
removal  from  office,  and  disqualification  to  hold  and  enjoy  any  office  of 
honor,  trust,  or  profit,  under  the  United  States ;  but  the  party  convicted, 
shall,  nevertheless,  be  liable  and  subject  to  indictment,  trial,  judgment,  and 
punishment,  according  to  law. 

Sect.  IV.  The  times,  places,  and  manner  of  holding  elections  for  senators 
and  representatives,  shall  be  prescribed  in  each  state,  by  the  legislature 
thereof;  but  the  congress  may,  at  any  time,  by  law,  make  or  alter  such 
regulations,  except  as  to  the  places  of  choosing  senators. 

The  congress  shall  assemble  at  least  once  in  every  year ;  and  such  meet- 
ing shall  1)6  on  the  first  Monday  in  December,  unless  they  shall  by  law 
appoint  a  different  day. 

Sect.  V.  Each  house  shall  be  the  judge  of  the  elections,  returns,  and 
qualifications,  of  its  own  members ;  and  a  majority  of  each  shall  constitute 
a  quorum  to  do  business ;  but  a  smaller  number  may  adjourn  from  day  to 
day,  and  may  be  authorized  to  compel  the  attendance  of  absent  members, 
in  such  manner,  and  under  such  penalties,  as  each  house  may  provide. 

Each  house  may  detei'mine  the  rules  of  its  proceedings,  punish  its  mem- 
bers for  disorderly  behavior,  and,  with  the  concurrence  of  two-thirds,  expel 
a  member. 


CONSTITUTION    OF    THE     UNITP]D    STATES.  195 

Each  house  shall  keep  a  journal  of  its  proceedings,  and  from  time  to  time 
publish  the  same,  excepting  sucli  parts  as  may,  in  their  judgment,  require 
secrecy :  and  the  ye:is  and  nays  of  the  members  of  either  house  on  auv 
question,  sliall,  at  the  desire  of  one-fifth  of  those  present,  be  entered  oil 
the  journal. 

Neither  house,  during  the  session  of  congress,  shall,  without  the  consent 
of  the  other,  adjourn  for  more  than  three  days,  nor  to  any  other  place  than 
that  in  which  the  two  houses  shall  be  sitting. 

Sect.  VI.  The  senators  and  representatives  shall  receive  a  compensation 
for  their  services,  to  be  ascertained  by  law,  and  paid  out  of  the  treasury  of 
the  United  States.  They  shall,  in  all  cases,  except  treason,  felony  and  breach 
of  the  peace,  be  privileged  from  arrest,  during  their  attendance  at  the  session 
of  their  respective  houses,  and  in  going  to  or  returning  from  the  same  ;  and 
for  any  speech  or  debate  in  either  house,  they  shall  not  be  questioned  in 
any  other  place. 

No  senator  or  representative  shall,  during  the  time  for  which  he  was 
elected,  be  appointed  to  any  civil  office  under  the  authority  of  the  United 
States,  which  shall  have  been  created,  or  the  emoluments  whereof  shall  have 
been  increased,  during  such  time  :  and  no  person  holding  any  office  under 
the  United  States,  shall  be  a  member  of  either  house,  during  his  con- 
tinuance in  office. 

Sect.  VII.  All  bills  for  raising  revenue  shall  originate,  in  the  house  of 
representatives ;  but  the  senate  may  propose  or  concur  with  amendments 
as  on  other  bills. 

Every  bill,  which  shall  have  passed  the  house  of  representatives,  and  the 
senate,  shall,  before  it  become  a  law,  be  presented  to  the  president  of  the 
United  States  ;  if  he  approve,  he  shall  sign  it ;  but  if  not,  he  shall  return  it, 
with  his  objections,  to  that  house  in  which  it  shall  have  originated,  who  shall 
enter  the  objections  at  large  on  their  journal,  and  proceed  to  reconsider  it. 
If,  after  such  reconsideration,  two-thirds  of  that  house  shall  agree  to  pass 
the  bill,  it  shall  be  sent,  together  with  the  objections,  to  the  other  house,  by 
which  it  shall  likewise  be  reconsidered,  and  if  approved  by  two-thirds  of  that 
house,  it  shall  become  a  law.  But  in  all  such  cases,  the  votes  of  both 
houses  shall  be  determined  by  yeas  and  nays  ;  and  the  names  of  the  persons 
voting  for  and  against  the  bill,  shall  be  entered  on  the  journal  of  each  house 
respectively.  If  any  bill  shall  not  be  returned,  by  the  president,  within  ten 
days  (Sundays  excepted)  after  it  shall  have  been  presented  to  him,  the  same 
shall  be  a  law,  in  like  manner  as  if  he  had  signed  it,  unless  the  congress,  by 
their  adjournment,  prevent  its  return ;  in  which  case  it  shall  not  be  a  law. 

Every  order,  resolution,  or  vote,  to  which  the  concurrence  of  the  senate 
and  house  of  representatives  may  be  necessary,  (except  on  the  question  of 
adjournment)  shall  be  presented  to  the  president  of  the  United  States  ;  and 
before  the  same  shall  take  effect,  shall  be  approved  by  him,  or  being  dis- 
approved by  him,  shall  be  re-passed  by  two-thirds  of  the  senate  and  house 
of  representatives,  according  to  the  rules  and  limitations  prescribed  in  the 
case  of  a  bill. 

Sect.  VIII.     The  congress,  shall  have  power — 

To  lay  and  collect  taxes,  duties,  imposts,  and  excises :  to  pay  the  debts, 
and  provide  for  the  common  defense  and  general  welfare  of  the  United 


196  CONSTITUTION     OF    THE     UNITED     STATES. 

States;  but  all  duties,  imposts,  and  excises  shall  be  uniform  throughout 
the  United  States  : 

To  borrow  money  on  the  credit  of  the  United  States  : 

To  regulate  commerce  with  foreign  nations,  and  among  the  several  states, 
and  with  the  Indian  tribes  : 

To  establish  an  uniform  rule  of  naturalization,  and  uniform  laws  on  the 
subject  of  bankruptcies,  throughout  the  United  States  : 

to  coin  money,  regulate  the  value  thereof,  and  of  foreign  coin,  and  fix 
the  standard  of  weights  and  measures  : 

To  provide  for  tlie  punishment  of  counterfeiting  the  securities  and  current 
coin  of  the  United  States  : 

To  establish  post-offices  and  post-roads  : 

To  promote  the  progress  of  science  and  useful  arts,  by  securing,  for 
limited  times,  to  authors  and  inventors,  the  exclusive  right  to  their  respective 
writings  and  discoveries  : 

To  constitute  tribunals  inferior  to  the  supreme  court : 

To  define  and  punish  piracies  and  felonies  committed  on  the  high  seas, 
and  offenses  against  the  law  of  nations  : 

To  declare  war,  grant  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal,  and  make  rules  con- 
cerning captures  on  land  and  water  : 

To  raise  and  support  armies  ;  but  no  appropriation  of  money  to  that  use, 
shall  be  for  a  longer  term  than  two  years : 

To  provide  and  maintain  a  navy  : 

To  make  rules  for  the  government  and  regulation  •  of  the  land  and 
naval  forces  : 

To  provide  for  calling  forth  the  militia  to  execute  the  laws  of  the  union, 
suppress  insurrections,  and  repel  invasions  : 

To  provide  for  organizing,  arming  and  disciplining  the  militia,  and  for 
governing  such  part"  of  them  as  may  be  employed  in  the  service  of  the 
United  States,  reserving  to  the  states,  respectively,  the  appointment  of  the 
officers,  and  the  authority  of  training  the  militia,  according  to  the  disci- 
pline prescribed  by  congress  : 

To  exercise  exclusive  legislation,  in  all  cases  whatsoever,  over  such  district 
(not  exceeding  ten  miles  square)  as  may  by  cession  of  particular  states,  and 
the  acceptance  of  congress,  become  the  seat  of  government  of  the  United 
States,  and  to  exercise  like  authority  over  all  places  purchased  by  the 
consent  of  the  legislature  of  the  state  in  which  the  same  shall  be,  for 
the  erection  of  forts,  magazines,  arsenals,  dock-yards,  and  other  needful 
buildings ; — And 

To  make  all  laws  which  shall  be  necessary  and  proper,  for  carrying  into 
execution  the  foregoing  powers,  and  all  other  powers  vested  by  this  consti- 
tution, in  the  government  of  the  United  States,  or  in  any  department  or 
officer  thereof. 

Sect.  IX.  The  migration  or  importation  of  such  persons  as  any  of  the 
states,  now  existing,  shall  think  proper  to  admit,  shall  not  be  prohibited  by 
the  congress,  prior  to  the  year  one  tliousand  eight  hundred  and  eight ;  but 
a  tax  or  duty  may  be  imposed  on  such  importation  not  exceeding  ten 
dollars  for  each  person. 

The  privilege  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus   shall   not  be  suspended, 


CONSTITUTION     OF    TlIK     UNITED     STATES.  197 

unless  when,  in  cases  of  rebellion  or  inva'^ion,  the  public  safety  may 
require  it. 

No  bill  of  attainder,  or  ex  post  facto  law,  sliall  be  passed. 

No  capitation,  or  other  direct  tax  shall  be  laid,  unless  in  proportion  to 
the  census  or  enuineration  herein  before  directed  to  be  taken. 

No  tax  or  duty  shall  be  laid  on  articles  exported  from  any  state.  No 
preference  shall  be  given,  liy  any  regulation  of  commerce  or  revenue,  to  the 
ports  of  one  state  over  those  o^another;  nor  shall  vessels  bound  to  or  from 
one  state,  be  t)bliged  to  enter,  clear,  or  pay  duties  in  another. 

No  money  shall  be  drawn  from  the  treasury,  but  in  consequence  of  ap- 
propriations made  by  law ;  and  a  regular  statement  and  account  of  the 
receipts  and  expenditures  of  all  public  money,  shall  be  published  from 
time  to  time. 

No  title  of  nobility  shall  be  granted  by  the  United  States  ;  and  no  person 
holding  any  office  of  profit  or  trust  under  them,  shall,  without  the  consent 
of  the  congress,  accept  of  any  present,  emolument,  office,  or  title  of  any  kind 
wdiatever,  from  any  king,  prince,  or  foreign  state. 

Sect.  X.  No  state  shall  enter  into  any  treaty,  alliance,  or  confederation  ; 
grant  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal ;  coin  money ;  emit  bills  of  credit ; 
make  any  thing  but  gold  and  silver  coin  a  tender  in  payment  of  debts  ;  pass 
any  bill  of  attainder,  ex  post  facto  law,  or  law  impairing  the  obligation  of 
contracts  ;  or  grant  any  title  of  nobility. 

No  state  shall,  without  the  consent  ■  of  the  congress,  lay  any  imposts  or 
duties  on  imports  and  e^x])orts,  except  what  may  be  absolutely  necessary  for 
executing  its  inspection  laws  ;  and  the  net  produce  of  all  duties  and  imposts 
laid  by  any  state  on  imports  or  exports,  shall  be  for  the  use  of  the  treasury 
of  the  United  States ;  and  all  such  laws  shall  be  subject  to  the  revision  and 
control  of  the  congress.  No  state  shall,  without  the  consent  of  congress,  lay 
any  duty  of  tonnage,  keep  troops  or  ships  of  war,  in  time  of  peace,  enter 
into  any  agreement  or  compact  with  another  state,  or  with  a  foreign  power, 
or  eno'ao-e'  in  war,  unless  actually  invaded,  or  in  such  imminent  danger 
as  will  not  admit  of  delay. 

ARTICLE  II. 

Section  I.  The  executive  power  shall  be  vested  in  a  President  of  the 
United  States  of  America.  He  shall  hold  his  office  during  the  term  of  four 
years,  and,  together  with  the  vice-president,  chosen  for  the  same  term,  be 
elected  as  follows  : 

Each  state  shall  appoint,  in  such  manner  as  the  legislature  thereof  may 
direct,  a  number  of  electors,  equal  to  the  whole  num'ber  of  senators  and 
representatives  to  which  the  state  may  be  entitled  in  the  congress;  but  no 
senator  or  representative,  or  person  holding  an  office  of  trust  or  profit  under 
the  United  States,  shall  be  appointed  an  elector. 

[Annulled.     See  Amendments,  Art.  12.] 

The  congress  may  determine  the  time  of  choosing  the  electors,  and  the 
day  on  which  they  shall  give  their  votes ;  which  day  shall  be  the  same 
throughout  the  United  States. 

No  person,  except  a  natural  born  citizen,  or  a  citizen  of  the  United  States, 


198  CONSTITUTION     OF    THE     UNITED    STATES. 

at  the  time  of  tlie  adoption  of  this  constitution,  shall  be  eligible  to  the  office 
of  president ;  neither  shall  any  person  be  eligible  to  that  office,  who  shall 
not  have  attained  to  the  age  of  thirty-five  years,  and  been  fourteen  years  a 
resident  within  the  United  States. 

In  case  of  the  removal  of  the  president  from  office,  or  of  his  death,  resig- 
nation, or  inability  to  discharge  the  powers  and  duties  of  the  said  office,  the 
same  shall  devolve  on  the  vice-president ;  and  the  congress  may,  by  law, 
provide  for  the  case  of  removal,  death,  resignation,  or  inability,  both  of  the 
president  and  vice-president,  declaring  what  'officer  shall  then  act  as  presi- 
dent, and  such  officer  shall  act  accordingly,  until  the  disability  be  removed, 
or  a  president  shall  be  elected. 

The  president  shall,  at  stated  times,  receive,  for  his  services,  a  compensa- 
tion, which  shall  neither  be  increased  nor  diminished  during  the  period  for 
which  he  shall  have  been  elected ;  and  he  shall  not  receive,  within  that 
period,  any  other  emolument  from  the  United  States,  or  any  of  them. 

Before  he  enters  on  the  execution  of  his  office,  he  shall  take  the  following 
oath  or  affirmation  : 

"  I  do  solemnly  swear  [or  affirm]  that  I  will  faithfully  execute  the  office 
of  president  of  the  United  States,  and  will,  to  the  best  of  my  ability,  pre- 
serve, protect,  and  defend  the  constitution  of  the  United  States." 

Sect.  II.  The  president  shall  be  commander-in-chief  of  the  army  and 
navy  of  the  United  States,  and  of  the  militia  of  the  several  states,  when 
called  into  the  actual  service  of  the  United  States ;  he  may  require  the 
opinion  in  writing  of  the  principal  officer  in  each  of  the  executive  depart- 
ments, upon  any  subject  relating  to  the  duties  of  their  respective  offices ; 
and  he  shall  have  power  to  grant  reprieves  and  pardons  for  offenses  against 
the  United  States,  except  in  cases  of  impeachment. 

He  shall  have  power,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  senate, 
to  make  treaties,  provided  two-thirds  of  the  senators  present,  concur ;  and 
he  shall  nominate,  and  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  senate, 
shall  appoint,  ambassadors,  other  public  ministers,  and  consuls,  judges  of  the 
supreme  court,  and  all  other  officei-s  of  the  United  States,  whose  appoint- 
ments are  not  herein  otherwise  provided  for,  and  which  shall  be  established 
by  law.  But  the  congress  may,  by  law,  vest  the  appointment  of  such  in- 
ferior officers  as  they  think  proper,  in  the  president  alone,  in  the  courts 
of  law,  or  in  the  heads  of  departments. 

The  president  shall  have  power  to  fill  up  all  vacancies  that  may  happen 
during  the  recess  of  the  senate,  by  granting  commissions  which  shall  expire 
at  the  end  of  their  next  session. 

Sect.  III.  He  shall,  from  time  to  time,  give  to  the  congress,  information 
of  the  state  of  the  union,  and  recommend  to  their  consideration  such 
measures  as  he  shall  judge  necessary  and  expedient ;  he  may,  on  extraordi- 
nary occasions,  convene  both  houses,  or  either  of  them,  and  in  case  of 
disagreement  between  them,  with  respect  to  the  time  of  adjournment, 
he  may  adjourn  them  to  such  time  as  he  shall  think  proper ;  he  shall 
receive  ambassadors,  and  other  public  ministere :  he  shall  take  care  that 
the  laws  be  faithfully  executed ;  and  shall  commission  all  the  officers  of 
the  United  States. 

Sect.  IV.     The  president,  vice-president,  and   all   civil  officers  of  the 


CONSTITUTION     OF    THE    UNITED    STATES.  199 

United  State's,  shall  be  removed  from  office  on  inipcaclimont  for,  and  con- 
viction of,  treason,  bribery,  or  other  high  crimes  and  misdemeanors. 

ARTICLE  III. 

Section  I.  The  judicial  power  of  the  United  States  shall  be  vested  in 
one  supreme  court,  and  in  such  inferior  courts  as  the  congress  may,  from 
time  to  time,  ordain  and  establish.  The  judges,  both  of  the  supreme  and 
inferior  courts,  shall  hold  their  offices  during  good  behavior,  and  shall,  at 
stilted  times,  receive,  for  their  services,  a  compensation,  which  shall  not  be 
diminished  during  their  continuance  in  office. 

Sect.  II.  The  judicial  power  shall  extend  to  all  ca'^es  in  law  and  equity 
arising  under  this  constitution,  the  laws  of  the  United  States,  and  treaties 
made,  or  which  shall  be  made,  under  their  authority ;  to  all  cases  affecting 
ambassadors,  other  ]>ublic  ministers  and  consuls ;  to  all  cfises  of  admiralty 
and  maritime  jurisdiction  ;  to  controversies  to  which  the  United  States  shall 
be  a  party ;  to  controversies  between  two  or  more  states,  between  a  state 
and  citizens  of  another  state,  between  citizens  of  different  states,  between 
citizens  of  the  same  state  claiming  lands  under  grants  of  different  states, 
and  between  a  state  or  the  citizens  thereof,  and  foreign  states,  citizens, 
or  subjects. 

In  all  cases  affecting  ambassadors,  other  public  ministers  and  consuls,  and 
those  in  which  a  state  shall  be  a  party,  the  supreme  court  shall  have  original 
jurisdiction.  In  all  the  other  cases  before  mentioned,  the  supreme  court 
shall  have  appellate  jurisdiction,  both  as  to  law  and  fact,  with  such  excep- 
tions and  under  such  regulations  as  the  congress  shall  make. 

The  trial  of  all  crimes,  except  in  eases  of  impeachment,  shall  be  by  jury ; 
and  such  trial  shall  be  held  in  the  state  where  the  said  crimes  shall  have 
been  committed  ;  but  when  not  committed  within  any  state,  the  trial  shall  be 
at  such  place  or  places  as  the  congress  may  by  law  have  directed. 

Sect.  III.  Treason  against  the  United  States  shall  consist  only  in  levy- 
ing war  against  them,  or  in  adhering  to  their  enemies,  giving  them  aid  and 
comfort.  No  person  shall  be  convicted  of  treason,  unless  on  the  testimony 
of  two  witnesses  to  the  same  overt  act,  or  on  confession  in  open  court. 

The  congress  shall  have  power  to  declare  the  punishment  of  treason ;  but 
no  attainder  of  treason  shall  work  corruption  of  blood,  or  forfeiture,  except 
during  the  Ufe  of  the  person  attainted. 

ARTICLE  IV. 

Section  I.  Full  faith  and  credit  shall  be  given,  in  each  state,  to  the 
pubhc  acts,  records,  and  judicial  proceedings  of  every  other  state.  And  the 
congress  may,  by  general  laws,  prescribe  the  manner  in  which  such  acts, 
records,  and  proceedings,  shall  be  proved,  and  the  effect  thereof. 

Sect.  II.  The  citizens  of  each  state  shall  be  entitled  to  all  privileges 
and  immunities  of  citizens  in  the  several  states. 

A  person  charged  in  any  state  with  treason,  felony,  or  other  crime,  who 
shall  flee  from  justice,  and  be  found  in  another  state,  shall,  on  demand  of 
the  executive  authority  of  the  state  from  which  he  fled,  be  delivered  up,  to 
be  removed  to  the  state  having  jurisdiction  of  the  crime. 


200  COXSTITUTION     OF     THE     UNITED     STATES. 

No  person  held  to  service  or  labor  iu  one  state,  under  tlie  laws  thereof, 
escaping-  into  another,  shall,  in  consequence  of  any  law  or  regulation  therein, 
be  discharged  from  such  service  or  labor ;  but  shall  be  delivei'ed  up,  on 
claim  of  the  party  to  whom  such  service  or  labor  may  be  due. 

Sect.  III.  New  states  may  be  admitted  by  the  congTess  into  this  union; 
but  no  new  state  shall  be  formed  or  erected  within  the  jurisdiction  of  any 
other  state,  nor  any  state  be  formed  by  the  junction  of  two  or  more  states, 
or  parts  of  states,  without  the  consent  of  the  legislatures  of  the  states  con- 
cerned, as  well  as  of  the  congress. 

The  congress  shall  have  power  to  dispose  of,  and  make  all  needful  rules 
and  regulations  respecting  the  territory  or  other  property  belonging  to  the 
United  States ;  and  nothing  in  this  constitution  shall  be  so  construed  as  to 
prejudice  any  claims  of  the  United  States,  or  of  any  particular  state. 

Sect.  IV.  The  United  States  shall  guaranty  to  every  state  in  this  union 
a  repubhcan  form  of  government,  and  shall  protect  each  of  them  against 
invasion ;  and,  on  application  of  the  legislature,  or  of  the  executive,  (when 
the  legislature  can  not  be  convened,)  against  domestic  violence. 

ARTICLE  V= 

The  congress,  whenever  two-thirds  of  both  houses  shall  deem  it  necessary, 
shall  propose  amendments  to  this  constitution ;  or,  on  the  application  of  the 
legislatures  of  two-thirds  of  the  several  states,  shall  call  a  convention  for 
jn'oposing  amendments,  which,  in  either  case,  shall  be  valid,  to  all  intents 
and  purposes,  as  part  of  this  constitution,  when  ratified  by  the  legislatures 
of  three-fouilhs  of  the  several  states,  or  by  conventions  in  three-fourths 
thereof,  as  the  one  or  the  other  mode  of  ratification  may  be  proposed  by 
the  congress ;  provided,  that  uo  amendment  which  may  be  made  prior 
to  the  year  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  eight,  shall,  in  any  manner, 
affect  the  first  and  fourth  clauses  in  the  ninth  section  of  the  first  article : 
and  that  no  state,  without  its  consent,  shall  be  deprived  of  its  equal  sufirage 
in  the  senate. 

ARTICLE  VI. 

All  debts  contracted  and  engagements  entered  into,  before  the  adoption 
of  this  constitution,  shall  be  as  v^^lid  against  the  United  States  under  this 
constitution,  as  under  the  confederation. 

This  constitution,  and  the  laws  of  the  United  States  which  shall  be  made 
in  pursuance  thereof,  and  all  treaties  made,  or  which  shall  be  made,  under 
the  authority  of  the  United  States,  shall  be  the  supreme  law  of  the  land; 
and  the  judges  in  every  state  shall  be  bound  thereby ;  any  thing  in  the 
constitution,  or  laws  of  any  state,  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding. 

The  senators  and  representatives  before  mentioned,  and  the  members 
of  the  several  state  legislatures,  and  all  executive  and  judicial  officers, 
both  of  the  United  States  and  of  the  several  states,  shall  be  bound  by 
oath,  or  affirmation,  to  support  this  constitution :  but  no  religious  test 
shall  ever  be  required  as  a  qualification  to  any  office,  or  public  trust, 
under  the  United  States. 


CONSTITUTION    OF     THE     UNITED    STATES.  201 


ARTICLE  VII. 

The  ratification  of  tlie  conventions  of  nine  states  shall  be  sufficient 
for  the  establishment  of  this  constitutioa  between  the  states  so  ratifying 
the  same. 

Done  in  convention,  by  the  unanimous  consent  of  tlic  states  present,  the 
seventeenth  day  of  September,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand 
seven  hundred  and  eiglity-seven,  and  of  the  independence  of  the  United 
States  of  America,  the  twelfth.  In  witness  whereof,  we  have  hereunto 
subscribed  our  names. 

GEORGE  WASHINGTON, 
President  and  Deputy  from  Virginia. 

NEW  HAMPSHIRE. 
John  Langdon,  Nicholas  Gilman. 

MASSACHUSETTS. 
Nathaniel  Gorham,  Rufcts  Kino. 

CONNECTICUT. 
William  Samuel  Johnson,  Roger  Sherman. 

NEW  YORK. 
Alexander  Hamilton. 

NEW  JERSEY. 
William  Livingston,  William  Paterson, 

David  Brearley,  Jonathan  Dayton. 

PENNSYLVANIA. 
Benjamin  Franklin,  Thomas  Fitzsimons, 

Thomas  Mifflin,  Jared  Ingersoll, 

Robert  Morris,  James  Wilson, 

George  Clymer,  Governeur  Morris. 

DELAWARE. 

George  Read,  Richard  Bassett, 

Gunning  Bedford,  Jun.,  Jacob  Broom. 

John  Dickinson, 

MARYLAND. 
James  M'Henry,  Daniel  Carroll. 

Daniel  of  St.  Tho.  Jenifer, 

VIRGINIA. 
John  Blair,  James  Madison,  Je. 


202  CONSTITUTION     OF    THE     UNITED    STATES 


NORTH  CAROLINA. 
"William  Blount,  Hugh  Williamson. 

Richard  Dobbs  Spaight, 

SOUTH  CAROLINA. 
John  Rutledge,  Charles  Pincknet, 

Charles  Cotesworth  Pincknet,  Pierce  Butler. 

GEORGIA. 
William  Fett.  Abraham  Baldwin. 

Attest:  William  Jackson,  Secretary. 


ARTICLES, 

IN    ADDITION    TO,    AND    AMENDMENT    OF,    THE    CONSTITUTION    OF   THE 
UNITED    STATES    OF    AMERICA, 

Proposed  by  Congress,  and  ratified  by  the  Legislatures  of  the  several  States,  pursuant 
to  tlie  fifth  article  of  the  original  Constitution. 

ARTICLE  I. 

Congress  shall  make  no  law  respecting  an  establishment  of  religion,  or 
prohibfting  the  free  exercise  thereof ;  or  abridging  the  freedom  of  speech, 
or  of  the  press ;  or  the  riglit  of  the  peo})le  peaceably  to  assemble,  and  to 
petition  the  government  for  a  redress  of  grievances. 

ARTICLE  II. 

A  well  regulated  militia  being  necessary  to  the  security  of  a  free  state, 
the  right  of  the  people  to  keep  and  bear  arms  shall  not  be  infringed. 

ARTICLE  in. 

No  soldier  shall,  in  time  of  peace,  be  quartered  in  any  house,  without  the 
consent  of  the  owner ;  nor  in  time  of  wai-,  but  in  a  manner  to  be  prescribed 
by  law. 

ARTICLE  IV. 

The  right  of  the  people  to  be  secure  in  their  persons,  houses,  papers,  and 
effects,  against  unreasonable  searches  and  seizures,  shall  not  be  violated ; 
and  no  warrants  shall  issue,  but  upon  probable  cause  ;  supported  by  oath  or 
affirmation,  and  particularly  describing  the  place  to  be  searched,  and  the 
persons  or  things  to  be  seized. 

ARTICLE  V. 

No  person  shall  be  held  to  answer  for  a  capital,  or  otherwise  infamous 
crime,  unless  on  a  presentment  or  indictment  of  a  grand  jury,  except  in 
cases  arising  in  the  land  or  naval  forces,  or  in  the  militia,  when  in  actual 
service,  in  time  of  war  or  pubHc  danger ;  nor  shall  any  person  be  subject, 
for  the  same  offense,  to  be  twice  put  in  jeopardy  of  life  or  limb ;  nor  shall 
be  compelled,  in  any  criminal  case,  to  be  a  witness  against  hinisclt,  nor  be 
deprived  of  life,  liberty,  or  property,  without  due  process  of  law ;  nor  shall 
private  property  be  taken  for  public  use,  without  just  compensation. 


204  CONSTITUTION    OF    THE     UNITED    STATES. 


ARTICLE  VI. 

In  all  criminal  prosecutions,  the  accused  shall  enjoy  the  right  to  a  speedy 
and  public  trial,  by  an  impartial  jury  of  the  state  and  district  wherein  the 
crime  shall  have  been  committed,  which  district  shall  have  been  previously 
ascertained  by  law,  and  to  be  informed  of  the  nature  and  cause  of  the  accu- 
sation ;  to  be  confronted  with  the  witnesses  against  him ;  to  have  com- 
pulsory process  for  obtaining  witnesses  in  his  favor ;  and  to  have  the 
assistance  of  counsel  for  his  defense. 

ARTICLE  Vn. 

In  suits  at  common  law,  where  the  value  in  controversy  shall  exceed 
twenty  dollars,  the  right  of  trial  by  jury  shall  be  preserved ;  and  no  fact 
tried  by  a  jury  shall  be  otherwise  re-examined  in  any  com-t  of  the  United 
States,  than  according  to  the  rules  of  the  common  law. 

ARTICLE  Vm. 

Excessive  bail  shall  not  be  required,  nor  excessive  fines  imposed,  nor  cruel 
and  unusual  punishments  inflicted. 

ARTICLE  IX. 

The  enumeration  in  the  constitution  of  certain  rights,  shall  not  be  con- 
strued to  deny  or  disparage  others  retained  by  the  people. 

ARTICLE  X. 

The  powers  not  delegated  to  the  United  States  by  the  constitution,  nor 
prohibited  by.it  to  the  states,  are  reserved  to  the  states  respectively,  or 
to  the  people. 

ARTICLE  XL 

The  judicial  power  of  the  United  States  shall  not  be  construed  to  extend 
to  any  suit  in  law  or  equity,  commenced  or  prosecuted  against  one  of  the 
United  States,  by  citizens  of  another  state,  or  by  citizens  or  subjects  of  any 
foreign  state. 

ARTICLE  XIL 

The  electors  shall  meet  in  their  respective  states,  and  vote  by  ballot  for 
president  and  \'ice-president,  one  of  whom,  at  least,  shall  not  be  an  inhab- 
itant of  the  same  state  with  themselves ;  they  shall  name  in  their  ballots 
the  person  voted  for  as  president,  and  in  distinct  ballots  the  person  voted 
for  as  vice-president ;  and  they  shall  make  distinct  lists  of  all  persons  voted 
for  as  president ;  and  of  all  persons  voted  for  as  vice-president,  and  of  the 
number  of  votes  for  each,  which  lists  they  shall  sign  and  certify,  and 
transmit  sealed  to  the  seat  of  the  government  of  the  United  States,  directed 
to  the  president  of  the  senate ;  the  president  of  the  senate  shall,  in  the 


CONSTITUTION     OF    THE     UNITED     STATES.  205 

presence  of  the  senate  and  house  of  representatives,  open  all  the  certificates, 
and  the  votes  shall  then  be  counted  :  the  person  haviiijf  the  ji^reatest  number 
of  votes  for  president,  shall  be  the  president,  if  such  number  be  a  majority 
of  the  whole  number  of  electors  appointed;  and  if  no  person  have  such 
majority,  then  from  the  persons  having  the  highest  numbers,  not  exceeding 
three,  on  the  list  of  those  voted  for  as  president,  the  house  of  representatives 
shall  choose  immediately,  by  ballot,  the  president.  But  in  choosing  the 
president,  the  votes  shall  be  taken  by  states,  the  representation  from  each 
state  having  one  vote  :  a  quorum  for  tliis  purpose  shall  consist  of  a  member 
or  members  from  two-thirds  of  the  states,  and  a  majority  of  all  the  states 
shall  be  necessary  to  a  choice.  And  if  the  house  of  representatives  shall 
not  choose  a  president,  whenever  the  right  of  choice  shall  devolve  upon 
them,  before  the  fourth  day  of  March  next  following,  then  the  vice-president 
shall  act  as  president,  as  in  the  case  of  the  death,  or  other  constitutional 
disability,  of  the  president. 

The  person  having  the  greatest  number  of  votes  as  vice-president,  shall 
be  the  vice-president,  if  such  number  be  a  majority  of  the  whole  number 
of  electors  appointed ;  and  if  no  person  have  a  majority,  then  from  the  two 
highest  numbers  on  the  list,  the  senate  shall  choose  the  vice-president :  a 
quorum  for  the  purpose  shall  consist  of  two-thirds  of  the  whole  number  of 
senators,  and  a  majority  of  the  whole  number  shall  be  necessary  to  a  choice. 

But  no  person  constitutionally  ineligible  to  the  office  of  president,  shall 
be  eligible  to  that  of  vice-president  of  the  United  States. 


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